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(delwedd B6883) (tudalen clawr)
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AN
INTRODUCTION
TO
EARLY WELSH
BY
THE LATE JOHN STRACHAN, LL.D.,
Professor of Greek and Lecturer in Celtic in the University of Manchester
MANCHESTER
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 1909
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(delwedd B6883b) (tudalen 00_i)
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PUBLICATIONS
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER
CELTIC
SERIES No. I.
An
Introduction to Early Welsh
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(delwedd B6884) (tudalen 00_ii)
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SHERRATT & HUGHES
Publishers to the Victoria University of Manchester Manchester: 34 Cross
Street London: 33 Soho Square W.
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(delwedd B6885) (tudalen 00_iii)
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AN
INTRODUCTION
TO
EARLY WELSH
BY
THE LATE JOHN STRACHAN, LL.D.,
Professor of Greek and Lecturer in Celtic in the University of Manchester
MANCHESTER
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 1909
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(delwedd B6886) (tudalen 00_iv)
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UNIVERSITY
OF MANCHESTER PUBLICATIONS No. XL.
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(delwedd B6887) (tudalen 00_v)
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PREFACE
THIS book is the outcome of the courses of lectures on Welsh grammar and
literature given by the late Pro- fessor Strachan at the University of
Manchester during the sessions 1905-6 and 1906-7. Indeed, the Grammar is in
the main an expansion of notes made for these lectures. For the numerous
quotations from early Welsh literature contained in the Grammar, as well as
for the Reader, Strachan made use not only of published texts, notably those
edited by Sir John Rhys and Dr. J. Gwenogvryn Evans, but also of photographs
specially taken for the purpose, and of advance proofs of the edition of the
White Book and of the photographic facsimile of the Black Book of Chirk,
about to be published by Dr. Evans, both of which were lent by him to
Strachan. The Reader includes Middle Welsh Texts selected as likely to be of
most value for illustration or of special interest. The very valuable work
done by Dr. Evans in relation to these texts was of the greatest assistance
to Professor Strachan, and as an expression of gratitude for the help thus
given, as well as in recognition of the services rendered to Welsh
scholarship by Dr. Evans, it was the intention of the author to dedicate his
book to him. The idea of working up his notes into a book that might serve as
an introduction to the study of older Welsh seems first to have occurred to
Strachan in the spring of 1907. On the fifth of April he wrote to Mr. R. I.
Best, the Secretary of the School of Irish Learning in Dublin: " I have
been thinking of drawing up a little primer of Early Welsh. With that the
language of Middle- Welsh prose should be child's play
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(delwedd B6888) (tudalen 00_vi)
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vi
PREFACE
to learn. However, that may or may not come off." And to his old friend
Dr. P. Giles of Emmanuel College, Cambridge, he wrote on the same day: "
I think I must draw up and print outlines of Middle- Welsh grammar. I cannot
well teach without some book, and the beginner is lost in the wilderness of
the Grammatica Celtica." His original intention evidently was to publish
a mere sketch of the grammar, somewhat like his Old-Irish Paradigms. But at
the suggestion of his friend and colleague, Professor T. F. Tout, he decided
to expand the Grammar on the larger and fuller lines of the present volume.
At the same time the plan of adding a Reader of excerpts from mediaeval Welsh
literature took concrete shape in the course of conversations and
correspondence with Dr. Evans. On both these tasks he began to work during
the Summer Term of 1907. With what amazing rapidity he must have toiled to
have all but completed the work by the end of the following August! Giving up
a visit to Germany to which he had long been looking forward, he devoted the
whole long vacation to the preparation and printing of his book. At the
moment of his death, on the 25th of September, both the Grammar and Reader
were in type, and he had read a first, and in some cases a second, proof.
Writing to Professor Thurneysen a week before his death, he says that he had
then only the notes and vocabulary to add.
After Professor Strachan's death, at the request of the Publications
Committee of the Manchester University, Professor Kuno Meyer of the
University of Liverpool kindly undertook the task of reading final proofs of
the Grammar and Reader, and of adding a Glossary, an Index and a list of contents.
In this task, which involved very considerable labour, he obtained the
assistance of Mr. Timothy Lewis, who had worked for two years under Professor
Strachan, and who returned
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(delwedd B6889) (tudalen 00_vii)
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PREFACE
vii
from Berlin whither he had gone to continue his studies with Professor
Zimmer, and devoted the winter to help with the completion of the book. Mr.
Lewis verified the quotations in the Grammar where this was possible; drew up
the Glossary, prepared the Index, and revised proofs. An old student of
Professor Meyer's, the Rev. Owen Eilian Owen, placed his collection of Old
and Middle- Welsh words at his disposal for the elucidation of rare and
difficult vocables, while both Mr. Owen and Mr. J. Glyn Davies read proofs of
the whole book, many valuable suggestions being due to them. But Professor
Meyer and Mr. Lewis are solely responsible for the Glossary.
There can be no doubt that if Strachan had lived to complete the book
himself, he would have made alterations and additions in several places both
in the Grammar and Reader, and would have still further normalised the
spelling in his critical versions of sections IV. and V. in the Reader. It
will be observed that his treatment of the texts varies greatly. Except in
the sections just mentioned, he does not seem to have aimed so much at the
construction of a critical text as at the presentation of a clear, precise,
and intelligible version, which would at the same time serve to introduce the
student to the characteristic features of Middle Welsh orthography. In the
Corrigenda some necessary emendations 1 have been indicated by Professor
Meyer
1. From a collation of the poems printed from the Red Book with the original,
it appears that the following corrections should be made:
P. 233, 1. 4, for dOg read dOwg
ib., 1. 19, for aghaeat read agkaeat P. 235, 1. 29. for gOawr raidgOaOr P.
236, 1. 2, for can read kan P. 237, 1. 22, for uvulldaOt read uvulltaOt P. 238,
1. 9, for dyrnaOt read dyrnnaOt
ib,, 1. 11, for diffirth read diffyrth
ib., 1. 18, for vedissyawt read vedyssyaOt
ib. , 1. 20, for adueil read atueil
Vlll
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(delwedd B6890) (tudalen 00_viii)
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PREFACE
who has also added some further variants (marked a, b, &c.) in the
foot-notes.
Strachan had left behind no material for the Glossary except a first rough
list of words. In drawing it up use was made of a letter to Thurneysen, in
which he expressed his intention to arrange the words according to their
actual sounds. His only doubts were about the phonetic value of final c, t,
p. On this point he wrote: " Of course final b is common, also certain
of my texts write d for d. But none of them have g for final g." In
accordance with modern pronunciation, Professor Meyer considered it desirable
to substitute the letter g, though the period at which final c became voiced
has not yet been established.
No notes to the texts were found among Strachan 's papers. He had brought
back from Peniarth, from MSS. No. 22, 44, 45, and 46, a large number of
variants to the Story of Lear and that of Arthur, which he would no doubt
have used for his notes. Those to Lear have been printed in an Appendix; but
the Peniarth versions of Arthur seem to differ so much from those of the Red
Book and the Additional MS. 19,709 that they would have to be printed in
full.
Since the great work of Zeuss, this is the first attempt to write a grammar
of Early Welsh on historical principles. It was the hope of the author
expressed in letters to friends that his work would stir up Welsh scholars to
investigate more thoroughly than they have done hitherto the history of their
language. But no one was more conscious of the gaps still left by his work
than Strachan himself. " It is only a beginning," he wrote to
Thurneysen. " I hope people will make some allowance for the
difficulties of the work and the scanty amount of trustworthy material. One
is continually finding out something new." References to the need of
further investigation will be found in many places throughout the Grammar.
His own discoveries
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(delwedd B6891) (tudalen 00_ix)
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PREFACE
ix
of the functions of ry, of the relative forms of the verb, and his account of
the uses of the verbal prefixes a and y3 point out the way to future
investigators in this neglected field of research. To these discoveries he
was led by his unrivalled knowledge of Irish grammar, so intimately connected
in its origins with that of Welsh that he believed no true progress possible
without their parallel study. " It is absurd to think," he once
wrote to Mr. Best, " that either branch of Celtic can be satisfactorily
studied apart from the other;" and to Mr. Giles: "Without the
knowledge of Irish early Welsh grammar is rather like a book sealed with
seven seals."
The circumstances under which this book has been produced having been thus
indicated, it remains to express acknowledgement of the work of the scholars
who have contributed towards the result: first to those whose assistance to
Professor Strachan in his lifetime he would specially have desired to
recognise; in particular to Dr. Evans who furnished the editions both
published and unpublished of the Welsh texts which were used in compiling the
Reader; to the late Mr. Wynne of Peniarth who freely gave access to the MSS.
in his possession; and to Sir John Rhys (joint editor of the Red Book and of
other texts) and to the Fellows of Jesus College, Oxford, who afforded every
facility in their power; secondly to those who since the author's death have
enabled his work to be presented to the public, especially to Professor Tout
who initiated the idea of preparing the book for publication and undertook
the arrangements for it; to Professor Kuno Meyer, whose long and intimate
association with Strachan in his Celtic studies specially fitted him to
undertake the duty of revising the whole work and seeing it through the
press; to Mr. Lewis in assisting Professor Meyer particularly in the
preparation
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(delwedd B6891b) (tudalen 00_x)
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PREFACE
of the Glossary; and to Mr. O. Eilian Owen and Mr. J. Glyn Davies for their help in reading proofs. The title of the book was chosen by Strachan himself.
It has been the earnest wish of those who have taken part in preparing this work for publication that it should appear in a form worthy of the reputation and memory of the distinguished scholar whose career was cut short so sadly in the midst of his full literary activity, and that the results of his devoted labours and profound learning should not be lost to students of the Welsh language.
February, 1909.
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(delwedd B6891c) (tudalen 00_xi)
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface
List of Abbreviations
GRAMMAR
The numbers refer to the paragraphs.
Sounds and sound changes 1—22.
PAGE
Vowels and diphthongs ; vowel quantity 2 ; accented
vowels 2A ; unaccented 2A; consonants classified 3 ;
orthographical variations 3 ; accent 4 ; changes of
vowels
5 ; changes of vowels due to i vowel preserved 6 ;
changes due to a lost vowel 7 ; vowel variation due
to
accent S ; prothetic vowel 9 ; epenthetic vowel 10 ;
consonantal changes 1 r •
sound changes within the
sentence 12 ; table of consonant mutations 13 ;
vocalic
mutation or lenation 14 ; general exceptions to
rules of
lenation 15 ; lenation of noun and adjective 16 ;
lenation
of pronoun 17 ; lenation of verb 18; nasal mutation
19-20 ; spirant mutation 21 ; h in sentence
construction 22.
The Article 23-24.
The Noun 25-29.
Numbers and cases 25 ; syntax of the cases 26 ;
formation
of plural 27-28; collective nouns 29.
The Adjective 30—39.
Gender 30 ; formation of plural 31 ; concord 32 ;
number
33 ; order in sentence 34 ; predicative noun and
adjective
with yn 35 ; adjectival phrases 36; companson 37 ;
construction of comparative and superlative 38; the
equauve 39.
The Adverb 40.
The Numerals 41—44.
Cardinals and ordinals ;
syntax of cardinals and
ordinals 42 ; distributives 43 ; multiplicatives 44.
The Pronoun 45—90.
independent pron. 45—47 ;
Personal pron. 45—51 ;
infixed pron. 48—51 ; pron. with preposition 52—54 ;
possessive pron. 55-56; possessive adjs. 57—59 ;
kun,
hunan etc. 60 ; demons. pron. 61-62 ; article +
substan-
tive + adverb 63 ; indefinite prons. and adjs. 64—72
;
substantives in a pronominal function 7 3—78 ;
interrog.
prons. 79—81 ; relat. prons. 82— 89 ; expression Of
case
in the relative 86—89 ; substitutes for the relative
90.
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(delwedd B6892) (tudalen 00_xii)
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xii CONTENTS
Pre verbal particles 91 97.
The particle yd 91 94; the particle ry 95 97. The Verb 98161.
Conjugation of the verb 98126: verbal classes 98;
voice 99; number 100-101; person 102-3.
The moods 104; the indicative 105 109; present 106;
imperfect 107; preterite 108; pluperfect 109.
The subjunctive no 114: formation of subj. no;
tenses in; usages of subj. 112 114.
The imperative 115.
The participle passive medic 116; verbal \x\-adwy 117.
The verbal noun: for mation of 118-119; usage 120 126.
Paradigm of the regular verb 127 139: types 127; pres.
and fut. indie. 128 130; imperf. indie, and conditional
131; pret. and perf. indie, act. 132; pret. and perf. indie.
pass. 134; plupf. indie. 135 136; imperat. 137; pres.
subjunctive 138; past subj. 139.
Irregular verbs: my net 140; dyvot 141; gwneuthur 142;
gwybot 143; adnabot 144; caffel 145; rodi 146; tawr 147;
moes 148; hwde 149; med 150; heb 151.
The substantive verb: paradigm 152; remarks on subst.
vb. 154; on copula 155 158; position of copula 159.
Compounds of bot 160-161. The Preposition 162 197. The Conjunction 198 234.
Negative particles 235 238. Interrogative particles 239 240. Responsive
particles 240 241. The Interjection 243 244.
READER
PAGE
I. Lear and his Daughters - 139
From Ystorya Brenhined y Brytanyeit, printed in
Red Book of Hergest, ed. J. Rhsand J. G. Evans, vol. ii,
pp. 64 69. The variants are from Brit. Mus. MSS. Add.
19,709.
II. The Story of Arthur - - 145
From the same source, pp. 184 232.
III. The Hunting of Twrch Trwyth - 193
An excerpt from the story of Kulhwch and Olwen. Chapters 1 6 are from the
White Book of Ehydderch (Peniarth MS. 4), with variants from the Red Book
(Rhys-Evans, vol. i, pp. 126128); chapters 725 from the Med Book (ib. p. 128,
1. 13 p. 142, 1. 19).
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(delwedd B6893) (tudalen 00_xiii)
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CONTENTS xiii
IV. The Procedure in a Suit for Landed Property 208 From the oldest copy of
the Laws of Howel Dda contained in the Black Boole of Chirk (Peniarth MS.
29). The variants are from Aneurin Owen's Ancient Laws of Wales, vol. i, pp.
142156. The text in the right-hand columns is a critical edition with
normalised spelling by Strachan.
V. The Privilege of St. Teilo - 222
From Evans-Rh^s Liber Landavensis, p. 118. The text in the right-hand columns
is a critical edition with normalised spelling by Strachan.
VI. Moral Verses - 225
From the Red Book, col. 1031, printed in Skene's Four Ancient Books of Wales,
vol. ii, pp. 249-250.
VII. Doomsday - 227
From the Book of Taliessin, printed in Four Ancient
Books, vol. ii, pp. 118 123. Strachan has made no use
of the variants printed in Myvyrian Archaiology, p. 72 ff.
VIII. To Gwenwynwyn - 233
From the Red Book, col. 1394, where it comes after
several poems ascribed to Llywelyn Vardd; printed in
Myvyrian Archaiology, p. 176a, where it is ascribed to
Cynddelw.
IX. Cynddelw to Rhys ab Gruffudd - 234
(a) from Black Book of Carmarthen, ed. J. G. Evans, fo. 39b; (6) from Red
Book, col. 1436.
X. A Religious Poem - 237
From Black Book of Carmarthen, fo. 20a, and from Red Book, col. 1159. XI. A
Dialogue between Ugnach Uab Mydno and
Taliessin - 239
From Black Book of Carmarthen, fo. 51a.
XII. Winter 241
From Black Book of Carmarthen, fo. 45a.
Glossary - -243
Appendix - - 277
Index - - 279
Corrigenda - - 293
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(delwedd B6895) (tudalen 00_xiv)
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
Anc. Laws. Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales, edited by
Aneurin Owen. 1841. Arch. Archiv fur celtische Lexikographie. Arch. Cambr.
Archaeologia Cambrensis. BB. Black Book of Carmarthen, edited by J. G. Evans.
Oxford.
1888.
BCh. Black Book of Chirk. 1 Bezz. Beitr. Bezzenberger's Beitrage zur Kunde
der indogermani-
schen Sprachen. Bret. Breton. CM. Ystorya de Carolo Magno, from the Red Book
of Hergest,
edited by Thomas Powell. 1883. Corn. Cornish. Cymrod. Y Cymmrodor, embodying
the Transactions of the
Cymmrodorion Society of London. 1877 ff. CZ. Zeitschrift fur celtische
Philologie.
E. Lh. Archseologia Britannica, by Edward Lhuyd. Oxford. 1707. Eng. English.
Eriu The Journal of the School of Irish Learning, Dublin. FB. The Four
Ancient Books of Wales by W. F. Skene. Edin- burgh. 1868. Gaul. Gaulish. Hg.
Selections from the Hengwrt Mss. edited by Robert
Williams, vol. I. 1876; vol. II. London. 1892. Ir. Irish.
KZ. Kuhn's Zeitschrift fiir vergleichende Sprachforschung. LA. The
Elucidarium and other tracts in Welsh from Llyvyr
Agkyr Llandewivrevi, edited by J. Morris Jones and
John Rhs. Oxford. 1894
1. The references in the Grammar are to the pages of the photographic
facsimile about to be published by J. G. Evans.
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(delwedd B6896) (tudalen 00_xv)
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xvi LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
Lat. Latin.
Laws, see Anc. Laws.
Leg. Wall. Cyfreithjeu Hywel Dda ac eraill, seu Leges Wallicae,
edited by W. Wotton. Londini. 1730. Lhuyd, see E. Lh. Lib. Land. Liber
Landavensis, edited by J. G. Evans and
J. Rhs. Oxford. 1893. Loth Mab. Les Mabinogion traduits en entier par J.
Loth.
Paris. 1889.
MA. The Myvyrian Archaiology of Wales. Denbigh. 1870. Mart. Cap. The Old-
Welsh Glosses on Martianus Capella edited
by Wh. Stokes in the Archaeologia Cambrensis for 1873,
p. i ff. and in Beitrdge zur vergl. Sprachforschuns, VII.
p. 385 ff. Mid. Middle. Mod. Modern. O. Old. Ox. gl. Glossae Oxonienses,
edited in Zeuss-Ebel, Grammatica
Celtica, p. 1052 ff. Berlin. 1871. Pughe A Dictionary of the Welsh Language
by W. Owen Pughe.
2. ed. Denbigh. 1832. RB. The Red Book of Hergest edited by J. Rhs and J. G.
Evans, vol. I. (Mabinogion), Oxford. 1887; vol. II.
(The Bruts), Oxford. 1890. Rev. Celt. Revue Celtique. Rhs, Celt. Heath. J.
Rhs, Lectures on the Origin and Growth
of Religion as illustrated by Celtic Heathendom. 3. ed.
1898. Rhs, Lect. J. Rhs, Lectures on Welsh Philology. 2. ed.
London. 1879. WB. The White Book of Rhydderch. 1
1. The references in the Grammar are to the pages of the edition about to be
published by J. G. Evans.
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(delwedd B6897) (tudalen 001)
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i,2.] SOUNDS AND
SOUND-CHANGES.
SOUNDS AND SOUND-CHANGES.
VOWELS AND DIPHTHONGS.
I. Middle Welsh has the following system: Vowels: a, e, i, o, u, w, y.
Diphthongs: ae, oe, ei, eii, aw, ew, iw, yw, wy.
NOTE. The following are the more important orthographical variations:
((aj/u is written u or v, e.g. un or vn one. That u already in O.W.
approached to an i sound is shown by the spelling Dinoot (from Lat. Donatus)
in Bede for what in O.W. would be normally Dunaut, later Dunawt.
(b) w ( = u in sound) is in Mid.W. commonly written w or 6; in O.W. it is
written u, and in some Mid.W. MSS. u or v, e.g. O.W. crunn round, later
crunn, crvnn, cr6nn, crwnn. The same applies to w in diphthongs, e.g. O.W.
dui two, later duy, dvy, dOy, dwy; O.W. bleu hair, later bleu, blev, bleO,
blew.
(c) y is in O.W. written i, in Mid.W. MSS. i, e, y, y, e.g. O.W. hinn these,
later henn, hynn, hynn.
(d) The diphthongs ae, oe, are in O.W. ai, oi, later ai, ay, ay, ae; oi, oy,
oy, oe, e.g. O.W. air slaughter, later ayr, ayr, aer; O.W. coit wood, later
coyt, coyt, coet.
(e) The diphthong eu appears in O.W. as ou, e.g. aperthou offerings, later
abertheu. In final position in Mid.W. -eu sometimes appears as -e, e.g. minhe
on my part = minheu; in Mod.W. it is written -au, e.g. pennau heads = Mid.W.
penneu.
(f) For wy, oy andoe are also found, e.g. boy = bwy he may be, moe = mwy
greater.
VOWEL QUANTITY.
2. The quantity of vowels depends not on their prehistoric quantity, but on
the nature of the syllables in which they stand. Apart from dialectal
variation, the following may serve as approximate rules, at least for the
period subsequent to the shifting of the accent ( 4).
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2 SOUNDS AND
SOUND-CHANGES. [ 2.
A. Accented vowels are:
(a) Long.
(a) In monosyllables ending in a vowel, e.g. ty house, (p) In monosyllables
ending in a single consonant, e.g. dyn man ( = O.Ir. duine), gwlad country ( =
O.Ir. flaith), mab son, glan pure ( = O.Ir. glan), glas green ( = O.Ir.
glas), crych curly.
NOTE. s always goes back to an earlier ss; ch, th, ff ( = f in sound) to an
earlier double consonant, e.g. crych curly = Gaul.Crixos, brlth variegated =
Ir. mrecht, cloff lame = Low Lat. cloppus; here the reduction to a single
consonant was prior to the operation of the above law. In Mod.W. a vowel is
short before final c, t, p; these final sounds occur only in late borrowings.
(b) Half-long, in open syllables of polysyllabic words, e.g. di-nas city: dm
fortress ( = Ir. dun), ta-deu fathers'. \aAfather.
(c) Short.
(a) In monosyllables originally ending in a double consonant (with the above
exceptions), e.g. perm head ( = Ir. cenn), trwm heavy ( = Ir. tromm), parth
part (from Lat. part-em).
(P) In closed syllables of polysyllabic words, e.g. penneu heads: perm, undeb
unity \ un one ( = Ir. oen). The vowel is somewhat shorter in polysyllables
like penneu than in monosyllables like penn.
B. Unaccented vowels are short. This rule also applies to proclitic words
like heb without, fy mine, dy thine.
THE CONSONANTS.
3. The consonants may be classified:
Explosives. Spirants. Nasals.
Voiceless. Voiced. Voiceless. Voiced. Voiceless. Voiced.
Gutturals c g ch (3) ngh ng ( = \
Dentals t d th d nh n
Labiodentals ff( = v
Labials p b mh m
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(delwedd B6899) (tudalen 003)
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3.] SOUNDS AND
SOUND-CHANGES.
Liquids. Voiceless: 11, rh; voiced: 1, r. Semivowels: y, w.
C,"K.'l^,4- . r%
Sibilant: s. Breath: h.
NOTE. The following are the more important orthographical variations:
. W. c = k, both c and k found in Mid. W., c particularly at the end of a
word; e.g. O.W. cimadas fitting, Mid.W. kyvadas and cyvadas. In Mid.W. sc, sp
became sg, sb, e.g. kysgu by kyscu to sleep, ysbryd from Lat. spiritus.
(b) With regard to the graphic representation of the mediae the following may
be noted. In Ola British the symbols c, t, p were taken over from Latin with
their Latin values. In the course of time, before the loss of final
syllables, c, t, p, when they stood between vowels, or after a vowel and
before certain consonants, became in sound mediae g, d, b, but continued in
O. W. to be usually written c, t, p, e.g. trucarauc compassionate = Mid.W.
trugarawc, Mod.W. trugarog, dacr tear= Mid.W. dagyr, atar birds = Mid.W.
adar, datl gl. foro- Mid.W. dadyl, etn bird= Mid.W. edyn, cepistyr halter
(from Lat. capistrum) = Mid.W. kebystyr. In Mid.W. g, d, b are regularly
written in the interior of a word (except that c, t, p may appear in
composition, e.g. rac-ynys fore-island, kyt-varchpgyon fellow- horsemen,
hep-cor to dispense with, or in inflexion and derivation under the influence
of the simple word, e.g. gwlatoed, by gwladoed countries: gwlat, gwaet-lyt
bloody: gwaet). But final g is regularly expressed by c, and final d by t
(except in certain MSS. such as BB. which express d regularly by d and use t
to express the spirant d). Final p for b is not so universal; there are
found, e.g. pawp, pop, everyone, every by pawb, pob, and mab son, heb said.
rtcy The spirant f is in O.W. written f, and this orthography survives in
Mid.\Y., but the usual Mid.W. symbol is ff or ph. In O.W. the tenuis is
sometimes traditionally written for the spirant, e.g. cilcet gl. tapiseta
(from Lat. culcita) = Mod.W. cylched.
ft d) With regard to the graphic representation of the voiced spirants the
following may be noted, g, d, b, m were taken from Latin with their Latin values.
In time, between vowels and before and after certain consonants, they became
spirants 3> d, v, but continued to be written g, d, b, m, e.g. scamnhegint
gl. levant = later ysgavnheynt, colginn gl. aristam = Mod.W. colyn stiny,
cimadas fitting - Mod. W. cyfaddas, abal apple = later aval. In O.W. the
spirant g had already been lost in part, e.g. nertheint gl. armant by
scamnhegint, tru wretched = Ir. truag wretched. In Mid.W. the spirant g has
disappeared. The spirant d, which in Mod.W. is written dd, is in Mid.W.
usually expressed by d, e.g. rodi to ffive = Mod.W. rhoddi, except in certain
MSS. such as BB. which use the symbol t, e.g. roti = rhoddi. The spirant v in
Mid. W". is written u, uu, v, fu, f, the last particularly at the end of
a word, (e.g. cyuadas, cyvadas, cyfuadas, cyfadasjtt/in^=O.W. cimadas, Mod.W.
cyfaddas), in Mod.W. f; in certain MSS., however, such as BB. it is expressed
by w, e.g. calaw reeds = calaf. In O.W. final v has been already lost in
part, e.g. lau hand = Ir..lam, and in the course of time it tends more and
more to disappear, .e.g. in Mid.W. the superlative ending -af appears also as
-a.
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(delwedd B6900) (tudalen 004)
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SOUNDS AND SOUND-CHANGES.
[3.
(e) The guttural nasals ng (i.e. 99 as in Eng. sing} and ngh are often
written g and gh, e.g. llog = llong ship, agheu death = angheu.
ff) Jrhe voiceless 1 is in O.W. written 1 at the beginning of a word, e.g.
lax?--nand= Mid.W. Haw, elsewhere 11, e.g. mellhionou gl. violas. In Mid.W.
it is in all positions written 11 or II. For the voiceless r=Mod. W. rh,
Early Welsh has no special symbol; it is written r.
e semivowel y is in O.W. written i, e.g. iechuit gl. sanitas, u gl. violas:
in Mid.W. it is expressed by i, e.g. ieith speech, or y, e.g. engylyon
angels. In the initial combinations hw (from an earlier sv), which in Mid. W.
appears as chw or dialectally as hw, and gw (from an earlier w), w is in O.W.
expressed by u, e.g. hui yon = Mid.W. chwi, guin wine (from Lat. uinum) =
Mid.W. gwin; in Mid.W. it is commonly written 6, w, but in some MSS. u, v,
e.g. g6ynn, guynn, gvynn white but in Mid.W. O.W. initial guo- becomes go-.
In other positions in Mid.W. w is expressed by 6, w, sometimes by u, uu, v; here
it comes from O. W. gu, e.g. O.W. neguid new = Mid.W. newyd, neuyd, neuuyd,
nevyd, O.W. petguar four Mid.W. petwar, petuar, petvar. It is to be noted
that initial gw from an earlier w does not form a syllable even before a
consonant; thus gwlad country from *ulatis = Ir. flaith kingdom is
monosyllabic.
THE ACCENT.
4. In accented words in Mod.W. the accent, with certain excep- tions, falls
on the penult, e.g. pechadur sinner, tragywyddol eternal. This accentuation,
however, has replaced an earlier system which was common to all the British
dialects and is still preserved in the Breton dialect of Vannes, according to
which the accent fell on the last syllable, e.g. parawt ready. The effect of
this earlier accentuation is seen in the weakening of vowels in syllables
that according to the later system would have borne the accent, e.g.
pechadiir sinner from Lat. peccatorem: pechawt sin from Lat. peccatum, O.W.
Dimt, Mid.W. Dyvet: Demetae, O.W. hinham, Mid.W. hynhaf oldest-, hen old,
Mid.W. llynghes/^/: llong^O.W.cilche't, Mid.W. cylchet from Lat. culcita,
Mid.W. drysseu doors: drws door. The date of the change of accent has not yet
been accurately fixed; with it seems to be connected the change of aw to o in
final syllables, e.g. Mid.W. pechawt = Mod.W. pechod, of which there are
sporadic instances in early Mid.W., e.g. rymdywod ( = rym dywawt), BB.
28" 13.
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(delwedd B6901) (tudalen 005)
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7-] SOUNDS AND
SOUND-CHANGES. 5
CHANGES OF VOWELS.
Changes due to a vowel which follows or which originally followed.
5. The quality of a vowel is liable to be influenced by the vowel of the
following syllable. Sometimes the infecting vowel remains, e.g. Ceredic from
Old British Coroticus, eyt goes = O.W. egit by O.W. agit, menegi to show by
managaf / show. Sometimes the infecting vowel has been lost, e.g. trom f. by
trwm m. heavy from *trumma, *trummos (where it will be seen that the short
vowel of the masculine exerted no influence, while the long vowel of the
feminine did), brein ravens (by bran raven) from *bram, earlier *branoi, Cyrn
horns (by corn horn) from *cornl, earlier *cornoi, dreic dragon (by pi.
dragon) from *draci, from *dracu from Lat. draco, ceint I sing (by cant he
sang) from *cantl, from *cantu, from * canto, Meir from Lat. Maria, yspeil
spoil from Lat. spolium. The infection may extend back more than one syllable
e.g. menegi: managaf, deveit sheep: davat a sheep. The following are the
changes of the kind which are important for inflection:
A. CHANGES DUE TO AN / VOWEL PRESERVED.
6. a > e, e.g. ederyn a bird-, adar birds, peri to cause: paraf / cause,
edewis he promised: adaw to promise, cerit was loved: caru to love, llewenyd,
O.W. leguenid/tfy: llawen/<?>w/.$-.
ae > ei, e.g. meini stones: maen stone, seiri artisans \ saer.
B. CHANGES DUE TO A LOST VOWEL.
7. (a) The lost vowel is a.
y > e, e.g. berr f.: byrr m. short. The variation in brith, f. braith
variegated is of the same kind; brith comes from *mrictos, braith from
*mrecta, *mricta.
w > o, e.g. trom f.: trwm m. heavy.
(b) The lost vowel is I (of various origin).
a > ei, e.g. meib sons: mab son, meneich monks \ manach
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(delwedd B6902) (tudalen 006)
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6 SOUNDS AND
SOUND-CHANGES. [ 7.
monk; geill is able: gallaf / am able, gweheird he forbids-. gwahardaf I
forbid, ceint I sang-, cant he sang.
ae > ei, e.g. mein stones-, maen stone, Seis Saxon (from *Saxi, *Saxu,
Saxo): Saeson (from Saxones).
Final aw > CU, y, e.g. teu is silent: tawaf / am silent, edeu, edey, edy
leaves: adawaf / leave.
e > y, e.g. hyn older: hen old, cestyll castles: castell castle, gwyl
sees: gwelaf / see, gweryt helps: gwaret to help.
o > y, e.g. pyrth gates: porth gate, escyb bishops: escob bishop, tyrr
breaks: torraf / break, egyr opens: agoraf / open, try turns: troaf / turn.
oe > wy, e.g. wyn lambs (from *ognl): oen lamb (from *ognos).
w > y> e -g- bylch gaps: bwlch gap, yrch roebucks: ywrch roebuck.
NOTE 1. In the 3 sg. pres. indie, act. of the verb the prehistoric ending is
uncertain; geill might come phonetically from either *gallit or *gallyet. In
verbs containing radical o, infection is found only in the 3 sg. pres. indie,
act., e.g. tyrr he breaks, but tprri to break, torrynt they broke, torrir is
broken. In shaping the conjugation of these verbs analogy seems to have
played a large part, but the details of the development are obscure.
NOTE 2. It will be observed that in the case of i infection the infection
extends back to a preceding a, e.g. deveit, edewis, egyr.
NOTE 3. There is also a variation between ae and eu, ei, e.g. caer city: pi.
ceuryd, ceyryd; aeth he went: euthum / went.
Vowel Variation due to Accent.
8. Celtic a became in British 6; the 6 stage is seen in Bede's Dinoot from
Lat. Donatus, and in early Irish loanwords which came from Latin through
Britain, e.g. trindoit Trinity from Lat. trinitatem. In Welsh, during the
period of the older accentuation this 6 became in accented syllables aw, e.g.
Dunawd, trindawt, in unaccented syllables o. To this are due variations like
O.W. cloriou gl. tabellae: sg. clawr, Mid.W. marchogyon horsemen-. marchawc
horseman, moli to praise: mawl praises, and the proclitic pob every ( = Ir.
each): accented pawb everyone ( = Ir. each). After the shifting of the accent
from the ultima to the penult, aw in accented words of more than one syllable
became o,
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(delwedd B6903) (tudalen 007)
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ii.] SOUNDS AND
SOUND-CHANGES. 7
e.g., Mod.W. marchog = Mid.W. marchawc, but Mod.W. pawb = Mid.W. pawb. For
other instances of vowel weakening in unaccented syllables see 4.
PROTHETIC VOWEL.
9. Before words which in O.W. began with s + consonant there developed in the
Mid.W. period a prothetic y, e.g. ysgriven writing-. O.W. scribenn, ystavell
chamber-. O.W. stabell, ysteoAxLr packsaddlei O.W. strotur, yspeil spoil:
O.W. *speil,
from Lat. spolium.
EPENTHETIC VOWEL.
Before a final liquid, nasal, or v, an epenthetic vowel is often written,
which, however, does not count metrically as a syllable.
(a) Consonant + 1, e.g. mynwgyl by mynwgl /**:/ = Mod. W. mynwgl; kenedel,
kenedyl by kenedl race = O.W. cenetl, Mod.W. cenedl; kwbwl, kwbyl by kwbl
whole = Mod.W, cwbl; tavyl sling = Mod.W. tafl.
(b) Consonant + r, e.g. hagyr by hagr ugly = Mod.W. hagr; lleidyr by lleidr
roMer=Mod.W. lleidr; llestyr vessel =Q.\N. llestr, llestir, Mod.W. llestr;
dwvyr, dwvwr by dwvr water =Mod.W. dwfr.
(c) Consonant + m, e.g. talym space = Mod.W. talm.
(d) Consonant + n, e.g. gwadyn by gwadn sole = Mod.W. gwadn; dwvyn deep =
Mod.W. dwfn.
(e) Consonant + v, e.g. dedyf custom = Mod.W. deddf; baraf, baryf beard =
Mod.W. barf; twrwf, twryf by twrf noise.
CONSONANTAL CHANGES.
II. The following changes of consonants in combination are of importance for
accidence:
(a) In the Indo-Germanic parent language d or t + 1 became t*t, and ft in
Celtic became SS, e.g. W. Has was killed '= Ir. -slass from *slat s tos: Had
kill= Ir. slaidid hews.
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(delwedd B6904) (tudalen 008)
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8 SOUNDS AND
SOUND-CHANGES. [ii.
(b) act>aeth, or, with I infection, >eith; ect>eith; wet >wyth;
wen, wgn>wyn, e.g. aeth he went from *act, but imdeith / travelled from
*actl (earlier *actu, *act6): Mid.W. eyd = O.W. egit, agit; dyrreith he
returned, from *-rekt:
>/reg-; amwyth he defended from *amukt: amwgaf / defend, of which the
verbal noun is amwyn from *amucn...
(c) rt>rth, e.g. cymmerth he took from *com-bert: cym- meraf / take.
(d) Before a labial n becomes m, e.g. y maes in the field from yn maes.
(e) nd, mb > nn, mm, e.g. vyn nyvot, vy nyvot my coming from vyn dyvot; ym
mwyt, y mwyt into food from yn bwyt.
(f) nc, nt, mp. At the end of a word nc, mp remained, e.g. ieuanc
jw&flg', pumpjfctf; nt remained in accented monosyllables, e.g. dant
tooth (but proclitic can, gan with = QW. cant); in words of more than one
syllable it appears as nt or n, e.g. ugeint and ugein twenty, carant and
caran they love. In the interior of a word nc, nt, mp develop regularly in
the penultimate syllable to ng, nn, mm, in the antepenult to ngh, nh, mh,
e.g. tranc cessation: trengi to cease-, angen necessity (from *ancen = Ir.
ecen): anghenawc necessitous-, O.W. hanther half, later banner; dant tooth-,
danned teeth-, danhedawc toothed; O.W. pimphet fifth, later pymmet; cymmell
compulsion (from Lat. compello): pi. cymhellyon. The regular development,
however, is liable to be affected by analogy.
NOTE 1. The cause of the different treatment in the penult and the antepenult
is the accent. In early W. the accent was on the last syllable ( 4); the
syllable immediately preceding the accent would be most weakly accented, the
syllable before that would have a secondaiy accent, e.g. anghenawc,
danhedawc, cymhelly6n.
fg) Before h
(a) g, d, b become tenues, e.g. teckaf most beautiful from *teg-haf: tec
(phonetically teg) beautiful, tebycko from *tebyg-ho he may think: tebygu to
think, plyckau to fold from *plyg-hau: plyc (phonetically plyg) fold;
calettaf hardest from *caled-haf: calet (phonetically caled) hard, cretto he
may believe from *cred-ho:
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(delwedd B6905) (tudalen 009)
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12.] SOUNDS AND SOUND-CHANGES.
9
credu to believe, bwyta to eat from *bwyd-ha: bwyt (phonetically bwyd) food-,
cyvelyppaf most like from *cyvelyb-haf: cyvelyp (phonetically cyvelyb) like,
attepo from *ad-heb-ho he may answer: attebu, digaplo he may cease to
calumniate from *digabl-ho '. digablu, llwyprawt from *llwybr-hawt will
course-. llwybraw to course.
((3) d becomes th, e.g. diwethaf last from *diwed-haf: diwed end, rotho he
may give from *rod-ho: rodi to give, rythau to set free from *ryd-hau; ryd
free.
(y) v becomes f, e.g. tyffo he may grow from *tyv-ho: tyvu to grow, dyffo he
may come: dyvod to come, coffau to remember from *COV-hail; cof memory.
NOTE 2. Instances of ff from v-h are not numerous, they have commonly been
replaced by analogical forms, e.g. araf-hau to make gentle, digrif-af most
entertaining. So th from d + h becomes rarer and rarer in Mid.W., where e.g.
rotho is replaced by rodho and rodo; the old forms are most persistent in the
case of the tenues c, t, p. (cf. no)
(f) th + d>th, e.g. athiffero who may defend thee from ath-differo. But
here commonly the d is written etymologically.
(g) d + d became apparently d, e.g. adyn wretch from ad-dyn (ad- = lr. aith-,
with sense of Lat. re-).
SOUND-CHANGES WITHIN THE SENTENCE.
12. Within the sentence closely connected word groups are liable to changes
similar to those that take place within individual words. As within the word
vowel-flanked consonants were reduced, e.g. CCgin kitchen from Lat. coquina,
niver number from Lat. numerus, so in a word group, e.g. *t6ta mara great
people became tud vawr. As within the word nc became ngh, nt became nh, mp
became mh ( II), nd became nn, e.g. crwnn round by Ir. cruind, mb became mm,
e.g. camm crooked from Old British cambos, so in word groups, e.g. vyn cynghor
my counsel became vy ghynghor, vyn penn my head became vym penn, vy mhenn,
vyn dyvot my coming became vyn nyvot, yn bwyt into food became ym mwyt, y
mwyt. But, on the one hand, a
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(delwedd B6906) (tudalen 010)
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10
CONSONANT MUTATIONS.
[.
particular mutation may spread analogically, if it becomes connected with
some grammatical function; thus in Welsh it became the rule that after all feminine
nouns in the singular a following adjective was mutated, though in Celtic
only certain classes of feminine nouns ended in a vowel. On the other hand,
the change may analogically disappear altogether, or the mutation may be
restricted to certain phrases as in the case of the nasal mutation after
numerals ( 20c). In sound groups there are three kinds of initial change (i)
vocalic mutation or lenation, which originated from cases where the preceding
member of the group originally ended in a vowel, (2) nasal mutation where the
preceding member originally ended in n, (3) spirant mutation where the
preceding member ended in certain consonants, most commonly s but also C.
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(delwedd B6907) (tudalen 011)
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NOTE. In reading Early
Welsh texts the student must be careful not to be misled by the orthography,
which does not consistently express the initial changes. Thus if he should
meet with, e.g. y gwlat the country for y wlat, or vyn dy vot for vyn nyvot,
that is only an archaistic or etymological orthography which is no evidence
of the actual sound at the time.
Tenues
13. Table of Consonant Mutations.
radical vocalic nasal
C ... corn ... gorn ... nghorn
t ... tat ... dat ... nhat
p ... prenn ... brenn ... mhrenn
(S -
gwr
... wr
. . . ngwr
Mediae ( d ...
dyn
. . . dyn
. . . nyn
(b ...
baryf
. . . varyf
. . . maryf
I' 'A f U -
Liquids { t rh...
Haw rhan
. . . law
. . . ran
Nasal m ...
mam
. . . vam
spirant Chora that phrenn
NOTE 1. In vocalic mutation g became first the spirant 3 which was early lost
( 3d). From the fact that initial g was thus lost, many words which
originally began Avith a vowel in time assume an initial g; e.g. y ord his
hammer (=Ir. ord) resembled externally y wr his man, and this superficial
resemblance led to gord (for ord) like gwr. The principle is the same as in
the development of initial f before a vowel in Mid. Ir.
NOTE 2. As in Mid.W. the spirant is commonly written d ( 3d), the vocalic
mutation of initial d is not discernible in writing.
NOTE 3. In Mid.W. initial rh is written r, so that the unmutated and the
mutated forms are indistinguishable ( 3f).
i6.] CONSONANT MUTATIONS. u
Vocalic Mutation or Lenation.
14. The history of Welsh lenation has still to be written. In some respects,
particularly with regard to lenation after the verb, the subject is full of
difficulty. In the development of lenation analogy played a large part, so
that to some extent the usage would differ at different periods. And the
fixing of the rules of lenation for a particular period is complicated by the
fact that the mutation is not consistently expressed in writing. The
following are the chief facts about lenation in Mid. W. prose; the material
is taken from the Red Book of Hergest.
15. General exception to the rules of lenation. After final n and r initial
11 and rh were regularly unmutated, e.g. yn llawen gladly, y Haw = O.W. ir
lau the hand. For rh the rule is seen in Mod.W., e.g. yn rhydd freely, y rhan
the part. As rh was not written in Mid. W. this distinction is not
discernible there.
A. LENATION OF NOUN AND ADJECTIVE (INCLUDING NOMINAL
ADJECTIVAL PRONOUNS).
16. (a) After the article.
After the article in the sg. fern, the initial consonant of a following noun
or adjective is lenated, e.g. y gaer the city, yr dref to the town, y
vrenhines the queen. But y Haw the hand ( 15).
(b) After the noun.
(a) After a noun in the feminine singular or the dual an adjective is
lenated, e.g. morwyn benngrech velen a curlyhaired auburn maid, deu vilgi
vronwynnyon vrychyon two whitebreasted brindled hounds. Also when the
adjective is separated from the noun, e.g. kaer uawr a welynt, vwyhaf or byt
they saw a large town, the largest in the world.
NOTE 1. After the masc. sg. and the plur. lenation of the comparative is
found in sentences of the following type: ny welsei dyn eiryoet llu degach
.... noc oed hwnnw no man had ever seen a host fairer than that KB. 90, 13;
na welsynt llongeu gyweiryach y hansawd noc wynt that they had not seen ships
better equipped than they KB. 27, 3.
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(delwedd B6908) (tudalen 012)
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12 CONSONANT MUTATIONS. [
16.
(ft) After a noun in the fern. sg. or the dual a following genitive is
lenated when it is equivalent to an adjective, e.g. kist vaen a stone chest;
deu vaen vreuan two millstones.
NOTE 2. The genitive is lenated after meint, ryw, kyvryw and sawl ( 76-7),
e.g. y veint lewenyd the amount of gladness; pa ryw wysc what kind of dress?
kyvryw wr such a man y sawl vrenhined all the kings. Further, the genitive of
proper names is lenated after certain nouns, e.g. Cadeir Vaxen Maxen's Seat;
Caer Vyrdin Carmarthen; Llan badarn lit. Padarn's Church; Ynys Von Island of
Mon; Eglwys Veir Mary's Church; Gwlat Vorgan the land of Morgan; pobyl
Vrytaen the people of Britain; ty Gustenin the house of Custenin (cf. Mod.W.
ty Dduw); mam Gadwaladyr mother of Cadwaladr Branwen verch Lyr Branwen
daughter of Llyr; gwreic Vrutus wife of Brutus; deu vab Varedud two sons of
Maredud.
(y) After proper nouns theie is lenation of a following noun or adjective
denoting a characteristic of a person, e.g. Llud vrenhin King Z/7/d, Peredur
baladyrhir Peredur of the long spear.
NOTE 3. The initial consonants of mab son and merch daughter are lenated,
e.g. Pryderi uab Pwyll Pryderi son of Pwyll, Aranrot verch Don Aranrod daughter
of Don.
NOTE 4. Further instances of lenation in apposition are, e.g. ewythred Arthur
oedynt, urodyr y uam they were uncles of Arthur, his mother's brothers,
Giluaethwy ac Euyd . . . y nyeint, ueibion y chwaer Gilvaethwy and Evyft. his
nephews, his sister's sons. Aranrot uerch Don dy nith, uerch dy chwaer
Aranrot daughter of Don thy niece, thy sister's daughter.
(8) Lenation is found in the genitive of the verbal noun, particularly when
it is separated from the governing word, e.g. menegi uot y crydyon wedy
duunaw declaring that the cobblers had united; a dyuot . . . yn y vedwl uynet
y hela and it came into his mind to go to hunt; a ryuedu o Owein yr mackwy
gyuarch gwell idaw and Owein wondered that the youth should greet him.
(c) After the adjective.
(a) When an adjective in the positive degree precedes, the noun is lenated,
e.g. brawdoryawl garyat brotherly love, dirvawr wres excessive heat,
amryuaelyon gerdeu divers songs. So after the pronominal adjective holl all,
e.g. noil gwn all the dogs, holl wraged all the women.
NOTE 5. For the comparative the material to hand from RB. is scanty; with
lenation: yn llei boen less pain 146, without lenation: mwy gobeith greater
hope 95, muscrellach gwr a more helpless man 13. In KB. II.
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(delwedd B6909) (tudalen 013)
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16.] CONSONANT MUTATIONS. 13
there are some instances of lenation after mwy more. After the superlative in
RB. non-lenation seems to be the rule; in RB. II. lenation is more frequent.
NOTE 6. In Celtic, when the adjective preceded the noun, it formed a compound
with it, e.g. hen-wrach old hag ( 34a), and in composition the lenation of
the second element was regular, e.g. eur-wisc golden dress, bore-vwyt morning-food,
breakfast. In Welsh, when the adjective came to be used freely before the
noun, the lenation of the old compounds was retained in the positive,
NOTE 7. On the analogy of lenation in compound words and of lenation of the
noun following the adjective, in poetry, when the genitive precedes the noun,
it may lenate, e.g. byd lywyadwr the ruler of the world, o Gymry werin of the
host of the Cymry.
(p) When an adjective is repeated, e.g. mwy vwy vyd greater and greater will
be.
(d) After YN forming adverbs, and with predicative nouns and adjectives (
35), e.g. yn vynych often, yn borth as a help, yn wreic as a wife. But yn
llawen gladly ( 15).
NOTE 8. With regard to their influence upon a following word it is necessary
to bear in mind that predicative yn lenates, that yn in is followed by the
nasal mutation ( 20b) and that yn with the verbal noun, e.g. yn mynet going (
I26a), does not affect a following consonant.
(e) After numerals.
(a) After cardinal numbers.
un one. After the fern., lenation seems to be regular, e.g. un wreic one
woman, un vil one thousand, yr un gerdet the same going. Initial 11 is
regularly uninfected, e.g. un llynges one fleet. After the masc. the usage
seems to vary, e.g. vn geir one word RB. 197 = WB. 123, but vn eir RB. II.
222, yr un march the same horse RB. 9, but neb vn varchawc any horseman RB.
II. 278, yn un uaes in one field RB. 114.
NOTE 9. In Irish, din regularly mutates a following consonant. According to
Rowlands, Mod.W. un mutates in the fern.
deu, dwy two. After these lenation is regular, e.g. deu barchell two pigs,
deu lu two hosts, dwy verchet two daughters.
But deu cant two hundred RB. II. passim.
chwech, chwe six: chwech wraged six women RB. 18, 16; but chwe blyned six
years RB. II. 387, 404.
Seith seven: seith gantref seven cantreds RB. 25, 44, seith gelfydyt seven
arts RB. II. 200, seith wystyl seven hostages RB.
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(delwedd B6910) (tudalen 014)
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14 CONSONANT MUTATIONS [
16.
II. 327. But usually without lenation seith cantref, seith cuppyt seven
cubits , seith cant seven hundred, seith punt seven pounds, seith meib seven
sons.
wyth eight: wyth drawst eight beams RB. m, 21, wyth gant eight hundred RB.
II. 386, but wyth cant 39, 40, 230, 257, 258, 385, wyth temyl eight temples
101, wyth tywyssawc eight chiefs 14.
naw nine. After this lenation is occasionally found, e.g. naw rad nine ranks
LA. 17.
mil thousand: mil verthyr a thousand martyrs RB. II. 199.
10. In pumwryr five men, seith wyr seven men, nawwyr nine men, canwr a
hundred men, there seems to be composition.
(/3) After ordinal numbers.
After the feminine ordinals from three onwards there is lenation, e.g. y
dryded geinc the third branch, y seithvet vlwydyn the seventh year, yr
vgeinuet vlwydyn the twentieth year.
11. --The same rule seems to hold with eil other, second, e.g. yr eil
marchawc the second horseman, but yr eil vlwydyn the second year, and with
neill one of two, e.g. y neill troet the one foot, but y neill law the one
hand.
(f) After the pronoun.
(a) After the possessives dy thy and y his, e.g. dy davawt thy tongue, ath lu
and thy host y benn his head, ae rud and his cheek.
(/3) After interrogatives, e.g. pa le, py le where? pa beth what thing?
(y) In apposition, e.g. ynteu Bwyll he Pwyll, hitheu wreic Teirnon she the
wife of Teirnon; ef Vanawydan he Manawydan; on hachaws ni bechaduryeit
because of us sinners.
(g) After the verb.
(a) After the verb lenation is found not only of the object but also of the
subject, whether the verb immediately precedes the lenated form or is
separated from it, e.g. mi a wnn gyghor da / know good counsel, y gwelynt
uarchawc they saw a horseman, ny mynnei Gaswallawn y lad ynteu Caswallawn did
not desire to slay him. The proportion of lenation to non-lenation differs
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(delwedd B6911) (tudalen 015)
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16.] CONSONANT MUTATIONS.
15
in different parts of the verb. After certain parts of the verb lenation is
absent or exceptional. Such are 3 sg. and 3 pi. pres. ind. act., 3 sg. pres. subj.
act. and the passive forms. After the 3 sg. of the pret. ind. act.
non-lenation of the subject is the rule; in RB. lenation of the object is
occasionally found when it directly follows the verb, e.g. y kavas Uendigeit
Uran he found Bendigeit Vran, frequently when the subject precedes it, e.g. y
lladawd Peredur wyr yr iarll Peredur slew the earl's men.
(P) After most of the forms of the verb "to be" lenation is found,
most consistently in the predicate from its close connexion with the verb,
but also in the subject whether it follows the verb immediately or is
separated from it, e.g. ot wyt uorwyn if thou art a maid, yd ym drist ni we
are sad, yssyd urenhin who is king, yssit le there is a place, nyt oed Uwy //
was not greater, oedynt gystal they were as good, mi a uydaf borthawr / am
gatekeeper, ni a vydwn gyuarwyd we will be guides, ny bydei vyw he was not
alive, y bydynt barawt they should be ready, ny buost gyvartal thou hast not
been just, tra uu vyw while she lived, pan imant veirw whe?i they were dead,
buassei oreu it would have been best, byd lawenach be more joyous, bit bont
let him be a bridge, bydwch gedymdeithon be ye comrades, tra vwyf vyw while 1
live, tra vych vyw while thou livest, tra vom vyw while we live, mal na bont
ueichawc so that they may not be pregnant, pei bewn urathedic if I were
wounded, a vei vawr which should be great, gwedy y beym uedw after we were
intoxicated, nyt DCS blant there is no offspring, budugawl oed Gei Kei was
gifted, y hwnnw y bu uab to him there was a son, cy t bei lawer o geiryd
though there were many cities, nyt oes in gyghor we have no counsel, oed well
ytti geisaw *'/ were better for thee to seek, tost vu gantaw welet it pained
him to see. There is, however, no lenation after ys, e.g. ys gwir it is true (unless
the subject be separated, e.g. kanys gwell genthi gyscu since she prefers to
sleep]; after nyt, nat, neut, e.g. nyt llei is not less, neut marw he is
dead; after OS, e.g. OS gwr if he is a man; after ae e.g. ae gwell is it
better 1 after yw, e.g. pan yw Peredur that it is Peredur (unless the subject
be
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(delwedd B6912) (tudalen 016)
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i6/ CONSONANT MUTATIONS.
[ 16.
separated, e.g. hawd yw gennyf gaffel / think it easy to get); after yttiw,
e.g. a yttiw Kei yn llys Arthur is Kei in Arthur's court 1 after mae, e.g. y
mae llech there is a flagstone (unless the subject be separated, e.g. y mae
yma uorwyn there is here a maiden); after maent, e.g. y maent perchen there
are owners; after byd, e.g. ny byd gwell it will not be better (unless the
subject be separated, e.g. or byd gwell genwch bresswylaw if ye think it
better to dwell}; after boet, e.g. poet kyvlawn dy rat titheu may thy
prosperity be complete; after bo, e.g. pan UO parawt when it is ready (unless
the subject be separated, e.g. pan uo amser in uynet when it is time for us
to go).
(h) In adverbs and adverbial phrases.
In the interior of a sentence the initial consonant of an adverb or an
adverbial phrase is often lenated, e.g. nyth elwir bellach byth yn vorwyn
thou shalt never more be called a maiden, ny orffowysaf vyth / will never
rest, pan daeth y paganyeit gyntaf y Iwerdon when the pagans came first to
Ireland, bydwch yma vlwydyn y dyd hediw be ye here a year to-day, bu farw
.... vis whefrawr she died in the month of February, pebyllaw a oruc lawer O
dydyeu he encamped many days. In the same way lenation is found in
preposition and suffixed pronoun, e.g. ny eill neb vynet drwydi no one can go
through it, a gymero yr ergit drossof i who shall take the blow in my stead,
hir uu gennyf i y nos honno that night seemed long to me.
NOTE 12. In origin this is only a special case of post-verbal lenation, like
the corresponding change in Irish, for which see Federsen, KZ. xxxv. 332 sq.
NOTE (ISJ Lenation is found of the initial consonants of some
weakening here, however, seems to be that the words are pretonic.
(i) After the prepositions am, ar, att, can, heb, o (a), tan, tros, trwy,
uch, wrth, y, and frequently after the nominal preposition hyt, e.g. am
betheu about things; ar vrys in haste; att Bwyll to Pwyll; gan bawb with
every one; heb vwyt without food; o gerd of music; dan brenn under a tree;
dros
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(delwedd B6913) (tudalen 017)
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17.] CONSONANT MUTATIONS.
17
vor across the sea] trwy lewenyd through joy; uch benn above; wrth Gynan to
Cynan; y vynyd upwards; hyt galan Mei till the first of May.
(k) After a negative in phrases like na wir it is not true RB. 105; na well
it is not better RB. 61.
(1) After mor how, so and neu or, e.g. mor druan how wretched; neu vuelyn or
horn.
(m) After interjections.
(a) The vocative is lenated after a, ha, oia, och, ub e.g. a vorwyn O maiden;
oia wr hoi man; och Ereint alas! Gereint; ub wyr alack! men. But without any
preceding particle lenation of the vocative is found, e.g. dos vorwyn go,
maiden.
(/?) After llyma, llyna, and nachaf, e.g. llyma luossogrwyd yn ymlit see!
there is a host following RB. II. 302; llyna uedru yn drwc there is bad
behaviour; nachaf uarchawc yn dyuot behold! a horseman was coming.
B. LENATION OF THE PRONOUN. 17. The pronoun is lenated:
(a) As subject or object, or emphasizing an infixed or suffixed pronoun or
possessive adjective, e.g. elwyf ui / might go, gallaf i / can, ny buum drwc
i / was not evil, y rodaf inneu / will give, arhowch uiui wait for me, na
chabla di uiui do not blame me, nyt atwaenwn i didi / did not recognise thee,
ath gud ditheu which hides thee, ohonaf i, ohonaf inneu by me, vy ysgwyd i my
shield, dy grogi di thy hanging, dy lad ditheu thy slaying.
NOTE 1. But after final t t is usual, e,g. y rodeist ti thou hast given, gan
dy genyat ti with thy leave, dy vot titheu thy being.
(b) Sometimes in apposition, e.g. ni a awn ui a thi we will go, I and thou,
keisswn ninneu ui a thi let us seek, I and thou.
(c) After other lenating words, e.g. gwae vi woe to me, neu vinneu or I, neu
ditheu or thou.
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(delwedd B6914) (tudalen 018)
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i8 CONSONANT MUTATIONS. [
18.
C. LENATION OF THE VERB.
18. The verb is lenated:
(a) After infixed pronoun of sg. 2, e.g. yth elwir thou art called.
(b) After relative a, e.g. govyn a oruc he asked.
(c) After the interrogative pa, py, e.g. hyt na wydat pa (or py) wnaei so
that she did not know what she should do; py liwy di why dost thou colour?
(d) When the copula follows the predicate ( 159), e.g. llawen UU y uorwyn the
maiden was glad.
(e) After "the verbal particle yt ( pi note 2) in the older language,
e.g. yt gaffei he should get.
(f) After the verbal particle ry (but cf. 21 note), e.g. ry geveis / have
got. Similarly after neur ( 95 note), e.g. neur gavas he has got.
(g) After the interrogative a, e.g. a bery di wilt thou effect?
(h) After the conjunctions pan, tra, yny, e.g. pan golles when he lost, tra
barhaawd while it lasted, tra vwyf as long as I am, yny glyw till he hears,
yny welas till he saw, yny vyd till he is.
(i) After the negatives ny (including ony, pony) and na (with the exception
of the tenues 2ie), e.g. ny allaf I cannot, ny ladaf / will not slay, kany
vynny since thou dost not desire, pony wydut ti didst thou not know? na ovyn
di do not ask, Duw a wyr na ladaf i God knows that I will not slay.
NOTE. But after ny, na the rule of lenation is not absolute. In partic- ular
initial m is commonly unchanged, e.g. ny mynnaf / do not desire, hyt nc.
mynnei so that he did not desire. Further, initial b of forms of bot to be is
commonly unlenated, e.g. ny bu gystal it was not so good; a wypo na bo rniui
who shall know that it is not I. But in the imperative lenation seems to be
the rule, e.g. na uit amgeled genii well be not troubled. Non- lenation after
ny comes from the ok! non-relative forms ( 21 note). Na originally ended in a
consonant (nac), so that after it the lenation is irregular; so far as it
lenates it has followed the analogy of ny.
Nasal Mutation.
19. Nasal mutation is very irregularly written in Mid.W.MSS. The mutation of
nc is expressed by gk or gh, the mutation of nt
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(delwedd B6915) (tudalen 019)
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2i.] CONSONANT MUTATIONS.
19
commonly by nt, rarely by nh, the mutation of mp commonly by mp, sometimes by
mph or mh. The mutation of ng is expressed by gg or ngg, the mutation of nd,
nb by n or nd, and m or mb.
20. Nasal mutation is found:
(a) After vyn my, e.g. vygkynghor, vyghynghor my counsel, vyntat, vynhat my
father, vympenn, vymphen, vymhen my head, vyggwreic (gwreic) my wife,
vynggwely my bed, vynyvot, vyndyvot my coming, vymaraf (baraf) my beard.
(b) After yn in, into, e.g. ygkarchar, ygharchar in prison, ymperved,
ymherved in the centre, ymhoen (poen) in punish- ment; yn diwed (=yn niwed)
in the end; ymbwyt, ymwyt (bwyt) into food.
(c) In certain phrases after numerals (chiefly with blyned years and dieu,
diwarnawt days), e.g. pump mlyned five years, chwech mlyned RB. II. 397 (more
usually chwe blyned) six years, seith mlyned seven years, wyth mlyned eight
years, naw mlyned nine years, naw nieu nine days, deng mlyned ten years, dec
nieu ten days, deudec niwarnawt twelve days, pymtheng mlyned fifteen years,
ugein mlyned twenty years, deugeint mlyned forty years, cant mlyned a hundred
years, can mu a hundred kine, trychan mu three hundred kine.
NOTE. This usage started from those numerals which in Old Celtic ended in n:
seith (cf. Ir. secht n-, Lat. septem; final m in Celtic became n), naw (cf.
Ir. noi n-, Lat. novem), dec (cf. Ir. deich n-, Lat. decem), cant (cf. Ir.
cet n-, Lat. centum).
Spirant Mutation.
21. This is found:
(a) After the numerals tri three and chwe(ch) six, e.g. tri chantref three
cantreds, tri pheth three things, chwe thorth six loaves.
(b) After y her, e.g. y chlust her ear, y throet her foot, y phenn her head.
(c) After the prepositions ac, a with, tra beyond, e.g. a chledyf with a
sword, a thi with thee, tra thonn beyond wave.
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(delwedd B6916) (tudalen 020)
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20 CONSONANT MUTATIONS.
[22.
(d) After the conjunctions a(c) and, no(c) than, o if, e.g. mam a that father
and mother, tract a phenn feet and head; gwaeth no chynt worse than before \
o chigleu if he has heard.
NOTE 1. After kwt where spirant change is found: cv threwna where it settles
BB. 44 b , but kwt gaffei (caffei) where he should get WB. 453; cf. cud vit
BB. 44 b , cwd uyd where it will be FB. 146.
(e) After the negatives ny and na(c), e.g. ny chysgaf / will not sleep, ny
thyrr does not break, ny phryn does not buy; na chwsc do not sleep, na
thorraf that I do not break, na marchawc na phedestyr neither horseman nor
footman.
NOTE. 2. But in the early poetry ny produces the spirant change only when it
is non-relative; when it is relative a following c, t, or p is lenated, e.g.
ny char he does not love, but ny gar who does not love. In the early poetry there
is the same difference of treatment after the verbal particle ry, e.g. ry
char as has loved, ry garas who has loved. This distinction between
non-relative and relative forms must have extended to all consonants capable
of mutation, but in the case of the other consonants confusion set in
earlier. In later Mid. W. after ny the non-relative form has been generalised
in the case of words beginning with c, t, p, the relative form, with certain
exceptions, in the case of words beginning with other mutable consonants (cf.
18 i). After ry the relative form was generalised. For further details see
Eriu III. pp. 20 sq.
h in Sentence Construction.
22. After certain words h appears before a following word beginning with a
vowel.
(a) After the infixed and the possessive pronoun m, e.g. am h- ymlityassant
ivho followed me, om h-anvod against my will.
(b) After the infixed pronoun e, e.g. ae h-arganvu who perceived him.
(c) After y tier, e.g. y h-enw her name.
NOTE. In Irish also h appears after a her, e.g. a h-ainm her name. The Irish
and Welsh h here comes from the original final s of the possessive.
(d) After an our, e.g. an h-arueu our arms.
(e) Aften eu, y their, e.g. eil h-arueu their arms.
(f) After ar before ugeint twenty, e.g. un ar h-ugeint twenty one.
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(delwedd B6917) (tudalen 021)
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24.] THE ARTICLE. 21
THE ARTICLE.
. In O.W. the article is ir throughout, e.g. ir pimphet eterin the fifth
bird, dir finnaun to the fountain. In Mid.W. yr remains before vowels and h,
e.g. yr amser the time, yr alanas (from galanas) the bloodfine, yr henwr the
old man; before other consonants except y it becomes y, e.g. y bwyt the food,
y wreic (from gwreic) the woman; before y the usage varies, e.g. yr iarll or
y iarll the carl. But if the article be fused together with a preceding
conjunction or preposition, or if the y be elided after a preceding vowel,
then 'r remains, e.g. y nef ar dayar heaven and earth, yn gyuagos yr gaer near
to the city, gwiryon yw'r liorwyn ohonof i the maiden is innocent as regards
me.
SYNTAX OF THE ARTICLE.
24. (a) In addition to its use before common nouns the article appears
regularly before the names of certain countries, such as yr Affrica Africa,
yr Asia Asia, yr Alban Scotland, yr Almaen Germany, yr Eidal Italy, yr Yspaen
Spain, e.g. vn yw yr Asia, deu yw yr Affrica, tri yw Europa Asia is one,
Africa is two, Europe is three FB. 216. Occasionally the article appears
before names of persons, e.g. yr Beli mawr ( = y Beli uawr WB. 191) to Beli
the Great RB. 93, 2; mwyhaf oe vrodyr y karei Lud y Lleuelys Llud loved
Llevelys more than any of his other brothers ib.
(b) The article is not used before a noun followed by a dependent genitive,
e.g. gwyr ynys y kedyrn the men of the island of the strong, unless it be
accompanied by a demonstrative pronoun, e.g or meint gwyrtheu hwnnw from that
amount of miracles, or unless the genitive be the equivalent of an adjective,
e.g. y werin eur the golden chessmen, y moch coet the wild pigs (lit. the
pigs of the wood], y peir dateni the cauldron of rebirth, the regenerative
cauldron.
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(delwedd B6918) (tudalen 022)
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22 THE NOUN. [25.
THE NOUN. NUMBERS AND CASES.
25. In Welsh the old Celtic declension is completely broken down. Of the
three genders the neuter has been lost. The dual, which, as in Irish, is
always preceded by the numeral for two, in some classes of nouns would
phonetically have fallen together with the singular; in Welsh this has been
generalised so that the dual (apart from forms like deu ychen two oxen}
coincides in form with the singular; a trace of the dual inflection remains
in the lenation of a following adjective, e.g. deu vul gadarn (from cadarn)
two strong mules, deu vilgi vronwynnion vrychion two white breasted brindled
greyhounds. In the regular inflexion there remains only one case for each
number; in the singular this corresponds some- times to the old nominative,
e.g. car friend '= Ir. carae, sometimes to the form of the oblique cases,
e.g. breuant windpipe = Ir. brage, g. bragat; a few traces of lost cases
still survive in phrases, e.g. meudwy hermit (lit. servant of God), where dwy
is the genitive of duw; erbynn against ( = Ir. ar chiunn), where pynn (from
*pendl, from *pendu) is the dative of perm head; peunyd every day, peunoeth
every night, where peun-, which in O.W. would be *poun-, comes from *popn-,
the old accusative singular of pob every.
SYNTAX OF THE CASES.
26. As in Irish, the nominative may stand absolutely at the beginning of the
sentence to introduce the subject of discourse, e.g. y wreic honn ym penn
pythewnos a mis y byd beichogi idi, lit. this woman, at the end of a
fortnight and a month there will be conception to her. In prose the genitive
follows the noun on which it depends, e.g. enw y mab the name of the son; in
poetry it may precede, e.g. byt lywaydur = llywaydur byt the ruler of the
world; sometimes, as in Irish, it is used after an adjective meaning with
respect to a thing, e.g. ny bydy anuodlawn y phryt thou wilt not
THE NOUN.
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(delwedd B6919) (tudalen 023)
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23
be displeased with her form. The accusative can be recognised only from the
construction; in poetry the accusative of a place-name is common after verbs
of motion, e.g. dywed y down Arwystli say that we will come to Arwystli MA.
192*.
FORMATION OF THE PLURAL.
27. A. The plural is based on Old Celtic plural formations.
(a) Plural with I infection ( 7b), e.g. march horse: meirch, manach monk:
meneich, maen stone: mein, oen lamb: wyn, asgell wing: esgyll, corn horn:
cyrn, escob bishop: escyb,
gwr man: gwyr.
NOTE 1. This represents the old plural formation of -o- stems, e.g. meirch
from *marci from *marcoi. In part, however, it might represent the plural of
-i- steins, cf. Ir. suili eyes: suil eye. In dagr tear the plur. deigr ( =
Ir. der) comes from *dacru, the plur. of a neut. -u- stem.
NOTE 2. Many substantives which regularly form their plural other- wise,
particularly such as form their plural in -ion, follow this inflexion after
numerals above two, e.g. tri gweis three boys, seith meib seven sons (GC^
283).
(b) Plural in -eu, -ieu (O.W. -ou, -iou), e.g. gen jaw: geneu, penn head:
penneu, cledyf sword: cledyveu, pebyll tent: pebyllyeu, glin knee: glinyeu.
NOTE 3. ou, -eu started from -oues, the nom. pi. of -u- stems, cf Gaulish
Lugoves.
(c) Plural in -on -ion, e.g. medyc physician: medygon, cenaw whelp: cenawon,
lleidr robber: lladron, mab son: meibyon, dyn man: dynyon, gelyn enemy:
gelynyon. This is the common ending of adjectives.
NOTE 4. morwyn maiden becomes in the plural morynyon.
NOTE 5. on is based on -Ones, the nom. pi. of masc. and fern, -n- stems,
cf. Gaulish Ling5nes. The borrowed lleidr robber: lladron represents an older
*latri (from *latru latro); *latrones; similarly dreic dragon: dragon, Seis
Saxon: Saeson.
(d) Other old consonantal plurals, e.g. car relative: carant (from *carants:
*carantes = Ir. carae: carait), ci dog: cwn (from *kuu: *kunes), ych ox:
ychen, brawt brother: broder, troet/00/: tract, ty house: tei (an old
neut.-s-stem, cf. Ir. tech:
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(delwedd B6920) (tudalen 024)
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24 THE NOUN. [27.
tige). Under the influence of 27a carant became cereint, broder became
brodyr; in the same way may be explained nei nephew: neieint, gof smith:
goveint. Some neut -n-stems make their plur. in -ein, e.g. enw (O.W. anu)
name: enwein, cam step: cemmein; here *-en might have been expected as in Ir.
beim blow: bemmen; the change of *-en to -ein may be explained as above.
28. B. The plural is formed by various suffixes, many of which appear in the
formation of abstract nouns.
(a) -awr, -iawr, e.g. ysgwyt shield: ysgwydawr, gwaew spear: gwaywawr (also
gwaewar, gwewyr), cat battle: cadyawr.
NOTE. This formation is mostly poetical.
(b) -awt ( = -awd), e.g. pysc/^; pyscawt, gorwyd steed: gorwydawt.
(c) -et ( = -ed), e.g. merch daughter: merchet, pryf worm: pryvet.
(d) -ed( = -ed), e.g. bysfager: byssed, dant tooth: danned, gwreic woman:
gwraged.
(e) -eit, -ieit ( = -eid, -ieid), e.g. mil animal: mileit, barwn baron:
barwneit, barwnyeit.
(f) -i, e.g. llestyr vessel: llestri, cawr giant: cewri, saer artificer:
seiri.
(g) -ot ( = -od), e.g. hyd stag: hyddot, llwdn beast: llydnot.
(h) -oed ( = -oed), e.g. mor sea: moroed, ieith language: ieithoed.
(i) -yd ( = -yd), e.g. avon stream: avonyd, gwlat country: gwledyd, chwaer
sister: chwioryd.
29. C. Some nouns are collective, with a singular formation in -ynn masc.,
-enn fern., e.g. adar birds: ederyn a bird, calaf reeds: celevyn a reed, coll
hazles: collenn a hazle, tywys ears of corn: tywysen a corn ear.
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(delwedd B6921) (tudalen 025)
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32.]
THE ADJECTIVE.
THE ADJECTIVE.
GENDER.
30. There is a special form of the feminine only in the singular, and only in
adjectives containing y, w, which in the feminine became e, O ( 7a), e.g.
gwynn white: gwen, melyn yellow: melen, bychan small: bechan, brith
variegated: breith, \\vrmmfare: llomm, crwnn round: cronn.
In the singular the adjective is lenated after a feminine noun, e.g. gwreic
dec a beautiful woman ( l6ba); in the plural there is no lenation.
NOTE. In the Celtic adjective there were -0- stems, -i- stems and -u- stems,
which are distinguishable in O.Ir., e.g. troram heavy from *trummo-s, cruind
round from *crundi-s, and il much from *pelu-s. Only the -o- stems had a
fern, in -a, so that only in these is the Welsh change of vowel
etymologically justified. But in Welsh, after the loss of final syllables,
the three classes were indistinguishable in the masculine, and the vowel-
change in the feminine spread analogically from the -o- stems to the others,
e.g. crwnn from *crundis formed a feminine cronn after the analogy of tromm:
trwmm, etc.
FORMATION OF THE PLURAL.
31. The plural is formed:
(a) By change of vowel e.g. bychan small: bychein, ieuanc young: ieueinc.
(b) By adding -on, e.g. dll black: duon, gwineu bay: gwineuon.
(c) By adding -yon (its usual formation), e.g. gwynn white: gwynnyon, melyn
yellow: melynyon.
CONCORD. Gender.
32. In the singular the attributive adjective agrees in gender with its noun,
e.g. gwas melyn an auburn lad, morwyn benngrech velen a curly-headed auburn
maiden. With the predicative adjective agreement is also found, e.g. un
ohonunt oed amdrom one of them was very heavy RB. 54, 17, oed amdroch
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(delwedd B6922) (tudalen 026)
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26 THE ADJECTIVE. [32.
llynges the fleet was shattered MA. i5o b , bit wenn gwylyan the seagull is
white FB. 247, Hem awel keen is the wind FB. 255, ys lledan y lenn its mantle
is broad FB. 146, bolch y lauyn his blade is notched MA. 172*; but here the
masculine form is also found, e.g. llym awel keen is the wind BB. 45* i, pan
yw gwyrd llinos when the linnet is green FB. 133, oedd bwlch llafn yn Haw
gynnefin the blade was notched in a practised hand MA. 2i7 b , guaedlyd y
lein bloody is his spear MA. 184*.
Number.
33. With the attributive adjective there is concord, the dual or a singular
noun preceded by a numeral having the construction of the plural, e.g. danned
hiryon melynyon long yellow teeth, deu vackwy wineuon ieueinc two auburn
young lads, pedeir meillionen gwynnyonfour white blades of clover. But there
are many exceptions; with certain adjectives the singular is regularly used;
such are adjectives in -awe, -awl, -eid, -ic, comparatives and superlatives,
some other simple adjectives such as mawr great, tec beautiful, and compound
adjectives; e.g. gwyr arvawc armed men (but exceptionally o vrenhined
coronogyon of crowned kings WB. p. 90*), llygeit hebogeid hawklike eyes,
niveroed mawr great numbers, dyrnodeu calet-chwerw hard bitter buffets. With
the predicative adjective there are found on the one hand, e.g. bychein ynt
wynteu they are small RB. 60, wynteu a veynt veirw they would be dead Hg. I.
138, oedd beilch gweilch heroes were proud MA. 2 1 7 b , kertoryon neud ynt
geith now poets are captive
MA. i57 b , on the other hand, e.g. cadarn oed y holl aelodau all his limbs
were strong CM. 26, balch iawn yw dy eiryeu thy words are right haughty CM.
34, marw ynn they are dead MA. 164% rud ynt wy they are red FB. 284, doeth y
veirt his bards are learned MA. 262% ys da y gampeil his feats are good MA.
237 b . The whole subject needs a thorough investigation.
Order.
34. (a) In Welsh, as in the other Celtic languages, the adjective normally
follows the noun, e.g. dyn doeth a wise man, gwreic
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(delwedd B6923) (tudalen 027)
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35-] THE ADJECTIVE. 27
dec a fair woman, arveu trymyon heavy arms. In Celtic, when the adjective
preceded, it formed a compound with the noun, e.g. Gaulish Cambo-dunum, which
would in W. be *cam-din, O.Brit. Cuno-maglos lit. lofty chief = W. Cynvael,
W. hen-dyn old man ( = Ir. sen-duine) from *seno-dunyos, W. prif-dinas chief
city (cf. Ir. prim-dun chief forf), W. hen-wrach old hag, which would in
Irish be *sen-fracc. From this principle W. has departed in that, under
conditions the details of which have still to be investigated, the inflected
adjective may precede the noun, e.g. bolch-lauyn a cutting blade MA. 263*,
gwen Haw white hand MA. i53 b , amryvaelon gerdeu various songs.
(b) In various phrases the noun with the preposition o, a follows the
adjective, e.g. ys drwc a gedymdeith a uuost di thou hast been a sorry
comrade, bychan a dial oed an lloski ni our burning were a small revenge, ys
dyhed O beth it is a strange thing.
THE PREDICATIVE NOUN AND ADJECTIVE WITH YN.
35. A predicative noun or adjective is often preceded by yn (lenating), e.g.
gwedy llosci canhwyll ohonei yn oleuat idaw after she had lighted a candle as
a light to him, mi ath roessum yn wreic y Uanawydan / have given thee as a
wife to Manawyddan, ych gelwir chwi yn Grystonogyon ye are called Christians,
neum goruc yn oludawc he has made me wealthy, a phob ty a welei yn llawn o
win and every house he saw full of wine, yd oed ef yn holliach he was quite
well, un a welei yn amdrom one (fem.) he saw very heavy, paham y maent hwy yn
varw o newyn why are they dead with hunger? mi a wnaf seith cant ohonawch yn
ueirw / will make seven hundred of you dead men, an gunel in rit may He make
us free, eu gwneuthur yn rydyon to make them free, eu clusteu yn gochyon
their ears red, eu harwydyon yn purwynn their standards pure white. The
concord after the feminine and the plural still needs investigation.
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(delwedd B6924) (tudalen 028)
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28
THE ADJECTIVE.
36.
ADJECTIVE PHRASES.
36. In place of a simple adjective may be found an adjectival phrase, e.g.
gwr dirvawr y veint a man of huge size (lit. a man huge his size), eurwalch
balch bolch y daryan a proud golden hero with hacked shield (lit. hacked his
shield\ gwreic digonach y thecket a woman of more perfect beauty, dyrnodeu
diuessured eu meint mighty buffets, drwc a dyn y thygetuen a woman of
unhappy fate (lit. ill of a woman her fate], ys drwc a wyr CU dihenyd vydem
ni we should be men of an ill ending, pan yttoedynt yn digrifaf gantunt eu
gware when they were most interested in their play, y wreic vwyhaf a garei
the woman whom he most loved.
COMPARISON.
37. (a) The regular suffix of the comparative is -ach, of the superlative
-haf (for the phonetic changes see Hg), e.g.
Positive. Comparative. Superlative.
tec ( = teg) beautiful tegach teckaf
tlawt ( = tlawd) poor tlodach tlottaf
cyffelyb like cyffelybach cyffelyppaf
NOTE. In Mod. W. the consonantism of the superlative has spread to the
comparative, e. g. teg, tecach, tecaf.
(b) The following are irregular: agos ^ cyfagos } near
nes (Ir. nessa)
bychan small llei (Ir. lugu)
da good gwell
drwc evil gwaeth
hawd easy haws
hen old (Ir. sen) hyn (Ir. siniu)
hir long (Ir. sir) hwy (Ir. sia)
ieuanc young (Ir. oac) ieu (Ir. 6a)
isel low (Ir. Issel) is
llydan broad (I*, lethan) llet (Ir. letha)
mawr great (Ir. mor) mwy (Ir. moa)
tren strong (Ir. tren) trech (Ir. tressa)
uchel high (Ir. uassal) uch
nesaf (Ir. nessam)
lleiaf (Ir. lugem)
goreu
gwaethaf
hawsaf
hynaf
hwyaf (Ir. slam)
ieuaf (Ir. 6am)
isaf
llettaf
mwyhaf (Ir. moam)
trechaf (Ir. tressam)
uchaf
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(delwedd B6925) (tudalen 029)
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4 o.] THE ADJECTIVE. 29
Construction of the Comparative and Superlative.
38. (a) The comparative is followed by no, before vowels noc than, e.g. ny bu
hwy no hynny it was not longer than that, mwy a vyrywys ef y dyd hwnnw noc
undyd more he threw on that day than on any single day.
(b) The superlative is followed by the preposition o, e.g. y uorwyn deckaf
onadunt the fairest maiden of them.
(c) In sentences like the more the better the superlative is used, e.g. pei
vwyhaf y lladei ef y march pellaf vydei hitheu y wrthaw ef the more he struck
the horse the farther she was from him RB. 9, 1 3; goreu yw gennyf i bo kyntaf
the sooner it is the better it pleases me RB. 12, 4.
THE EQUATIVE.
39. The possession by two objects of a quality in the same degree is
expressed by a derivative in -net ( = -hed) from the adjective preceded by
cyn-, cy-, e.g. kynduhet (du) ar muchud as black as jet, kyngadarnet (cadarn)
ac Adaf as strong as Adam, kyndecket (tec) a hi as fair as she, kynvelynet
(melyn) ar eur asyelloiv as gold, kynehofnet (ehovyn) a hynny as fearless as
that, kynwynnet (gwynn) ar eiry as white as snow, kygadarnet a brenhin as
strong as a king, kyduet ar muchud as black as jet, kywynnet ar alaw as white
as the lily.
NOTE 1. The Celtic preposition com- would in Welsh become cym-, cyn-, cyf-,
cy- according to the following sound, and would be liable to various changes
in connexion with a following consonant, e,g. com + vowel > cyf, com + 1-
> cyfl-, com + w- > cy-, com + p-> cymh-, com + b- > cymm-, com +
g-> cyng-, com + d-> cynn-, etc.; there is an interesting example of
the regular development in cythrymhet (trwmm) RB. 112, for ntr becomes thr.
But the form cyn- with analogical lenation became the general form before all
sounds, though for a time it had to contend with cy-, the form which would
arise in Celtic before initial w. For a discussion of the formation see Zimmer
KZ. xxxiv. 161 sq., Loth Rev. Celt, xviii. 392 sq., Stern CZ. iii. 135 sq.
NOTE 2. Equality may also be expressed by mor a, e.g. pryf mor dielw a hynny
a creature so vile as that, am gyriafan mor anwedus ac a wnaethoed on account
of a crime so base as he had committed.
THE ADVERB.
40. The adverb is regularly formed from the adjective by prefix- ing yn
(lenating), e.g. yn vawr (mawr) greatly, yn llawen gladly,
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(delwedd B6926) (tudalen 030)
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30 THE NUMERALS. [40.
yn drwmm (trwmm) heavily, yn well better, yn vwyhaf most. But, if it precedes
the verb, the adjective is used without yn, e.g. mynych y dywedut thou didst
often say; in the following sentence both forms occur: kanys mwy y karyssei
ef hi nor rei ereill eiryoet. a hitheu yn y dremygu ynteu yn vwy nor rei
ereill/or he had always loved her more than the others, while she contemned
him more than the others RB. II. 65.
THE NUMERALS. 41. CARDINALS AND ORDINALS.
One, etc. First, etc.
i. un cyntaf
ii. deu, f. dwy eil
iii. tri, f. teir trydyd, f. tryded
iv. petwar, pedwar, f. pedeir petwyryd, petweryd, f. pet- wared; also
pedwyryd, etc.
v. pump pymhet
vi. chwech, chwe chwechet
vii. seith seithvet
viii. wyth wythvet
ix. naw nawvet
x. dec, deng degvet
xi. un ar dec unvet ar dec
xii. deudec deudegvet
xiii. tri, f. teir, ar dec trydyd, f. tryded, ar dec xiv. petwar, pedwar, f.
pedeir, petwyryd, etc., f. petwared, ar dec etc., ar dec
xv. pymthec, pymtheng pymthegvet
xvi. un ar bymthec unvet ar bymthec
xvii. deu, f. dwy, ar bymthec eil ar bymthec
xviii. tri, f. teir, ar bymthec trydyd, f. tryded, ar bymthec
xix. petwar, pedwar, f. pedeir, petwyryd, etc., f. petwared,
ar bymthec, un eisieu etc., ar bymthec o ugein
xx. ugeint, ugein ugeinvet
NOTE. The form deng is found only before nouns beginning with certain sounds,
cf. Rev. Celt. XXVIII. 201.
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(delwedd B6927) (tudalen 031)
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42.] THE NUMERALS. 31
xxi.-xcix. In O.W. trimuceint is found for thirty. The usual reckoning,
however, is by multiples of twenty: deugein(t) (O.W. douceint) forty,
deugeintvet fortieth, trugein(t) sixty, trugeinvet sixtieth, petwarugein(t)
eighty, petwarugeinvet eightieth. The intermediate numbers are expressed by
addition, e.g. tin ar hugein(t) twenty-one, dec erydyr ar hugeint thirty
ploughs, detidec brenhin ar hugeint thirty-two kings, deng mlyned a feugemt
fifty years, deudeng mlyned a thrugeint seventy- two years, petwyryd ar
Ugeint twenty-fourth. This reckoning may extend beyond a hundred, e.g. pedeir
gwlat a seith ugeint one hundred and forty -four countries.
C.-CCiOD. Cant hundred, canvet hundredth. From this the other hundreds are
formed by prefixing the cardinals: deucant or deu- gant,trichant, petwarcant,
pumcant, chwechant, seithcant, wythcant, nawcant. Mil thousand, dwy vi\ = two
thousand, etc. Un vlwydyn ar bymthec ar hugeint a deucant = 236 years; chwech
marchawc a thrugeint a phumcant =5&5 horsemen; deudeng mlyned a thrugeint
ac wythcant = 872 years; deg mlyned a phetwar ugein a chant a mil = 1190
years, ccioo. myrd myriad.
Syntax of the Cardinals and Ordinals.
42. (a) After deu, dwy, the singular (i.e. historically the dual 25) form is
regularly used; but there are exceptions, e.g. deu ychen two oxen (where,
however, the form might be dual), dwy chwiored two sisters LA. 39, RB. II.
39, dwy burloywduon hirueinon aeleu two brilliant black long slender eyebrows
(by dwy ael) LA.Q3, deu rudellyon lygeit tworuddyeyes ib., deu perffeith-
loyw gochyon rudyeu two perfect brilliant red cheeks ib., deu nyeint two
nephews RB. II. 69, dwy wraged two wives ib. 239 dwy vlyned two years ib.
240. As to the higher numbers the general rule is that, if there be a plural
with internal vowel change ( 27a), the plural is used, e.g. tri meib three
sons, but otherwise the noun is in the singular, e.g. teir ynys three
isla?ids (pi. ynysed), petwar marchawc four horsemen (pi. marchogyon). There
are, however,
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(delwedd B6928) (tudalen 032)
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32 THE NUMERALS. [42.
exceptions, e.g. teir chwioryd three sisters, pump gwraged five women,
trychant tei three hundred houses; so very often with dyd day pi. dieu, and
blwydyn year pi. blyned. Compare the exceptions after deu above. Another mode
of expression is, e.g. tri chawr O gewri three giants, lit. three giants of
giants.
(b) The ordinals precede the noun, e.g. y betwared vlwydyn the fourth year.
But cyntaf usually follows, e.g. y marchawc kyntaf the first horseman;
sometimes, however, it precedes, e.g. kyntaw geir a dywedaw the first word
that I will say BB. 41* i. The ordinal may denote not the order in a series,
but, as also in Irish, one of a certain number, e.g. odena y kerdus er tir a
naw kedem- deith ganthav, ar nail vet a las ar hynt thence he came to land
with nine comrades, and one of the nine was slain at once Arch. Cambr. 1866
p. 114, y trydy gwr a dienghis o Gamlan one of the three men who escaped from
Camlan WB. 463; e tredyt anhebchor one of the three indispensables BCh. 8.
DISTRIBUTIVES.
43. These are expressed by prefixing pob every to the cardinal, e.g. eu bwrw
pob dec pob deudec throwing them by tens and twelves Hg. II. 160, gwin y bid
hi y vedwen in diffrin Guy a sirth y chegev pop vn pop dvy happy the birch in
the valley of the Wye, whose branches fall by twos and threes BB. 24*.
MULTIPLICATIVES.
44. These are expressed by gweith f. preceded by the cardinal, e.g. unweith
once, dwy weith twice, teir gweith thrice, pedeir
times etc.
THE PRONOUN.
PERSONAL PRONOUNS.
The Independent Pronoun.
45. Independent pronouns fall into three sub-divisions, (a) the simple
pronoun, (b) the emphatic pronoun, (c) the conjunctive or contrasting pronoun
(/ also, I on my part, I on the other hand,
46.]
THE PRONOUN.
33
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(delwedd B6929) (tudalen 033)
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etc.) When attached to a
verb as its subject the pronouns are liable to weakening, e.g. vi, i for mi,
di for ti, ditheu for titheu. Classes (a) and (c) are used also to reinforce
an infixed pronoun (4pa),a pronominal preposition (52), or a possessive
pronoun (56), or possessive adjective ( 58); then, too, they are liable to
the same reduction ( I7a).
(a) Simple. /, me mi, vi, vy, i, y.
(c) Conjunctive.
minheu,minneu,
inneu.
ninheu, ninneu. titheu, ditheu.
chwitheu. ynteu. hitheu. (h)wynteu.
(b) Emphatic.
mivi, myvi, rnyvy,
vivi, vyvi.
We, us ni, ny. nini, nyny.
Thy, thee ti, di, dy, de. tidi, tydi, dydi,
dydy.
Ye, you chwi. chwichwi.
He, himti (O.W. em), efo. She, her hi, hy. hihi.
They, them (h)wy, (h)wyntwy.
(h)wynt.
NOTE 1. In chwi the w may be omitted after w in the verb, e.g. ewchi go ye,
dowchi come ye.
NOTE 2. wy is the earlier form, which became wynt under the influence of the
ending -nt of the 3 plur. of the verb, just as O.Ir. e they became in Mid.Ir.
lat. In Mid.W. wynt is particularly used when it precedes the verb, e.g. wynt
a welynt they saw, but y gwelynt wy; this, however, is a later distinction,
in earlier Welsh wy is used everywhere, e.g. wy gwnaethant they did, wy
ladassant they sleiv.
46. The independent pronouns are used as the subject of a sentence, as the
object of a sentence, where, however, they enter into concurrence with the
infixed pronoun ( 48), (which, to judge from Irish, was the original method
of expressing the object), after prepositions which did not enter into a
unity with the pronoun ( 5 2 )> an d after some conjunctions. The
following examples will illustrate the usage:
(a) mi a wnaf / will do; pan y gweleis i ef when I saw him; nyt yspeilwys
ynteu vi he did not strip me; a rithwys Duw cyn no mi whom God created before
me; ti a wely thou wilt see; a wely di dost thou see? kymer dy hun ef take it
thyself; nyt oes seith cantref
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(delwedd B6930) (tudalen 034)
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34 THE PRONOUN. L 4 6.
well noc wy they are not seven cantreds better than they; gyt ac wynt along
with them.
(b) kynt y kyuarchawd ef well y mi no miui idaw ef he greeted me before I
greeted him; pa le y keisswn i dydi? pan geissych di vyvi, keis parth ar
India "where should I seek theeV " When thou seekest me, seek
towards India "; gofyn a oruc idi ae hihi oed yn peri hynny ke asked her
if it was she who was causing that.
(c) Mivi a rodaf vyg cret, heb hi, na charaf i dydi ac nath vynnaf yn
dragywydawl. minneu a rodaf vyg cret, heb y Peredur, na dywedaf ynneu eir
byth wrth Gristiawn yny adewych ditheu arnat vyg caru i yn vwyhaf gwr "
/ pledge my faith" said she, "that I do not love thee and that I
will not desire thee to all eternity." "I, on my part" said
Peredur, "pledge my faith that I will never speak a word to Christian
soul, until thou shalt confess that thou lovest me more than any man "
ac yn keissaw bwrw y gelein ar y march yn y kyfrwy, y dygwydei ynteu yr llawr
ac y dodei hitheu diaspat and as she sought to cast the corpse on the horse
into the saddle, it kept falling to the ground, and she raised a cry.
NOTE. ynteu etc., is also used before a proper name, e.g. y wybot dy atteb di
am hynny y deuthum i. Rof i a Daw, heb ynteu Bwyll, llyna vy atteb i ytti,
"/ have come to learn thy answer about that." "Between God and
me," said Pwyll, "here is thy answer" RB. 11. cf. RB. 25, 65,
77, 79, 81, etc., wynteu y Galissyeit CM. 1; before a common noun, e.g. sef a
wnaeth ynteu yr eryr this the eagle did RB. 78, a hitheu wreic Teirnon a
gytsynny wys and me wife of Teimon agreed RB. 22; after a proper name, e.g.
Troilus ynteu lleiaf mab y Briaf oed herwyd oet Troilus was Priam's youngest
son RB. II. 7, so RB. 14, II. 8, 9, 14, 22, Castor a Pholux wynteu a aethant
Castor and Pollux went RB. II. 9, y Telepus ynteu RB. II. 17; after a common
noun, e.g. a gwyr Troea wynteu a ymhoelassant and the men of Troy on their
part returned RB. II. 20; and in instances like: y gel wit hi Lundein neu
ynteu Lwndrys it was called Llundein or Lwndrys RB. 93, neu ynteu ony edy
hynny udunt or again if you do not allow them that RB. II. 44. Cf. Mod.W.
ynte.
47. Issem, ysef, sef. In O.W. the pron. em is used with iss, is is in phrases
like issem i anil that is his name. From issem comes in Mid.W. ysef, sef,
e.g. ysef a rodaf inneu this is what I will give; sef, gwreic a vynnawd Kicua
that was the wife he desired, Kigfa-, SSef a gafas yn y chyghor fo y ynyalwch
this is what she resolved upon, to flee into a wilderness; sef y kyrchassant
y dref uchaf o Arllechwed they made for the highest town of Arllechwedd;
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(delwedd B6931) (tudalen 035)
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49.] THE PRONOUN. 35
arglwyd, heb ynteu, minneu a allaf dy rydhau ditheu. sef ual y gallaf
"Lord" said he, "/ can free. thee. This is how I can do
it'" SSef y gwelynt varchawc then they saw a horseman. In a similar way
ef is used by itself, e.g. pan dyuu y thymp idi, ef a dyuu y hiawnbwyll idi
when her time of labour came, then her right senses came to her.
48. Infixed Pronoun.
Sing. Plur.
1. me -m- us -n-
2. thee -th- you -ch-
3. him, her, it -S-, -6- them -S-, -e-
REMARKS.
49. (a) The infixed pronoun may be strengthened by putting the corresponding
simple or conjunctive pronoun after the verb, e.g. a thydi am gwely i and
thou shalt see me, euo ath gud ditheu he will hide thee.
(b) In the third person -e- is used after the relative particle a, e.g. mi ae
gwelaf I see him, and after the conjunction tra, e.g. trae llathei pob tri
while he slew them by threes BB. 48% mi ae kynhalyaf hyt trae gallwyf / shall
maintain it as long as I can Hg. I, 4; elsewhere -s- is used. After the
verbal particle yd-, however, if the verb begins with a consonant, there is
no visible pronoun of the third person, e.g. y gwelaf / see her RB. 278, 6; a
phan i gweles meibion Collwyn and when the sons of Collwyn saw him MA. 729*;
if the verb begins with a vowel yh appears, e.g. y hanuones sent it WB. 104,
y hedewynt they left them WB. 186; similarly after yny until, e.g. ny dygaf i
un daryan yny hanuono Duw im / shall not bear any shield till God send it to
me Hg. I. 15. After pan when the infixed pronoun is regularly preceded by y-,
e.g. pan yth wnaethpwyt ti when thou wast made; in the third person it is pan
y(h), e.g. panny harcho udunt when he asks it of them LA. 56.
(c) In early poetry in connexion with ny and ry there are in the third person
special forms, nwy, nyw, rwy, ryw, used when the verb is relative, e.g. ir
nep nuy hatnappo to one who does not
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(delwedd B6932) (tudalen 036)
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36 THE PRONOUN. [49.
recognise it BB. 4 b , nyt kerdaur nyu moluy he is not a poet who does not
praise him MA. iy4 b , y ren rwy digonsei the King who had made them FB. 138.
In non-relative usage the infixed pron. after ny is -s-, the form of the
non-relative infixed pronoun after ry I have not been able to establish.
NOTE. The infixed pronoun may, as in Irish, anticipate a following object,
e.g. ai torro hac ay dimanuo y bryeint hunn who shall violate and diminish
this privilege, ay enrydedocao y breint hunn who shall respect this privilege
Lib. Land. 121, y harchwn ni dy drugared ice ask thy mercy RB. II. 44.
50. The infixed pronoun follows:
(a) The relative particle a, e.g. mynn y gwr a-n gwnaeth by Him who made us,
Duw a-ch nodho may God protect you, mi a-e harhoaf / ivill await him, her,
it, or them, a-e lladawd ef who killed him, y niver a-e gwelei wynt the
multitude that saw them.
(b) The verbal particle yd, e.g. y-m gelwir / am called, ywch kymhellasant
they have compelled you.
(c) The infixing particle a- ( 94), e.g. a-m bo may there be tome, a-th volaf
I will praise thee, a-S rodwy trindawt trugared may the Trinity give him
mercy, gwedi a-n gwelwch after ye see us, pei a-S archut if thou hadst asked
it, kyt a-m llatho though he should slay me. So when this a- has been
replaced by y-, e.g. y-S rodho Duw ymi may God give it me LA. 121.
(d) The verbal particle ry- in the earlier language, e.g. ry-rri goruc he has
made me. But in later Mid.W. the pronoun is infixed before ry- by means of
yd-, e.g. y-th ry gereis / have loved thee.
(e) The particle neu-, e.g. neu-m goruc he has made me MA. 14 i a , neu-s cud
hides it FB. 272.
(f) Sometimes in early poetry dy- of compound verbs, e.g. dy-m ryd gives me.
(g) The negatives, e.g. ny-m oes there is not to me, ny-S gwelei s I have not
seen him, her, it, or them, cany-ch gwelas neb since no one has seen you;
na-m gommed do not refuse me, mi a debygaf na-ch rydhawyt I think that you
have not been freed.
NOTE. In later Mid.W. nys seems sometimes to be used merely in a relative
sense, e.g. yn y wlat ny-s ry welsei in the country that he had not see^RB.
114, 13 = yn y wlad ny ry welei WB. 471. This usage may have
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(delwedd B6933) (tudalen 037)
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52.] THE PRONOUN. 37
developed from cases where the nominative stands at the head of the sentence
introducing it ( 26), e.g. amheu yr hynn a dywedwch chwi ny-s gwnaf i lit.
doubting of what you say I ivill not do it. A meaningless -s-, however, is
found when the verb is non-relative, e.g. nys gohiryassant they did not delay
RB. II. 48.
(h) Certain conjunctions: tra-e llathei while he slew them BB. 48% yny-m
byrywyt i till I was thrown RB. 169, o-S lledy if ' thou slayest him Hg. I.
368. Some conjunctions are followed by the infixing a, see above (c).
51. The infixed pronoun commonly expresses the accusative relation. With the
verb ' to be,' however, it regularly expresses its dative relation, e.g., am
bo may there be to me, may I have ^ vn tat ae bu one father they had; it may
further express the dative relation with other verbs, e.g. y perffeith garyat
hwnnw an rodho yr yspryt glan may the Holy Spirit give us that perfect love
LA. 103, an gunel iechid may He work salvation for us BB. 2o b .
PRONOUN WITH PREPOSITION.
52. In Welsh as in Irish the pronoun is regularly fused together with the
preposition. After ac with and gwedy after, however, the pronoun follows
separately, e.g. a mi with thee, gwedy ni after us; the explanation seems to
be that the usage of these words as prepositions is secondary. With respect
to the formation, the following points may be noted.
(a) In the first and second persons (except after y to) there is an
intervening vowel a, O (aw), or y (and in 2 pi. also w), so that in these
persons there are the following series:
Sing. Plur.
1. -af, -of, -yf -am, -om, -ym
2. -at, -ot, -yt -awch, -och, -wch, -ych
(b) In the 3 sg. masc. the ending is -aw, in the 3 sg. fern, -i (infecting a
preceding vowel) and -ei, e.g. oheni and ohonei; sometimes the infected vowel
spreads analogically, e.g. 3 pi. ohenynt. In the 3 pi. the oldest ending was
-u, whence developed later -ud (i.e. -ud), -unt, -ynt. In the third persons
-aw, -u, etc., are commonly preceded by a dental.
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(delwedd B6934) (tudalen 038)
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THE PRONOUN.
(c) In the i sg. and 3 pi. there are also endings -wyf, -wynt.
(d) After the prepositions ar, O, am are inserted respectively -n-, -hon-,
-dan- (i.e. the prep, tan under). In the 3 pi. there are certain other
insertions.
53. The forms assumed by the pronouns in connection with the several prepositions
will be seen from the following table:
Sing.
am about i. amdanaf, ymdanaf 2. ymdanat 3m. amdanaw, ymdanaw 3f. ymdeni,
amdanei, ymdanei
3X on
i. arnaf
2. arnat
3m. arnaw 1 3f. arnei, ami, erni J
att to
i. attaf
2. attat
3m. at taw ) 3f. attei, etti J
can, gan
i. genhyf, gennyf
with
2. genhyt, gennyt
3 m . gan taw, gant haw,
gentaw
3f. genti, genthi
heb
i. hebof
without
2. hebot
3m. hebdaw | 3 f. hebdi J
is below
3f. adisti
Plur.
amdanam
amdanawch "I amdanunt,ymdanunt, amdanadunt, ym- j danadud, ymdana- J
dimt, amdanwynt
arnam
arnawch, arnoch arnunt, arnynt, ar- nadud, arnadunt
attam attawch
attunt, attadunt
genhym, gennym genhwch, gennwch
gantunt, ganthu, ganthud, ganthunt
hebdunt
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(delwedd B6935) (tudalen 039)
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53-] THE PRONOUN. 39
Sing. Plur.
nem except
Q/ 2. nemoch
o from i. ohonaf, ohanaf, ohonam, ohonom
ohonof 2. ohonat, ohonawt, ohonawch
ohonot
3m. ohonaw \
3f. oheni, ohoni, ohonei, ohonu, ohonunt, ohanei, ohenei j ohenynt, onadu,
onadunt
rac before i. ragof ragom, rogom
2. ragot ragawch, ragoch
3 m. racdaw, rogdaw | ^ 3f. reed,, racdi, rocd,, rocdunt
rygthi /
TO between i. yrof yrom
2. yrot yryoch, yroch
301. yrydaw )
f yrydunt
3f. yrydi J
rwng be- i. yrynghom
tween 2. ryngot ryngoch
301. ryngtaw, ryngthaw,\
ygrythaw '(ryngdunt, ryngtunt,
3 f. ryngthi ) ^ngthunt, ryndynt
NOTE. In 0. W. there is also a 3 pi. igridu Lib. Land. XLIII, 1. 9, and in
poetry from cyfrwng a 3 pi. cyfryngthud.
tan, dan i. adanaf ydanam under 3m. ydanaw, adantaw adanunt, ydanunt,
3f. deni, adanei adanadunt
tros over i. trossof trossom
2. trossot trossawch, trossoch
3m. trostawl
3 f. trosti J trostud, trosdunt
Usually with initial d, drosSof etc.
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(delwedd B6936) (tudalen 040)
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4 o
THE PRONOUN.
[53-
trwy
through
Sing.
1. trwydof
2. trwydot 3m. trwydaw 3f. trwydi
Plur
UCh above i.
wrth
towards
3m. odyuchtaw) 3f. oduchti /
1. wrthyf
2. wrthyt 3m. wrthaw \ sf. wrthi *
y(O.W.di)i. im to 2. itt
3m. idaw
yn*
yrfor
1. ynof
2. ynot 3m. yndaw 3f. yndi
1. yrof
2. yrot 3m. yrdaw
trwydunt uchom
wrthym
wrthych, wrthywch
wrthu, wrthunt
in ywch
udu, udud, udunt
ynoch yndunt
erom yroch
yrdunt, erdunt 54. The above forms may be strengthened by the addition of the
simple or the conjunctive pronouns, e.g. arnaf i, gennym ni, itti, ohonawch
chwi, idaw ef, erni hi, udunt hwy; yrof inneu, attat titheu, gennwch
chwitheu, ohonei hitheu, attunt wynteu.
55. POSSESSIVE PRONOUNS.
1. mine meu
2. thine teu
3. his eidaw hers eidi
ours emom, einym yours einwch, einywch theirs eidud, eidunt
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(delwedd B6937) (tudalen 041)
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5 6.] THE PRONOUN. 41
56. They are used (a) alone, (b) preceded by the article, (c) preceded by a
possessive adjective, (d) after a noun, which may be preceded by a possessive
adjective. They may be strengthened by a following personal pronoun. The
following examples will illustrate the usage:
(a) y sawl a uo meu all that are mine ny bo teu dy benn may not thy head be
thine, milwriaeth kymeint ac a oed eidunt all the valour that was theirs, y
rei a oed eidaw ef those that were his, nyt yttoed y Hew yn deu ytti the lion
was not thine Hg. I. 63, nyt oes petrus genyf gaffel holl Freinc yn einym /
have no doubt that we should get all France as ours RB. II. 1 16.
(b) neb un mor wedus cledyf ar y ystlys ar meu i none whose sword on his side
is so becoming as mine; y mae y meu i y lie hwnn this place is mine; ath
gedymdeithas yssyd adolwyn gennyf y gaffel. keffy, myn vyg cret, a dyro
ditheu y tell, " and 1 'would pray to have thy friendship"
"Thou shalt have it, by my faith, and give me thine;" deu parth vy
oet a deu parth y teu ditheu two- thirds of my life and two-thirds of thine;
dwc uendith Duw ar einym gennyt take with thee God's blessing and ours; ef a
daw y dwyn y r einwch he will come to carry off your property; py darpar yw
yr einywchi yna what preparation is that of yours therel nyt oed olwc degach
nor eidi there was no aspect fairer than hers.
(c) pa vedwl yw dy teu ti what purpose is thine? mivi a dodaf vyg korff yn
erbyn y eidaw / will set my body against his.
(d) ar dy drugeinuet or rei teu ditheu with sixty of your men CM. 8; o rei
eidaw ef of his LA.; or petheu einym nynhev of our things LA. 164; dy ymadrawd
teu di thy speech Hg. II. i.
57. POSSESSIVE ADJECTIVES.
a b a b
1. my vy, vyn (before explosives) 'm our an, yn 'n
2. thy dy 'th your ach, ych, awch 'ch
3. his y 'e, 'y their eu, y 'e, 'y her y 'e, 'y '
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(delwedd B6938) (tudalen 042)
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42 THE PRONOUN. [58.
Remarks.
58. (a) The b forms occur in fusion with a preceding preposition or
conjunction. Such forms in the 2 pi. seem to be comparatively rare, e.g. ych
plith in your midst by yn ych plith LA., etc. ach rydit and your freedom RB.
II. 189; more usually yn awch medyant chwi in your power RB. II. 50.
(b) With the prep, y in the third persons there is a variety of forms; y, yw,
eu, oe, oc eu.
(c) The possessives may be strengthened by the addition of a simple or
conjunctive pronoun after the noun.
59. Examples: (a) vy arveu my arms, vy nyuot (dyvot) my coming, an meirch
ninneu our horses, dy benn thy head, awch cledyveu your swords, y wreic ef
his wife, y phenn her head, eu hieith their tongue.
(b) ym tat to my father, am arveu and my arms, yn porthi ni supporting us
(lit. our supporting), ath teulu with thy household, ach rydit and your
freedom, ydys ych gwahawd you are invited, ywch didanu to comfort you, och
pechodeu from your sins, ae waet ynteu and his blood, y ( = yw WB.) letty to
his lodging RB. 284, ae ueirch yw y rei hynn and these are his horses RB. 28,
oe chladu to bury her, y cheissaw to seek her, OC hanvod against her will, oe
harveu/ww their arms, y kestyll to their fortresses, oe gwlatoed to their
countries, OC eu porthi to support them.
NOTE. Sometimes, as in Irish, the possessive seems to anticipate a following
genitive, e.g. yn y geissaw ynteu Peredur seeking for Peredur WB. 140, y
hwyneb hitheu Riannon the face of Riannon RB. 18, 27, am y mynwgyl (without y
RB. 117, 19) y uorwyn about the neck of the maiden WB. 475.
SELF.
60. This is expressed by sg. nun, hunan, pi. hun, hunein added to personal
pronouns or to possessive pronouns or adjectives, e.g. my hun, myvy vy hun I
myself, ohonaf vy hun by me myself, ym vy hunan to me myself, vym penn vy hun
my own head, arnom ny hunein upon us ourselves; dy hun thou thyself, yth
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(delwedd B6939) (tudalen 043)
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62.] THE PRONOUN. 43
person dy hunan in thy own person; or tat ehunan from the father himself, ny
digawn ehunan he is not able himself, ef ae byryawd ehun he cast himself,
idaw ehun to himself-, hi ehunan she herself, ohonei ehunan by her herself;
wynt ehun they themselves, yr etholedigyon ehunein the elect themselves,
yrydunt ehun WB. 2 1 1 = yryngtunt ehunein RB. 272 between them- selves, yn
CU cnawt ehun in their own flesh, yn eu rith ehunein into their own form.
DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS.
61. hwnn this, hwnnw that.
Sing. Plur. Sing. Plur.
M. hwnn \ hwnnw \
F. honn I hynn honno I hynny
N. hynn J hynny j
62. These pronouns are used:
(a) absolutely, e.g. beth yw hwnn? heb y Peredur wrth y kyfrwy. kyfrwy yw,
heb yr Owein "What is this 1" said Peredur, with reference to the
saddle. "It is a saddle," said Owein; Peredur oed y enw, a ieuhaf
oed hwnnw Peredur was his tiame and he was youngest; yna y kymerth ynteu yr
hutlath. camma di dros honn, heb ef then he took the magic wand. " Step
over this," said he; yn ol honno y kerdwys ef he went after her; a hyn a
dy wedaf ytti and this I will tell thee; mi a wnaf na chaffo ef viui vyth. pa
ffuryf vyd hynny? heb y Pwyll "/ will effect that he shall never get
me" "How will that bel" said Pwyll; yn ol hynny after that.
(b) After a substantive preceded by the article, e.g. ger Haw auon a el wit
yn yr amser hwnnw Sabrina, yn yr amser hwnn y gelwir hitheu Hafren, beside a
river that was called at that time Sabrina, at this time it is called Severn;
yn yr ynys honn in this island; y nos honno that night; yr anniveileit hynn
these animals; yr enweu hynny those names. Similarly in the plural with rei,
e.g. pa ryw aniveileit yw y rei hynny? what kind of animals are those 1
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(delwedd B6940) (tudalen 044)
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44 THE PRONOUN. [62.
(c) Preceded by the article, e.g. dywet, heb y Gereint, py fiord oreu inni
gerdet or dwy hyn. Goreu itt gerdet hon, heb ef, ot ey yr hon issot ny deuy
trachefyn vyth " Tell," said Gereint, "which of these two
roads is best to travel" " It is best for thee to travel by this
one," said he; "if thou travel by the lower one, thou wilt never
come back" It may be followed by a genitive, e.g. Heuel ar doythyon ....
a ossodassant eu hemendyth ar honn Kemry holl Howell and the wise men set
their curse and that of all the Welsh BCh. i. In particular yr hwnn, etc., is
frequently followed by a relative clause, e.g. bei dywetut ti y peth a
ovynnaf ytti, minneu a dywedwn yr hynn a ovynny ditheu if thou wouldst tell
the thing that I desire of ' thee, Iivould tell that which thou desirest; ef
a vennyc fford itti ual y keffych yr hynn a geissy he will shoiv thee a road
so that thou mayest obtain what thou seekest; pwy bynnac ... a drem- yckont
dysgu yr hynn a dylyynt y wneuthur whoever despise learn- ing what they ought
to do; Bryttaen oreu or ynyssed yr hon a elwit gynt y wen ynys Britain, the
best of the islands, which was formerly called the White Isle; yr heul yn yr
hwnn y mae tri pheth the sun in which are three things. In this usage the
plural is y rei, e.g. gwraged oil eithyr y rei oed yn gwassanaethu all the
women except such as were serving; gweirglodyeu . . . yn y rei y maent
ffynhoneu gloew eglur or rei y kerdant ffrydeu meadows in which are clear
bright springs, from which issue streams. This device for expressing an
inflected relative is particularly common in the translation literature.
ARTICLE + SUBSTANTIVE + ADVERB.
63. Some adverbs have a demonstrative force along with a substantive preceded
by the article, e.g. deu ychen, y lleill yssyd or parth hwnt yr mynyd ar Hall
or parth yma two oxen, one of them is on yonder side of the mountain, the
other on this side; beth yw y rei racko? what are those yonder? att y vorwyn
draw to the maiden yonder.
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(delwedd B6941) (tudalen 045)
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68.] THE PRONOUN. 45
INDEFINITE PRONOUNS AND ADJECTIVES.
64. neb ( = Ir. nech) some one is used:
(a) Substantially, e.g. a weleist di neb hast thou seen any one? nyt adwaeney
neb efo no one recognised him.
(b) With the article before a relative clause, e.g. ediuar uyd yr neb ae
wnaeth whoever has done it will repent it; ny chigleu i dim or neb a ouynnwch
chwi / have heard nothing of him of whom you ask RB. 129.
(c) Adjectivally, e.g. gwell yw dedyf Cristonogaeth no neb dedyf or byt the
law of Christendom is better than any law in the world.
65. pawb ( = Ir. each) every one is used substantively, e.g. sef a orugant
pawb or teulu that is what each one of the household did; Peredur a rodes y
bawp gystal ae gilyd Peredur gave to every one as much as to the other.
66. pob (the unaccented form of pawb, = Ir. each, cech) is used adjectivally,
e.g. pob peth every thing. Pob is also used with un one, e.g. pob un onadunt
every one of them the plural is pob rei, e.g. a phob rei ohonunt o bop parth
a gladassant y rei meirw and both sides bitried the dead RB. II. 30.
67. oil all, e.g. y deulu oil all his household gwraged oil all the women
cewri ynt oil they are all giants. Before a noun is found holl, e.g. yr holl
gwn all the dogs. In composition with numerals there appear ell, ill, yll
e.g. ell deu, ill deu, yll deu both; ell pedwar, yll pedwar all four.
NOTE. A compound hollre is found, e.g. y rolre seint all the saints BB. 36%
yn holre oludped in all manner of wealth LA. 165, hollre genedyl anifeileit
every kind of animals LA. 166.
68. arall another, pi. ereill, is used:
(a) Substantially, e.g. kymer ef a dyro y arall take it and give it to
another; da arall the goods of another penneu rei a dygynt, llygeit ereill, a
chlusteu ereill, a breicheu ereill they took away the heads of some, the eyes
of others, and the ears of others, and the arms of others.
(b) Adjectivally, e.g. marchawc arall another horseman; y
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(delwedd B6942) (tudalen 046)
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46 THE PRONOUN. [68.
gymeint arall as much again; arveu gwell nor rei ereill arms better than the
others.
69. neill one of two, e.g. y neill or llewot one of the two lions y gwydyat
vot yndaw y neill ae gwr ae gwreic he knew that there was in it either a man
or a woman Hg. I. 54; ar y neill law y gwr oed Peredur yn eisted Peredur was seated
on one hand of the man; pob un ar neilltu each one separately.
70. y Hall the other, pi. y lleill, e.g. y kymerth Peredur banner y bwyt idaw
ehun ac adaw y Hall yr vorwyn Peredur took half of the food to himself and
left the other to the maiden; ar vn y bydei borth ef idaw a gollei y gware,
ar Hall a dodei awr and the one whom he was helping lost the game, and the
other raised a shout; paham na chadarnnhawy t y lleill velle why were not the
others thus strengthened '? LA. 8; cwymp y lleill the fall of the others LA.
8; y daw y Hall his other son-in-law, an brodyr y lleill our other brethren
LA.
71. y neill, y lleill, y Hall the one the other, e.g. y neill ohonunt yn was
gwineu ar Hall yn was melyn one of them an auburn lad, the other a yellow
lad; yn y orffei y lleill ar y Hall till the one overcame the other. With a
substantive arall is used in place of Hall, e.g. or neill tu or tu arall on
the one side on the other side.
72. y gllyd is used for the other in expressions like: dyrnodeu calet a rodei
bawp onadunt y gilyd each of them gave hard buffets to the other-, yn un or
teir person noe gilyd in one of the three persons than in another', or mor
pwy gilydfrom sea to sea; corph ni glivit pa leueir y gilit body, who hearest
not what thy fellow says BB. io b .
NOTE. y gilyd ( = Ir. a chele) means literally his fellow, but, as in Irish,
the phrase has become petrified in this form, and is used without respect to
gender, number, or person.
SUBSTANTIVES IN A PRONOMINAL FUNCTION.
73. dim thing, e.g. kymer gret y mackwy na dywetto dim or a welas yma.n.
pledge the youth that he will not tell aught of what he has seen here; heb
allel gwneuthur dim lies without being able to do any good.
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(delwedd B6943) (tudalen 047)
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79-] THE PRONOUN. 47
74. peth m. thing, e.g. kymmer dy varch nu a pheth oth ameu take thou thy
horse then and some of thy arms; onyt ef a wyr peth or hynn unless he knows
something of this.
75. rei, e.g. rei onadunt some of them, rei drut rei mut some bold, some dumb
FB. 164, cf. 62 (c).
76. ryw m, kind, e.g. pa ryw chwedleu yssyd gennyt what kind of news hast
thou? na allei neb ryw dyn marwawl datkanu so that no mortal man could
proclaim; ymlad ar ryw dyn hwnnw to
fight such a man as that RB. II. 182; gwelet y ryw gatwent honno to see such
a fight as that ib. 58; drwy y ryw edewidyon twyllodrus hynny through such
false promises as those ib. 104. Similarly cyvryw, e.g. yr kyfryw wr hwnnw to
a man of such a kind ib. 65.
NOTE. Observe that in expressions like y ryw dyn hwnnw the pronoun is
attracted in gender and number to the noun preceding. Cf. the similar
attraction with sawl below.
77. sawl f. multitude and meint greatness, e.g. yr sawl a dihagassei oe wyr
yn vy w to those of his men who had escaped alive; yr honn (sc. breich) a
ladawd y sawl gewri which slew so many giants; by sawl nef ysyd how many
heavens are there? y sawl nifer hwnnw such, a number as that RB. II. 139; y
ssawl vlwynyded hynny so many years as that ib. 44; colli y meint gwyr a oed
idaw to lose all the men that he had ib. 46; blyghau a oruc Goronilla rac
meint oed o varchogyon gyt ae that Goronilla became angry because there ^oere
so many soldiers with her father ib. 66; ymerbynyeit ar ueint allu hwnnw to
encounter such a force as that ib. 348; yn y veint perigyl honno in so great
danger as that ib. 160; y veint uudugolyaetheu hynny such great
victories as that ib. 199.
78. un one, e.g. eithyr bot yn prudach pryt Gwydyon noc un y gwas except that
the aspect of Gwydyon was graver than that of the lad.
INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS.
79 pwy who, what, used substantially, e.g. pwy wyt who art thou? y bwy y
rodit (they discussed} to whom it should be given
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48 THE PRONOUN. [79.
RB. 258; dywet pwy a uu yma tell who was here; govyn pwy yw eu tystyon to ask
who are their witnesses; pwy yw dy enw di what is thy name? LA. 128; pwy well
genhyt which dost thou prefer 1 WB. 487; dayar pwy y llet neu pwy y thewhet
the earth, what is its breadth or what its thickness! FB. 133; pwy kynt ae
tywyll ae goleuat what was first, darkness or light J FB. 301. In the sense
of what thing? is used pa beth, py beth, commonly abbreviated to peth, beth,
e.g. peth yw y rei racko what are those yonder 1 a wdost ti peth wyt pan vych
yn kyscwyt knowest thou what thou art when thou art asleep? FB. 145; a gofyn
idaw beth a wnaei a phwy oed and asked him what he was doing and who he was.
NOTE The use of pwy before a noun is exceptional, pwy ystyr WB. 454, 456 = pa
ystyr RB. 101 =py ystyr 103.
80. pa, py what? adjectivally, e.g. pa drwc digoneis inheu ytti what evil
have I done to thee? py drwc yw hynny what evil is that? This interrogative
enters into various phrases, e.g. pa le, py le (also ble) where? pa veint, py
veint how great? pa ryw, py ryw of what kind? pa sawl how many? Pa and py are
also found with the addition of un, pi. rei, e.g. pa un wyt titheu who art
thou? ef a ovynnawd udunt pa rei oedynt he asked them who they were.
NOTE 1. Pa and py seem to be used without distinction of meaning. In the
Mabinogion when the Red Book has pa the White Book has very frequently py.
NOTE 2. In the earlier literature pa and py are found also without a noun,
e.g. pa roteiste oth olud what hast thou given of thy wealth? BB. 10 b; pa
wnaf irhat shall I do? FB. 282; hyt na wydat or byt pa wnaei ( =py wnaei WB.
p. 212) so that she did not know at all 'what she should do RB. 273; py holy
di y mi ivhat seekest thou of me? RB. 128, cf. further FB. 127, 145, 216, MA.
189 b . Cf. also pa daruu y Garadawc what has been the fate ofCaradatcc? RB.
41, so 59,287 ( =py WB. p. 221), py derw itti 176; pathawr ( = pa-th-dawr)
what does it matter to thee? WB. 430 = pythawr p. 215; Duw reen py bereist
lyvwr Lord God, why hast Thou made a coward? FB. 251; py liuy di why dost
thou colour? RB. 102.
NOTE 3. Pa and py are followed by a preposition in pahar for what? e.g. pahar
e roet for what it was qiven BCh. 30; paham, pa rac, py rac and pyr (=py yr)
why? e.g. pyr ( = py rac RB. 126) y kyuerchy dv why dost tfunieall? WB. 486.
4. pa diw, py diw. The following occurrences of this may be noted: Quid (i.
pa dm, lit. for what) tibi Pasiphae pretiosas sumere vestes? Ox. 41 a .
Cunctis genitoris gloria uestri laudetur celsi thronus est cui
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83.] THE PRONOUN. 49
regia caeli, where est cui regia cadi is translated literally and
unidiomatic- ally by issit padiu itau gulat luv. 39 b . Gwynn y uyt py diw y
rodir kerennyd Duf a hoedyl hir Messed is he to whom is given the friendship
of God and long life FB. 308. (If a man gives a thing, and a dispute arises
between two men as to to which of them it has been given, the word of the
donor shall decide) pa dyu y rodes to whom he gave it BCh. 31. pa diw y
damweinei y uudugolyaeth to which the victory should fall RB. II. 57 (so with
y to, y by diw y damweinhei y uudugolyaeth onadunt 162, cf, CM. 32). pa diw
bynnac y mynnynt hwy y rodi hi to whomsoever they desired to give it RB. II.
24, cf. further 181, 185. Here the use of yd, not a ( 84), indicates that diw
is a prepositional phrase ( = to him, to it?}.
81. pwy bynnac, pa, py bynnac, pa beth bynnac, peth bynnac. The addition of
pynhac or pynnac gives the sense of whosoever, whatsoever, e.g. pwy bynnac ae
kaffei whoever should take it; pa dyn pwyllauc benac a ladho enuyt whatever
sane man shall slay an idiot; pa le bynnac y gwelwn vwyt wherever I saw food;
py fford bynnac y ffoynt whatever way they fled; peth bynnac a dywettei
Peredur whatever Peredur said.
RELATIVE PRONOUNS.
82. In Welsh there is no inflected relative. In clauses which according to
the Welsh idiom are relative, relativity is expressed by the relative
particle a when the clause is positive, by the negative ny (cf. 21 note) when
the clause is negative, e.g. pechodeu a gyffesser ac ny wneler yr eilweith
sins that are confessed and that are not committed a second time. Before the
details of relative usage are considered, there are several general points to
be noted.
83. (a) The relative a is not used:
(a) Before the relative form yssyd, syd who is, which is, e.g. nifer a uu ac
a uyd uch nef is nef meint yssyd the multitude that has been and that will
be, above heaven, below heaven, all that there are FB. 114.
P) Before the verb pietl ( l6l), e.g. Efrawc iarll bioed iarllaeth yn y
gogled Evrawc the earl had an earldom in the north.
(y) Regularly in the earlier Welsh, and , usually throughout the Mid.W.
period before the verbal particle ry, e.g. mi ryth gereis / have loved thee.
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50 THE PRONOUN. [83.
(8) Before the copula when preceded by the predicate ( 159), e.g. llawen UU
he was glad; pwy wyt who art thou? (but pwy a UU yma who was here?)
(b) () In Mid.W. prose a is frequently absent before oed was, e.g. Arthur oed
yg Kaerllion Arthur was in Caerllion. In the Mabinogion the White Book has
often a oed when the Red Book has oed, cf. WB. 227, 229, 250, 453, with RB.
101, 165, 166, 183.
(/3) In early poetry a is very often omitted, e.g. Duu vet ( = Duw a ved) God
rules BB. 15* by Duw a wet 13*. The details have still to be investigated.
84. In certain constructions the preverbal particle yd ( = Mod.W. yr) seems
to enter into concurrence with relative a, and in Mod.W. grammars yr is given
along with a as a relative particle. This, however, comes from reading
English syntax into Welsh; historic- ally, the use of yd, yr points to a
non-relative construction. In the Celtic languages the rules for the use of
the relative are peculiar. In particular it should be noted that in Welsh an
adverbial or prepositional phrase is not as such followed by the relative
construction, e.g. mwyhaf oe vrodyr y karei Lud y Lleuelys Llud loved
Llevelys more than any of his other brothers \ pan uei mwyhaf yd ymgerynt
when they most loved one another; bit chwero y talhaur in y diwet bitterly
will it be paid for in the end; mi a brynaf dy gerennyd. pa delw, heb ynteu,
y pryny di "I will buy thy friendship" "In what way" said
he, "wilt thou buy t't?" lie y gwelych eglwys wherever thou seest a
church; or lie yd oed from the place where he was; yn y rei y maent ffynhoneu
in which there are fountains; ar hynny att y kwn y doeth ef thereafter he
came to the hounds. With the first instance may be contrasted expressions
like y wreic vwyhaf a garei the woman whom he most loved, where without
mwyhaf the clause would be relative, y wreic a garei the woman whom he loved;
similarly gwreica da it a wedei to wed would suit thee well WB. 453.
85. In the Celtic sentence the verb normally comes first, e.g. y kymerth y
marchawc y march the horseman took the horse. In Irish, when part of the
sentence is to be emphasised it is brought
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(delwedd B6947) (tudalen 051)
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87.] THE PRONOUN. 51
forward by means of the copula, e.g. is e beres it is he who carries;
sometimes the copula is omitted. In Welsh a part of the sentence is
emphasised in the same way; the copula form, however, is regularly omitted.
Thus in the example given above, if the subject were to be emphasised, the
sentence would run: y marchawc a gymerth y march; if the object, y march a
gymerth y marchawc. In accordance with the preceding paragraph, if the
subject or object be thus brought forward, the following clause will be
relative in form, but not if an adverbial or prepositional phrase be brought
forward, e.g. mwy y karei he loved more; attunt yd aeth he went to them.
NOTE. In the development of Welsh yd tends to spread at the expense of a.
The Expression of Case in the Relative.
86. In the relation of subject or object of a following verb, in positive
clauses a is used (except in so far as it must or may be omitted, 83), in
negative clauses ny, e.g. y gwr a doeth the man who came; y vorwyn a weleist
the maiden whom thou hast seen \ y wreic yssyd yno the woman who is there;
meibon ny ellynt ymlad boys who could not fight.
87. In connection with the use of a, ny, the following points call for
special notice:
(a) or a (Mod. W. ar a), neg. or ny, ar ny, lit. of that which (or which
not), of what (or what not), e.g. pawb or a oed yno everyone who was there
(lit. of that which was there); or a welsei o helgwn ny welsei cwn unlliw ac
wynt of all the hounds that he had seen he had never seen hounds of the same
colour as they pob peth or ny damweinassant eiroet everything that has never
happened L A. 33; nyt oes neb or ath welei ar nyth garei no one who saw thee
would not love thee pob peth or a uu ac yssyd ac a vyd everything that was
and is and will be (where rel. a is regularly omitted before yssyd); llawer
or yssyd da many who are good. In the above examples the relative a appears
in positive clauses. But after QT = of that by which, etc., in accordance
with 84, yd is used, e.g. gorchymynneu
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(delwedd B6948) (tudalen 052)
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52 THE PRONOUN. [87.
Duw a wneynt o bop fiord or y gellynt they did God's commandments in every
way in which they could LA. 1 19; fib . .a oruc Pandrassus a gwyr Groec y gyt
ac ef y bob mann or y tebyckynt caffel dianc Pandrassus with the Greeks fled
to every place from which they thought to find escape RB. II. 44. In
sentences like: paup or y rodho y brenhyn ofrum idaw everyone to whom the
king gives a present, or ba hustyng bynnac .... or y kyfarffo y gwynt ag ef
every whisper that the wind meets RB. 60, the use of yd is due to the form of
the relative clause ( 89).
NOTE. As Zimmer has shewn, CZ. II. 86 sq. or, ar is made up of the
preposition o, a + the article yr. Similarly yr=y fo + yr: ef a dely
medhecynyat rad yr a up en e llys he is obliged to give free medical
attendance to such as are in the palace BCli. 18.
(b) Without an antecedent a, neg. ny, is used in the sense of what as the
subject or the object of a sentence, in a genitive relation, and after a
preposition, e.g. a gahat o uedic da what was got of good physicians; mi a
wnaf yssyd waeth it / shall do what is worse for thee; ys tir ( = dir)
nithiau ny bo pur it is necessary to sift what is not pure BB. 42 b; y
kymerth yntev gwrogaeth a oed yno onadunt he received the homage of such of
them as were there RB. 267; yr a welsynt o vwyt on account of what they had
seen of food; or a glywyssynt o gerd of what they had heard of song; mi a
vydaf wrth a dywedeisti / shall follow thy advice; hyt na cheffwch byth werth
un geinawc oc yssyd yn y dref so that you shall never get a pennyworth of
what is in the town Hg. II. 169. In a sentence like: sef a oruc Scuthyn yn
llaOen gOneuthur yr oedit yn y erchi idaw Scuthyn did gladly what was asked
of him LA. in, the form of the relative sentence does not admit of a (88).
88. The genitive relation whose, of which, is expressed with the help of the
possessive adjective before the noun on which in English the whose would
depend. In Welsh, if the noun following the possessive be not under the
government ot a preposition the clause is relative, if it be under the government
of a preposition the clause is non-relative, e.g. (a) Teithi Hen a
oresgynnwys mor y kyuoeth Teithi Hen whose kingdom the sea submerged RB. 108;
peth arall ny ellych byth y gaffel another thing that thou wilt never be able
to get;
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(delwedd B6949) (tudalen 053)
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90.] THE PRONOUN. 53
(b) y gur y buost neithwyr yn y dy the man in whose house thou wert last night
y gwr y buost yn y geissaw the man whom thou hast been seeking.
NOTE. In: yr hynn a odologyssynt ac a yttoedynt yn y damunaw that which they
craved and were desiring RB. II. 34, a is used where the above rule would
require yd. In MA. 267 a occurs: gwr am dotyw gwall oe golli a man from whose
destruction loss has come to me. Further exceptions seem to be very rare; I
have noted: amperffeith yw caru y peth y galler y gassau it is imperfect to
love the thing that may be hated LA. 86; wrth na bu yn dyn y bei arnaf i y
ofyn because there was no living man the fear of whom was on me CM. 30.
89. Where in English the relative is preceded by a preposition (to whom,
etc.) in Welsh the relation is expressed by a preposition + personal pronoun,
and the clause is non-relative, e.g. hyny elych yr koet y dodhwyt trwydaw
till thou goest to the wood through which thou hast come WB. 228; yno y byd
eneideu ry darffo udunt penydyaw there are souls that have finished penance
(lit. to whom penance is past} LA. 129.
NOTE 1. In the inverted sentence ( 85) Madawc uab Maredud a oed idaw Powys
Madawg son of Maredudd had Powys RB. 144, the clause is expressed relatively.
Similarly in another special type of sentence: Achelarwy a uu lawen gantaw
Achilles was pleased RB. II. 31, cf. RB. II. 189-20, RB. I. 94'5. In the
translation literature a number of exceptions occur: y rei a uo ragor arnunt
those on whom there is pre-eminence LA. 32, cf. 130-27, 131-2, 135-8, 149-17,
all in sentences of the same type; y rei hynny a ry daroed ( = earlier W.
rydaroed) udunt gwrthlad Maxen those who had succeeded in expelling Maxen RB,
II. Ill; meiri a ellit gwneuthur gweith onadunt stones from which building
could be made RB. II. 167; gwr... a wedo idaw a man to whom it is fitting CM.
77.
NOTE 2. The following is an exceptional construction: gwelet y bed a vynnei
trw y kaffei ( =trw yt gaffei WB. 453) gwreicka he wished to see the grave
through which he might be able to marry RB. 101; na chadarnhao dyn kelwyd
trwy twng trwy y colletto y gymodawc that a man shall not confirm a falsehood
by an oath through which he may ruin his neighbour LA. 143; trwy y bei
'through which there should be LA. 144.
SUBSTITUTES FOR THE RELATIVE,
90. Particularly in the translation literature there are various devices for
getting an equivalent of the relative admitting of a casual construction.
Such are yr hwnn, pi. y rei ( 62c), y neb ( 64b), y sawl ( 77).
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(delwedd B6950) (tudalen 054)
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54
THE VERB. [91.
THE VERB.
PREVERBAL PARTICLES.
The Particle yd.
91. In Mid.W. prose this particle usually appears as yd (i.e. yd) before a
vowel or h, as y before other consonants. But by the side of yd there is
found from the fourteenth century yr, which in Mod.W. has completely
superseded yd.
NOTE 1. Occasionally y appears before h, e.g. y hanoed RB. II. 109, y hanoed
LA.
NOTE 2. In RB. yt with lenation appears before a consonant in yt gweirwyt
(from cyweirwyt) 120. In the WB. version of the Kulhwch story yt (i.e. yd) is
more frequent: yt gaffei, yt gaffo 453, yt uo 458, yt werthey 470, yt vyd
471, yt uerwit 478. In BB. yt (=yd) is regular before vowels: it oet 10 b ,
it aethant 11% it imne 15 b , it elher I7 a , yt hoet 22 b , 23 a , it adcorssant
23 b , it vif 25 b , it arwet 51 a , it aw 51 b; it is written id twice in id
aeth 49* marg. Before consonants there appears both y and yd ( = yt of WB. );
the latter lenates, though the change is not always expressed. Before g, t,
d, ff, s, m, n, y only appears: y godriccawr 51 a; y tirran l b , y talhaur
16 a , y tereu 32 a , y tragho 35 b; y deuthan l b , y daeth, y doethan 2 a ,
y doethan 2 b , y darparan 3 a , y dylanuan, y daruuan 3 b , y diadaud 10 b ,
y dinwassute ll b , y deuth, y del 21 a , y doeth 22 b , y deuthant 23 b , y
deuant 25 a , y dav 32 a , y dinwassune 44 a , y due 44 b , y diwedi 51 b , y
dodir 53 b; y ffoes 22 b; y sirthei 50 a; y mae 13 b , 32 a , 34 a , 34 b ,
35 a , 41 b; y nottvy 38 b . Before p and r yd only: id pridaw 21 a , yd
portheise 27*; yd rotir 23 b . Before other consonants the usage varies, c: y
kuynan (infixed pron.?) 2% y kisceisse 25 a , y keweis (infixed pron.?) 43 b
, but id gan 8 a , id keiff 43 a , id cuitin 48 a , yd gan 54 a . gw: y gvna
34 b , y gweleise 36 a , 36 b , y guystluy 38 a , y guiscav 41 b , but id
woriv 9 a , yd welese 27 a , yd vna 32 a . b: y bu 33 b , y bit 28 a , but yd
vei 34 b , yd vo, yd vit 42 a , yd uit 44 b . 11: y lias 36 b , y lleinw 51 a
, but id lathennawr 26 a , id lathei 48 b . In the O.W. glosses it only-
appears: it dagatte Mart. Cap. 4 b , it darnesti luv. p. 88. From all this it
may be inferred that there was a period in Welsh when the particle was yd
before vowels, yd with lenation before consonants. As to the origin of
non-lenating y, it is probable that it started from verbs beginning with d.
As adyn wretch comes from *ad-dyn, so, e.g. *yd due would give *yd uc. From
association with the other forms of the verb this would naturally come to be
regarded as y due, and hence, probably with the help of' y containing an
infixed pronoun ( 50 b ), y might spread as the general form before
consonants. As to the later yr: y for yd: y, it is probably due to the
influence of the forms of the article yr: y.
NOTE 3. In ac yr gyscwys RB. 28, ual yr lygryssit RB. 54, ual yr notayssynt
CM. 57, yr = y ry, cf. 93 note 4. '
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(delwedd B6951) (tudalen 055)
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93-] THE VERB. 55
Usage of yd.
92. In normal Mid.W. prose the particle yd, which has no appreciable meaning,
is, with certain exceptions, used regularly before indicatives and
subjunctives, e.g. yd af yn egyl gyt ac wynt / will go as angel along with
them; y deuei y kythreul the devil used to come; ac yno y gwelas ef pedeir
gwraged and there he saw
four women; yn y lie y gwelsei Gynon in the place where he had seen Cynon;
lie y gwelych eglwys wherever thou seest a church; val y gwelas y gwr Peredur
yn dyuot as the man saw Peredur coming; megys y mynnei ehun as he himself
desired ' hyt y buant as long as they were.
93. But it is not used:
(a) at the beginning of a clause before a subjunctive of wish or command,
e.g. diwyccom-ne a digonhom o gamuet may we make atonement for the iniquity
which we have done BB. i5 b; hanpych gwell hail! dos titheu ar Arthur . . .
ac erchych hynny idaw go thou to Arthur and ask that of him WB. 454;
Agamemnon . . . a dwawt . . . gossottynt hwy y neb a vynnynt yn y le ef
Agamemnon said they should set whomsoever they pleased in his place RB. II.
24.
NOTE L Contrast yng ngoleu addef nef yt nodder in the light of the heavenly
home may he be protected MA. 174 a .
(b) When the verb is repeated in answers, e.g. a bery di? paraf wilt thou
effect? I will.
(c) In such instances as the following: Bei dywedut ti y mi y peth a ovynnaf
ytti, minneu a dywedwn y titheu yr hwnn a ovynny ditheu. Dywedaf yn llawen,
heb yr Owein " if 'thou wouldst tell me what I ask of thee, I would tell
thee what thou askest" "I ivill tell gladly" says Owein; ath
gedymdeithas yssyd adolwyn gennyf y gaffel. Keffy myn vyg cret " and I
pray to obtain thy friendship." " Thou shalt obtain it by my
faith;" ac yna y dywawt Peredur: diolchaf ynneu y Duw na thorreis vy llw
and then Peredur said: " I give thanks to God that I have not broken my
oath '' (cf. the use of na 237 c).
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56 THE VERB. [93-
(d) When the predicate precedes the copula, e.g. llawen vuant they were glad.
NOTE 2. But with verbs of naming yd with an infixed pronoun is used when the
predicate precedes, e.g. Peredur ym gelwir / am called Peredur.
(e) After a negative, e.g. ny welas he did not see; pony wdost dost thou not
know 1
(f ) In relative construction, e.g. ef a doeth he came.
(g) After the interrogative a, e.g. a wely di dost thou see?
(h) After the particle neut, e.g. neud ynt geith now they are slaves MA. i57
b .
(i) After mad well, e.g. mad devthoste happily didst thou come, BB. 44*,
unless there be an infixed pronoun, e.g. mat yth anet happily wert thou born
FB. 101.
(k) After moch soon ( = Ir. mos), e.g. moch guelher soon will be seen BB. i b
.
(1) After certain conjunctions, e.g. can buost since thou hast been; kwt
gaffei where he should get WB. 453; cyn gwnel though he does; kyt dywetto
though he should say; o gwely if thou seest pan welsant when they saw; pei
kaffwn if I should get; tra vych while thou art; yny digwyd till he falls.
But it is used with an infixed pronoun after pan, e.g. yr pan yth weleis
since I saw thee; so after tra (but cf. 4Q b ), e.g. hyt tra yn dygyrcher so
long as we are visited RB. 105.
NOTE 3. After gwedy after the usage is not very clear. Before a following
vowel, we nave on the one hand gwedy ed eystedont after they sit BCh. 53,
gwedy yd elont after they oo Hg. I. 11, gwedy yd elom after we go Hg. II.
146, on the other hand gwedy aruerych after thou dost practise LA. 90. Before
a following consonant, in BCh. gwedy y (e.g. gwedy e kafo after he gets 34)
is more common than gwedy (e.g. gwedy roder after she is given 130); in BB.
is found wide kywisscaran (leg. kywisscarun) after tee separate 12 b; gwydi
darffo after it is over 4 b; in Mid.W. prose gwedy is much more common than
gwedy y, but it is a question how far gwedy comes after fusion from gwedy y.
It is to be noted that infixing a- ( 94) is found after gwedy as well as
after the conjunctions which are not followed by yd; this would seem to
suggest that the use of yd after gwedy was not original, but there is need
for further investigation based on fuller material.
NOTE 4. In Mid.W. prose yd is sometimes found before ry, even when there is
no infixed pronoun, e.g. fford y ry [djuuost the way by which thou hast come
WB. 138; ym pob gwlat or y ryfuura in every country in which I have been ib.
144; y ry dugassei he had brought RB. II. 139; megys y ry wnathoed as he had
done ib. 161. Cf. the instances of yr 91 n. 3.
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9 6.] THE VERB. 57
94. In later Mid.W. the use of yd is more extensive than at an earlier
period. In the archaic prose of the story of Kulhwch and Olwen it is often
wanting in the White Book version where it is present in the Red Book, and in
the earlier poetry it is rarer still; the conditions of the earlier usage
have still to be investigated. It may be noted that in earlier Welsh, when yd
is not syntactically permissible, a- is used to infix a pronoun, e.g. a-m bo
may there be to me BB. I7 b; ath uendiguiste he has blessed thee 18 a; as attebwys
answered them FB. 139; as redwn (leg. rodwn) we ivill give it WB. 475. In
prose this usage survives after some conjunctions, e.g. gwedy an gwelwch
after ye see us Hg. II. 1; gwedy as cladawch hi after ye bury her LA. 81; pei
as rodei if he gave it RB. 136. This a tends to become y under the influence
of the infixed pronoun after yd (y-m, etc. ), e.g. ys po may there be to him
BB. 53 b; bei yscuypun if I had known it BB. 41 a; bei ys gattei if it had
permitted it WB. 424 = pei as gattei RB. 274; kyt ym lladho though he slay me
RB. 280 = kyt am llatho Peniarth MS. 4. With fusion, e.g. peis mynnynt if
they desired it LA. 69.
THE PARTICLE ry.
95. The particle ry, which corresponds etymologically to the Ir. verbal
particle ro-, and resembles it in its uses, is in Welsh a disappearing
particle; it is much less frequent in Mid.W. prose than in the early poetry.
NOTE. Ry is sometimes reduced to r, e.g. nyr darffo WB. 230 = ny darffo RB.
168; nar geueis that I did not get Hg. II. 265; ar ethynt (v.l. a ethynt)
that have passed RB. II. 205; ar doethoed ( = a dathoed RB. 197) who had come
WB. 62; wedyr vligaw ( = wedy y vlingaw Hg. II. 1 12) after his flaying CM.
102. From neu + ry has come the common Mid.W. neur, cf. neur dialawd ( = neu
ry dialawd WB. 404) he has avenged RB. 259; neur daroed ( = neu ry daroed WB.
402) it was over RB. 258. For yr= y ry see 91 n. 3.
96- In Mid.W. prose ry is used:
A. With the indicative.
(a) Optionally with the perfect (as distinguished from the preterite, 108),
e.g. uy llysuam ry dygvys ( = a dynghwys RB. 102) im my stepmother has sworn
to me WB. 454; pawb ry gauas ( = a gauas RB. 113) y gyuarws everyone has
received his boon WB. 470; drycheuwch y fyrch uy aeleu ry syrthwys ( = a
syrthwys RB. 119) ar aualeu vy llygeit raise the forks of my eye- lashes
which have fallen on my eyeballs WB. 478; llawer dyd yth ry gereis I have
loved thee many a day RB. 118; nys ry geueis ( = nys keueis RB. 1 26) / have
not got him WB. 487; ny ry giglef i eirmoet dim y wrth y uorwyn / have never
heard anything of the
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(delwedd B6954) (tudalen 058)
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58 THE VERB. [96.
maiden RB. 113; a ffan ry dytlll amser mab a anet a elwit Bown and when the
time was come, there was born a son who was called Bown Hg. II. 119.
(b) Optionally with the pluperfect, e.g. gwallocau a oruc y ryn ry adawsei (
= yr hyn a adawssei RB. 101) he neglected what he had promised WB. 453; a
thrist oed genthi, kany ry welsei ( = kany welsei RB. 116) eiroet y uynet ae
eneit ganthaw a delhei y erchi y neges honno and she was sad, for she had
never seen anyone who came on that quest depart with his life WB. 474; a
chael yn y uedwl na ry welsei eiryoet mab a that kyndebycket ar mab y Pwyll
and he thought that he had never seen son and father so like as the boy was
to Pwyll; a chynn ymgyweiryaw yn y gyfrwy neur ry adoed heibyaw and before he
had settled himself in his saddle, she had passed by. In the sentence:
dechreu amouyn a gwyrda y wlat beth uuassei y arglwydiaeth ef arnadunt hwy y
vlwydyn honno y wrth ry uuassei kyn no hynny he began to ask the nobles of
his country hoiv his rule over them had been that year compared with what it
had been before RB. 7, ry uuassei seems to express priority relatively to the
pre- ceding buassei.
B. With the subjunctive.
(a) With the present subjunctive ry appears sometimes when it has a perfect
sense, e.g. ohonot ti yt gaffo ef kanys ry gaffo ( = yr nas kaffo RB. 101) o
arall/rarc thee he shall get (offspring} though he has not got it from
another WB. 453; kyt ry wnelych di sarhaedeu . . . kyn no hynn nys gwney
bellach though thou hast committed out- rages before this, thou shalt not
commit them further RB. 99; yno y byd eneideu ry darffo vdunt penydyaw there
are the souls that have ended their penance LA. 129. But also without ry,
e.g. a chyn gwnel gameu it . . ny buost ti hawlwr tir a dayar eiryoet and
though he has wronged thee, thou hast never been a claimant of land and earth
RB. 44.
(b) With the past subjunctive, when it has the sense of a pluperfect, ry not
infrequently appears, e.g. mynet a oruc serch y uorwyn ym pob aelawt itaw
kynnys ry welhei ( = yr nas gwelsei RB. 102) eiroet love for the maiden
entered every limb of him though
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(delwedd B6955) (tudalen 059)
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97-] THE VERB 59
he had never seen her WB. 454; nyd oed waeth kyuarwyd yn y wlad ny ry welei (
= nys ry welsei RB. 114) eiroet noc yn y wlad ehun he was not a worse guide
in a country that he had never seen than in his own country WB. 47 1; a chyn
lawenet vu a chyt ry delei idaw iechyt and he was as joyous as though health
had come to him RB. II. 183; pei mi ry wascut ( = awascut RB.n6) uelly ny
oruydei ar arall uyth rodi serch im if it had been me whom thou hadst so
squeezed, no other one would ever have been able to show me love WB. 474. But
also without ry, e.g. pei ys gwypwn ny down yma if I had knoivn z'/, I would
not have come hither RB. 29, 20.
C. With the infinitive when it has a perfect or pluperfect sense, e.g.
adnabot a oruc ry gaffel dyrnawt ohonaw he perceived that he had got a buffet
gwedy ry golli eu kyrn after their horns had been /<?.tf RB. 194.
97. In early Welsh poetry the use of ry is much more common than in prose;
there it has also some syntactical uses which have been lost in prose (cf.
EriuII. 215 sq.)
(a) With the indicative preterite, when it has a perfect sense, ry is much
more frequent than in the prose language. As in the case of Irish ro, the
general definition of this usage is that the past is viewed from the
standpoint of the present. There may be a reference either to the personal
experience of the speaker, e.g. mi ryth welas / have seen ihee BB. 51 a , rim
artuad / have been blackened BB. 12% or to an indefinite past, e.g. ry gadwys
Duw dial ar plwyf Pharaonus God has kept vengeance on Pharaoh's people FB.
170.
With respect to this usage, however, the following points have to be noted:
1. ry is not found:
(a) After a negative, e.g. ni threghis ev hoes their life has not passed away
BB. ll a; contrast ry treghis eu hoes FB. 128. There are rare exceptions in
the later poetry.
(/8) After mad well, e.g. mad devthoste yg corffolaeth happily hast Thou come
into the flesh BB. 44 a .
(y) After the interrogative a, e.g. a gueleiste gureic hast thou seen a
woman? BB. 22 b . But in prose a ry f u has he been? WB. 121.
2. ry is not preceded by relative a. In the later poetry there are very rare
exceptions.
3. A pronoun is infixed after ry; it is not put before it with yd or a, e.g.
Z-n gwarawt has helped us FB. 126, os Dofyd ry-n digones */ it is the wd that
has made us FB. 113. In the later poetry there are rare exceptions.
(b) With the subjunctive of wish it is used optionally in positive (but never
in negative) sentences, e.g. ry phrinomne di gerenhit may we buy Thy
friendship BB. 44 b; rym gwares dy voli may Thy praise help me FB. 109, by
ath uendicco may it bless thee BB, 18 a; but ny buve trist may I not be sad BB.
17 b .
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(delwedd B6956) (tudalen 060)
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60 THE VERB. [97.
(c) With the present indicative:
1. Ry may express possibility, e.g. ry seiw gur ar vn conin a man can stand on
a single reed BB. 45 a .
NOTE. In prose there is an instance of ry with the present indicative in: ef
a ry eill ych neckau he may refuse you RB. 60. With gallu, ry is also found
in the potential, e.g. ef ar allei vot yn wir a dywedy di what thou sayest
may be true Hg. I. 81, similarly 224, 267, 272; without ry: ef a allei llawer
mab colli y eneit many youths might lose their life WB. 100. From the perfect
sense inherent in the verb, ry is found with the present and imperfect of
darvot to be finished, e.g. os y uwrw ry deryw if he has been thrown WB. 125;
neur daroed id aw diffeithaw traean Iwerdon he had already laid waste the
third part of Ireland RB. 135.
2. In a subordinate clause of a general sentence it may have the sense of a
perfect, e.g. ti a nodyd a ry g er yd Thou savest those ivhom Thou hast loved
FB. 180. The same sense is found in the subjunctive, when that mood is
syntactically required, e.g. ry brynwfy] nef nyt ef synn whosoever has
purchased heaven will not be confounded FB. 307; a ry gotwy glew gogeled
ragtaw let him who has angered a brave man shun him MA. 191 a .
(d) In the later poetry it is used with the future, or with the subjunctive
in a future sense, without any apparent meaning, e.g. arth o Deheubarth a
dirchafuy. ry llettaud y wir ew tra thir mynvy a bear from the South will
arise. His men will spread over the land of Mynwy BB. 30*; bydinoed
Katwaladyr kadyr y deuant. ry drychafwynt Kymry, kat a wnant the hosts of
Cadwaladr mightily will they come. The Cymry will rise up, they will give
battle FB. 126.
CONJUGATION OF THE VERB. Verbal Classes.
98. In Celtic as in Latin there were various types of verbal conjugation. In
Old Irish the different types may still to a great extent be distinguished,
e.g. 3 sg. -beir carries from *beret, -guid prays from *godit (cf. Lat.
capit), -cara loves from *carat (cf. Lat. amat), -leici leaves from *lancit
or the like (cf. Lat. audit or monet; in Celtic e became I). In Welsh the
several types have become obscured. There remain, however, some traces of an
original difference. Such are the different forms of the 3 sg. pres. ind.,
e.g. geill (to gallu to be able] which would go back to *galllt or the like,
cymmer takes which would correspond to an Ir. con-beir and would go back to
com-beret, car loves = lr. -cara; further the various forms of the 3 sg.
pret. act. in -as, -es, -is and of the pret. pass, in -at, -et, -it. In
particular should be noted such series as geilw (to galw, to call): gelwis:
gelwit; ceidw (to cadw to preserve): cedwis: cedwit; llysg (to llosgi to
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(delwedd B6957) (tudalen 061)
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ioi.] THE VERB, 61
burn}: llosges: llosget; ceiff (to caffael to get): cavas: cavat. Here there
is great need for a collection of material from early texts. In some cases an
original radical conjugation is indicated by certain formations peculiar to
verbs of the root class, e.g. the -t preterites aeth = Ir. -acht and cymmerth
= Ir. con-bert to pres. a = Ir. -aig and cymmer = Ir. con-beir; the pret.
gwarawt = Ir. fo-raith to gwaret to help; and preterites passive like llas =
Ir. -slass to Had to kill
Voice.
99. There are two voices, the active and the passive. The deponential form
which is found in Old-Irish has disappeared in Welsh.
Number.
100. In the active there are two numbers, the singular and the plural. In the
passive there is only one form for both numbers.
101. In the concord of a verb with a plural subject Welsh shews certain
peculiarities:
(a) If the subject be unexpressed, or if it be a personal pronoun, the verb
is in the plural, e.g. y doethant, y doethant wy, wynt a doethant they came.
NOTE. Exceptions are rare, e.g. os wynteu ae med hi if it is they that Assess
it RB. 91; poet wynt athiffero let it be they who defend thee CM.
nyt wy dyweit geu llyfreu Beda the books of Beda do not lie FB. 159; \vy a
gynheil y bit they support the world FB. 217; hwy a orfyt they shall prevail
MA. 141 b . An example with the copula is: ys hwy yr rei hynny ( = sef yw y
rei hynny RB. 121) Nynhyaw a Pheibyaw they are Nynnyaw and Peibyaw WB. 480.
(b) Otherwise in the prose of the Mabinogion the singular is the usual
construction, e.g. y kerdwys y kennadeu the messengers set out; beth yw y rei
racko? egylyon ynt what are those yonder? They are angels. But sometimes the
verb is in the plural, particu- larly in WB. and in the more archaic texts,
e.g. y deu vrenhin a nessayssant the two kings drew near RB. 5; a meicheit
Math- olwch a oedynt ( = oed RB. 35) ar Ian y weilgi and the swineherds of
Matholwck were bij the shore of the sea WB. 50; y trywyr a ganant eu kyrn the
three sound their horns WB. 485 = RB. 125, 18;
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(delwedd B6958) (tudalen 062)
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62 THE VERB. [ 101.
naw brenhin coronawc a oedynt wyr idaw nine crowned kings who were his men
RB. 244; seithwyr a oydynt y danaw seven men were under him (by naw eglwys
ereill a vydei there were nine other churches) WB. 385 = RB. 245; y rei a
oedynt ( = oed RB. 165) yn gwassanaethu those who were serving WB. 227;
bliant oedynt ( = oed RB. 165) y llieinyeu y bwrt the tablecloths were of
fine linen WB. 227; kwt ynt ( = ble mae RB. 101) plant y gwr where are the
children of the man? WB. 453. Sometimes the plural is found with a collective
noun, e.g. gwelsant niuer Otgar eu meint the people of Odgar saw their number
RB. 1 36, 3. In the earlier poetry the plural is quite common, and in
corresponding constructions in Old Irish the plural is regular. In Welsh
there has been an encroachment of the singular upon the plural, as there has
been in later Irish.
Person.
102. In the active there are three persons of each number. In the passive
there is only a third person, the first and second persons being expressed,
as in Irish, by means of pronouns, e.g. y-m gelwir I am called, y-th elwir
thou art called, ny-n cerir we are not loved, ny-ch cerir ye are not loved;
kattwer vi let me be kept.
NOTE. In the third person there are instances of an infixed pronoun, when the
verb is non-relative, e.g. kyt ys galwer though they are called LA. 88, megys
pei as gossottit as if it were placed Hg. I. 304; but, on the other hand,
e.g. na rodher that it be not given RB. 258, pan ollyngit when it ivas set
free Hg. I. 315. The matter calls for further observation.
103. The verb regularly agrees in person with the subject, e.g. mi a welaf /
see, ti a wely thou seest, ny a dy wedwn we say, mi a thi a ryuelwn thou and
I will fight, mi a Bown a wysgwn yn arueu ymdanam a thitheu a wysgy ymdanat
Bown and I will put on our arms, and thou wilt put on thine. In the passive,
where there is no distinction of person, the third person is used everywhere,
e.g. mi a gerir / am loved. The 3 sg. copula form ys is used, like the
corresponding Ir. is, with pronouns of the first and second persons, e.g ys
mi ( = Ir. is me);'/ is I.
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(delwedd B6959) (tudalen 063)
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IDS.] THE VERB. 63
Occasionally in a relative clause the verb is in the 3 sg. when the
antecedent is in the first or second person, e.g. mi ryth welas / have seen
thee BB. 51*; ae ti a eirch uy merch? ys mi ae heirch is it thou who askest
for my daughter? It is I who ask for her WB. 479; mi ay had[e]ilyawd / built
it WB. 394.
NOTE. These last examples represent the original construction, which has in
Welsh been replaced by congruence with the pronoun. The 3 sg. is the regular
construction in Breton, e.g. me guelas / saw, in Cornish, e.g. why a ergh ye
seek, and in Old Irish, e.g. is me asbeir it is I who say.
The Moods.
104. There are three finite moods, the indicative, the subjunctive and the
imperative. The Celtic languages have developed no proper infinitive; the
place of the infinitive in Welsh as in the other Celtic languages is taken by
a verbal noun, with nominal inflexion and with nominal construction. There is
a passive par- ticiple in -edic and a verbal of necessity in -adwy
(corresponding to the Irish verbal of necessity in -thi).
The Indicative.
105. The tenses of the indicative are present, imperfect, preterite, and
pluperfect. Syntactically the present serves also as a future; in the earlier
language, however, there are also special future forms (!30)- The imperfect
is used both as an imperfect indicative and as a conditional (in the latter
usage it corresponds in usage to the Irish secondary future). The preterite
is used both as preterite and as perfect; in the latter usage it is often
preceded by ry, particularly in the earlier language ( 96, 97). The
pluperfect is a new development of the British division of Celtic; it has the
same endings as the imperfect, and has been formed to the preterite stem on
the analogy of the imperfect to the present. It is used (a) as a pluperfect
indicative, (b) as a pluperfect conditional, in which sense, however, the
imperfect continues to be used in Mid.W., (c) as a pluperfect subjunctive, in
which usage it tends in Mid.W. to replace the past tense of the subjunctive (
ill). The following examples will illustrate the uses of the tenses of the
indicative.
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(delwedd B6960) (tudalen 064)
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64 THE VERB. [ 106.
PRESENT.
106. (a) Actual present, e.g. beth yw hwnn? Kyfrwy yw what is this? It is a
saddle; ti a wely y sawl vorynyon hygar yssyd yn y llys hon thou seest all
the amiable maidens who are in this court
WB. 155-
(b) Consuetudinal present, e.g. ef a wyl pawb or a del y mywn ac nys gwyl neb
efo he sees everyone who enters and no one sees him WB. 156.
(c) Of an action lasting into the present, e.g. ys gwers yd wyf yn keissaw a
olchei vyg cledyf / have been seeking for a while some one to burnish my
sword RB. 126; pump mlyned ar ethynt yr pan yttym ni yn arueru or ryw seguryt
hwnnw five years have passed away since we have been enjoying that ease RB.
II. 205.
(d) Historic present, e.g. nyt kynt yd yskynn ef ar y uarch noc yd a hitheu
hebdaw ef no sooner did he mount his horse than she passed him RB. n; nachaf
gwr du . . . a welant lol they saw a black man WB. 486; a phan daw ( = doeth
WB. p. 204) hyt lie yd oed Gwenhwyvar kyuarch gwell a oruc idi and when he
came to the tilace where Gwenhwyvar was he greeted her RB. 262; gossot a oruc
ynteu ar y marchawc . . . yny hyllt y daryan ac yny dyrr yr aruev he made an
onset on the horseman, till he cleft the shield and broke the arms RB. 271.
(e) As future, e.g. dywet y Arthur pa le bynnac y bwyf i gwr idaw vydaf, ac o
gallaf lies a gwassanaeth idaw, mi ae gwnaf. A dywet na deuaf y lys vyth yny
ymgaffwyf ar gwr hir say to Arthur that wherever I am I will be his man, and
if I can do him advantage and service \ I will do it. And say that I will
never come to his court till I encounter the tall man.
IMPERFECT.
107- (a) Of an action going on or a state existing in past time, e.g. val y
kyrchei ef y bont ef a welei varchawc yn dyuot as he was making for the
bridge, he saw a horseman coming WB. p. 216; nyt y fford a gyrchei y tref or
bont a gerdawd Gereint it was not by the road that went from the bridge to
the town that Gereint went
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(delwedd B6961) (tudalen 065)
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TO;.] THE VERB. 65
WB. p. 217; yma yd oedwn yn kerdet ui ar gwr mwyaf a garwn. ac ar hynny y doeth
tri chawr o gewri attam we were travelling, I and the man whom I most loved.
And thereupon there came to us three giants WB. 441; pan deuthum i yma
gyntaf, eingon gof a oed yma, a minneu ederyn ieuanc oedwn when first I came
here there was here a smith's anvil, and I was a young bird RB. 129.
NOTE 1. Note the use of the imperfect with a negative in such sentences as
the following: nyt eynt hwy oe bod they would not go ivillingly RB. 32; yr
hynny ny thawei yny dygwydwys kysgu arnei for all that she would not be
silent, till sleep fell upon her RB. II. 51.
NOTE 2. The imperfects of clybot to hear and of gwelet to see are frequent in
narrative, parallel with the preterite of other verbs, e.g. y dyd yd aeth ef
parth a chaer Dathyl, troi o vywn y llys a wnaeth hi; a hi a glywei lef corn
the day that he went towards Caer Dathyl, she walked within the court, and
she heard the sound of a horn RB. 74, 6; a dyuot yr brifford ae chanlyn a
orugant. A choet mawr a welynt y wrthunt. A ffarth ar coet y deuthant. Ac yn
dyuot or koet allan y gwelynt pedwar marchawc aruawc. Ac edrych a orugant
arnunt and they came to the highway and followed it. And they saw before them
a great wood. And they went towards the wood. And they saw four armed
horsemen coming out of the wood. And they gazed upon them RB. 270, 19/
(b) Representing in indirect speech a present indicative of direct speech,
e.g. a galw a wnaeth attaw y verch hynaf idaw Goronilla a gofyn idi pa veint
y karei hi efo. A thygu a wnaeth hitheu y nef a daear hot yn vwy y karei hi
euo noe heneit ehun. A chredu a wnaeth ynteu idi hynny, a dywedut, kan oed
kymeint y karei hi euo a hynny, y rodei ynteu draean y gyuoeth genti hi y wr
a dewissei yn ynys Prydein and he called to him his eldest daughter
Goronilla, and asked her how much she loved him. And she swore by heaven and
earth that she loved him more than her own life. And he believed her in that
and said that, since she loved him so much as that, he would give the third
of his kingdom with her to the man whom she should choose in the island of
Britain RB. II. 65.
(c) Of a repeated or customary action in past time, e.g. a phy beth bynnac a
dywetei ar y dauawt, ef ae kadarnhei oe weithret ae arueu and whatever he
said with his tongue, he used to make it good by his deeds and his arms RB.
II. 41; kymeint ac a wnelit y dyd or gweith, tranoeth pan gyuotit neiir
daruydei yr dayar y lynku as much of the work as was done by day, overnight
when they arose the earth had sivallowed it RB. II. 141; ar rwym a wneyit
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(delwedd B6962) (tudalen 066)
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66 THE VERB. [ 107.
yna rwng deu dyn a wnaethpwyt y rwng Gereint ar uorwyn and the bond that used
to be made then between two persons was made between Gereint and the maiden
RB. 262, 25.
(d) As secondary future or conditional.
(a) As a secondary tense to the future, e.g. can gwydywn i y dout ti ym
keissyaw i for I knew that thou wouldst come to seek me WB. 249; diheu oed
genthi na deuei Ereint uyth she was sure that Gereint would never come WB.
441; ny wydyat hi beth a wnaei she did not know what she should do RB. 268,
29.
(/?) In the apodosis of a future or possible conditional clause, e.g bei
gwnelhit uyg kyghor i ny thorrit kyfreitheu llys yrdaw if my counsel were
followed, the laws of the court would not be broken on his account WB. 458;
pei clywhut ti ymdidan y marchogyon racco . . . mwy vydei dy oual noc y mae
if thou heard the discourse of yonder horsemen, thy anxiety would be greater
than it is.
(y) In the apodosis of a past or impossible conditional clause, e.g. py ham
vilein, heb ef, y gadut ti efo heb y uenegi imi. Arglwyd, heb ef, ny
orchymyneisti euo imi; pei as gorchymynnut nys gadwn "why, villain"
said he, "didst thou let him go without letting me know?"
"Lord," said he, "thou didst not give me such instructions. If
thou hadst instructed me I should not have let him go" WB. p. 216; pei
oet idaw, ef a ledit ( = ladyssit RB. 193, 8) if he had been of age, he
^vould have been slain WB. 117.
NOTE 3. To bot to be the regular conditional is bydwn. The imperfect oed,
however, (like Ir. ba) is used in a modal sense in expressions like the
following: oed well genhyf ( = Ir. ba ferr limm) noc yssyd ym gwlat bei oil
yt uei val hynn I should prefer to all that is in my kingdom that it should
be all like that WB. 487.
PRETERITE.
108. (a) As preterite (the regular narrative tense), e.g. ac ymhoy lud a
ortic ar y marchawc, ac ar y gossot kyntaf y uwrw yr llawr y dan draet y
uarch. a thra barh[a]awd yr un or pedwarugein marchawc, ar y gossot kyntaf y
byryawd pob un onadunt. Ac o oreu y oreu y doe[t]hont attaw eithyr y iarll.
Ac yn diwethaf oil y doeth y iarll attaw and he turned on the horseman, and
at the
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(delwedd B6963) (tudalen 067)
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io 9 .] THE VERB. 67
first onset he threw him to the ground, under the feet of his horse. And
while there remained one of the eighty horsemen, at the first onset he
overthrew every one of them. And there came to him always one better than the
last, except the earl. And last of all the earl came to him WB. 432; y gysgu
yd aethant y nos honno. a phan welas y meichat lliw y dyd, ef a deffroes
Wydyon that night they went to sleep. And when the swineherd saiv the hue of
day, he aroused Gwydyon RB. 78, 12.
(b) Corresponding to a perfect in indirect speech, e.g. a thranoeth Agamemnon
a wyssywys y bobyl y gyt, ac a diwadawd na bu ef eiryoet chwanawc yr
amherodraeth honno. ac a dywawt nas kymerth ef hi onyt o uedwl iawn and next
day Agamemnon summoned the people together, and denied that he had ever been
desirous of that sovereignty. And he said that he had not taken it except
with just intention RB. II. 24.
(c) As perfect, e.g. coet ry welsom ar y weilgi yn y lie ny welsam eiryoet vn
prenn we have seen a wood upon the sea where we have never seen a single tree
RB. 35, 24; pwy a ganhadwys itti eisted yna who has given thee permission to
sit there? WB. p. 225; Bendigeit Uran ar niuer a dywedassam ni a hwylyassant
parth ac Iwerdon Bendigeit Vran and those whom we have mentioned set out
toivards Ireland RB. 35, 14.
PLUPERFECT.
109. (a) As pluperfect indicative, e.g. or a welsei ef o helgwn y byt ny
welsei cwn un lliw ac wynt of all the hounds that he had seen anywhere he had
never seen dogs of the same colour as them RB. i, 21; ual y gnottayssei tra
uu yn llys Arthur kyrchu twrneimeint a wnaei he resorted to tournaments as he
had been wont to do while he was in Arthur's court RB. 268, 6; a dyuot kof idaw
y dolur yna yn uwy no phan y cawssei and then there came to him the
recollection of his sorrow more than when he had received it WB. p. 218.
(b) As pluperfect conditional, e.g. buaSsei well itti pei rodassut nawd yr
mackwy it would have been better for thee if thou hadst given protection to
the lad; a phei nat ystyriei yr Arglwyd Duw ohonunt
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68 THE VERB. [ 109.
wy, ef a wnaethoed oual tra messur udunt and if the Lord God had not
considered them he ivould have caused anxiety beyond measure to them Hg. II.
71.
(c) Replacing the subjunctive in a pluperfect sense, e.g. bei buassut with vy
gyghor i, ny chyuaruydei a thi na thrallawt na gofit if thou hadst followed
my counsel, neither affliction nor trouble would have come nigh unto thee Hg.
II. 123; pei doethoed ef yn y lie wedy dilyw, wynt a dywedynt y mae vrth Noe
ac Effream y dywedassei Duw pob peth or a dywedessynt if he had come
immediately after the Flood they would have said that it was to Noah and
Abraham that God had said everything that they had said LA. 1 7.
The Subjunctive Mood. THE FORMATION OF THE SUBJUNCTIVE.
1 10. The sign of the subjunctive is h; for the changes that h undergoes in
conjunction with a preceding sound see Hg. Examples: sg. 3 pres., coffaho:
coffau to remember; carho: caru to love; sorho: sorri to be angry; talho:
talu/oy; prynho: prynu to buy; mynho: mynnu to desire; bendicco: bendigaw to
bless; cretto: credu to believe; atteppo: attebu to answer; llatho: Had to
slay; tyffo: tyvu to grow. After a preceding h, h is lost by dissimilation,
e.g. parhao: parhau to continue; amheuo: amheu to doubt. Further h does not
appear after ch, e.g. archo: erchi to ask, after ff, e.g. caffo: caffael to
yet, after 11, e.g. gallo: gallu to be able, or after s, e.g. keisser BB. 26 b
, llafassed BB. 27*, yssynt WB. 467. In the present tense the subjunctive has
distinctive endings; in the past tense the endings are the same as in the
imperfect indicative, so that here the h is the only distinguishing mark,
except in the few verbs that have a special subjunctive stem.
NOTE 1. In Mid.W. a new h subjunctive is formed analogically to the
indicative of verbal sterns ending in d, e.g. cerdho RB. 293 = certho WB. p.
211: cerdet to go, lladho WB. p. 210 = llatho WB. 419: llad, rodhom KB. 105 =
rothom WB. 458: rodi to give; from stems ending in v the regular form is
rare, tyffei: tyvu VVB. 453, but prouher: provi prove BB. 3 1 ', safhei:
sevyll to stand WB. 466 = RB. 110. There are already in Mid.W., particularly
in its later period, examples of complete confusion
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iii.] THE VERB. 69
of the subjunctive with the indicative stem, e.g. clywut RB. 274 = clyvut WB.
423 = clywhut WB, p. 212: clybot to hear, clywych RB. 270 = clywhych WB, p.
209, guelud: gwelet to see BB. 29 b talo RB. 268 = talho WB. 415, sorro:
sorri BB. 28 b , cenich: canu to sing BB. 42 b , medrei RB. 76 = metrei WB.
104: medru aim at, mynnei RB. 277 = mynhei WB. p. 214, cerdo RB. 273 = certho
WB. p. 211, llado RB. 270 = lladho WB. p. 210= llatho WB. 419, rodo RB. 286 =
rotho WB. p. 220, yvei: yvet to drink BB. 48 b . This confusion has spread
analogically from cases like gallu, erchi, etc., where the subjunctive stem
was in Old Welsh identical with the indicative, and from cases where later
the two forms fell together by the operation of phonetic law, e.g. mynho to
mynno, like minheu / to minneu. The old forms are most persistent in stems in
g, d, b.
NOTE 2. The earlier history of the Welsh subjunctive is very obscure.
Vendryes, however, in the Memoires de la Societe de linguistique de Paris,
XI. 258 sq. has made it probable that h came from prehistoric s, so that the
formation would resemble that of the Irish s-subjunctive, from which,
however, it differs in that in Welsh there must have been a vowel between s
and the final consonant of the verbal stem. The explanation given by Stern,
CZ. III. 383 sq. is untenable. In Early Welsh there are two sub- junctives
identical in formation with the Irish s-subjunctive: duch may he lead from
*douc-set: dwyn to lead, and gwares may he help from *vo-ret-set: gwaret to
help,
THE TENSES OF THE SUBJUNCTIVE.
III. In early Welsh, as in Irish, the subjunctive had two tenses, a present,
which syntactically had the function of a present and of a perfect, and a
past, which syntactically had the function of an imperfect and of a
pluperfect; in the sense of perfect and pluperfect the subjunctive may be
preceded by ry ( p6B.) In the later Mid.W. period the past subjunctive in a
pluperfect sense tended to be replaced by the pluperfect indicative ( I0pc);
sometimes in the same passage one text has the original subjunctive while
another has the pluperfect indicative, e.g. kyn nys ry welhei WB. 454 = yr
nas gwelsei RB. 102, 5 though he had not seen her; pel as gorchymynnut WB. p.
216 = pel as gorchymynnassut RB. 280, 7 if thou hadst commanded it. The
indicative origin of the usage is particularly clear in forms like pel
doethoed if he had come LA. 17.
NOTE. This substitution is parallel to the general tendency to replace the
subjunctive stem by the indicative; it was noted above that no instances have
been found of subjunctive h after s; thus, if ysswn from yssu to eat might be
either indicative or subjunctive, a pluperfect indicative like carasswn / had
loved might easily have come to be used in a subjunctive sense. In ry wnelsut
WB. p, 223 = gwnelut WB. 445, RB. 290, a pluperfect has been formed
analogically to the past subjunctive gwnelut ( 142).
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70 THE VERB. [ 112.
THE USAGES OF THE SUBJUNCTIVE.
112. A thorough investigation of the uses of the subjunctive as contrasted with
the indicative in Mid.W. is still wanting 11 . The following examples may
serve to illustrate the principal types; further instances will be found
under the conjunctions. Under the various headings are given, so far as they
occur, (a) instances of the present subjunctive, (/?) instances of the past
subjunctive.
113. A. The subjunctive in main clauses, (a) Wish.
(a) an duch ir gulet may He bring us to the feast BB. 2o b; Duw a rotho da
itt may God give good to thee WB. p. 204; ny bo teu dy benn may not thy head
be thine RB. 103, 6.
NOTE. A wish with reference to the past is expressed by the indicative, e.g.
Och lessu na dyffv wy nihenit Jesus! that my death had come (lit. Alas!
Jesus, that my death did not come) BB. 25 b; och Gindilic na buost gureic
would, Cynddilig, that thou hadst been a woman BB. 46 a .
(b) Command.
(a) yscythrich fort a delhich ti. a llunhich tagneuet make smooth a road that
thou mayest come and cultivate peace BB. 42 b; dos . . . ac erchych hynny
idaw go and ask that of him RB. 102, 1 1; dyuot a wnelhych gennyf come with
me RB. 118, 2; dabre genhiw nym gwatter come with me, let me not be refused
BB. 51*.
(P) In indirect speech a command is transferred to the past sub- junctive,
e.g. Agamemnon ... a d[y]wawt y peidei ef ar llywodraeth honno yn llawen ...
a gossottynt hwy y neb a vynnynt yn y le ef Agamemnon said that he would
gladly give up that command \ and that they should set whomsoever they
pleased in his place RB. II. 24.
(c) Futurity. This usage is common in poetry, but rare in prose, (a) ohonot
ti yt gaffb ef kanys ry gaffo o arall/ww thee he shall
get it, though he has not got it from another WB. 453; nyth atter ti ( = nyth
ellyngir di RB. 104, 8) y mywn thou shalt not be admitted WB. 457; nyt
arbettwy car corff y gilyd one kinsman will not
* A beginning has been made by Atkinson, On the Use of the Sub- junctive Mood
in Welsh, " Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, 1894," pp. 459
sq., but he deals only with the present subjunctive.
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ii 4 .] THE VERB. 71
spare the body of another FB. 127; cad a uyt ym Mynyt Cam a Thrahaearn a
later there will be a battle in Mynydd Cam, and Trahaearn will be slain MA.
i42 a .
114. B- The subjunctive in subordinate clauses.
(a) Negatively after verbs of thinking, swearing, etc.
(a) ny thybygaf inheu na wypych ti haedu ohonaw ef hynny / do not think that
thou dost not know that he has deserved that RB. II. 157; hyt na bo neb a
wypo na bo ti vo Gwrlois so that no one may know that thou art not Gwrlois
RB. II. 179; mi a tynghaf dynghet idaw na chaffo ef enw yny kaffo gennyf i /
lay this fate on him that he will not get a name till he gets it from me RB.
69, 2 1;
rodwch gret na wneloch gam idi if ye pledge yourselves to do her no wrong RB.
117, 15.
NOTE 1. But in indirect speech as such the indicative is the mood used. With
the last example contrast: y Duw y dygaf vyg kyffes nae werthu nae ellwng nas
gwnaf i / vow to God that I will neither sell it nor let it go RB. 56, 8;
similarly 215, 15.
(/?) nyt er tebygu ohonaw ef na bei deilwg // was not because he thought that
it was not worthy RB. II. 26; neb or ae gwelei ny wydyat na beynt eur no one
who saw them knew that they were not gold RB. 62, i. After a primary tense:
na wn . . . pei kahwn dysc nas gwypwn / do not know that, if I got
instruction, I would not know how to do it WB. 127.
(b) In indirect interrogation.
(a) aet un y wybot pwy vo let some one go to learn who he may be RB. 9, i;
manac y mi pa furyf y gallwyf hynny show me how I can do that RB. 3, 4; yny
wyper a UO byw until it be known whether he will live RB, 261,4; y edrych a
allwyf y dial arnaw to see whether
1 can avenge him on him RB. 204, 12; dewis ae ti a elych yr llys ae titheu a
delych gyt a mi y hela ae minneu a yrro vn or teulu choose whether thou wilt
go to the court, or whether thou wilt come with me to the chase, or whether I
shall send one of the household RB. 237, 9.
((3) heb wybot pwy vei eu gelynyon pwy vei eu gwyr ehunein without knowing
who were their enemies, who their own men RB. II. 105; val yd oed Kynan
Meiradawc yn pedrussaw beth a wnelei as Kynan Meiradawg was hesitating as to
what he should do
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?2 THE VERB. [ 114.
RB. II. 114; a medylyaw pa ffuruf y gellynt ymlad ar deu lu and they
considered how they could fight with the two armies RB. II. 76; ef a peris y
dwyn yw lys y edrych a uei vyw he caused him to be brought to his court to
see whether he would live WB. p. 222.
NOTE 2. But in dependent interrogation as such the subjunctive is not
required, e.g. ny wn i pwy wyt ti / do not know who thou art RB. 2; govyn a oruc
pwy oedynt a pna le pan hanhoedynt a phy daear y magyssit arnei a phy achaws
y dathoedynt y deyrnas ef he asked who they were, and whence they came, and
in what land they had been reared, and for what reason they had come to his
kingdom RB. II. 131; gouyn a wnaeth ae offeiryat oed ef he asked if he was a
priest Hg. I. 33; edrych yn y chylch a oruc a yttoed ef yn deffroi she looked
round about her to see if he was awaking RB. 274, 30.
(c) Concessive clauses:
(a) a chyt archo ef ytti yr eil na dyro and though he ask theefor a second
(blow\ do not give it RB. 3, 19; tydi am gwely i kany welwyf i dydi thou s
halt see me, though I do not see thee RB. 173, 18.
(/?) a chyt bei lityawc ef wrthi hi ef a gymyrth y rybud and though he was
angry with her, he took her warning WB. p. 215.
(d) Conditional clauses:
(/?) e.g. pei as gwypwn mi ae dywedwn if I knew it, I would ///;'/ RB. 130,
5; bei ys cuypun...nys gunaim if I had known it I would not have done it BB.
41*; or gwnelei ef hynny ynteu a rodei y verch idaw ef if he did that he
would give him his daughter RB. II. 26.
NOTE 3. In present conditional clauses the present indicative with o is used
( 224*).
(e) Clauses of comparison:
(a) gwnaet iawn mal y barno goreugwyr y llys let him give satis- faction as
the nobles of the court shall decide RB. 261, 4.
(/?) mal y dyckei eu teghetuenneu y ffoassant they fled as their fortunes led
them RB. II. 73. Of unreal comparison, e.g. llyma yssyd iawnhaf itti . . .
dyuot yma auory ym kymryt i mal na wyppwn i dim y wrth hynny that is thy most
proper course, to come here to-morrow to take me as if I knew nothing about
it WB. p. 215.
(f ) Temporal clauses:
(a) o lladaf i y gwr racco mi ath gaf ti tra vynhwyf. a gwedy nath vynhwyf mi
ath yrraf ymdeith if I slay yonder man, I will
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ii 4 .] THE VERB. 73
take thee as long as I desire; and when I no longer desire thee, I will cast
thee forth WB. p. 215; pan agorer y creu beunyd yd a allan when the sty is
opened every day, it goes out RB. 78, 7; pan delych dy him yth wlat ti a wely
a wneuthum yrot ti when thou thyself contest to thy land, thou wilt see what
I have done for thee RB. 6; ny luniaf i esgydyeu idi yny welwyf y throet /
will not shape shoes for her till I see her foot RB. 70, 24.
(ft) a pheri yr kigyd gwedy y bei yn dryllyaw kic dyuot idi a tharaw bonclust
arnei beunyd and he made the butcher, after he had been cutting up the flesh,
come to her and box her ears every day RB. 34, 9; a ffan uei hyttraf Gereint
y llawenhaei y gwr and whenever Gereint prevailed, the man rejoiced WB. 398;
tra uei y mywn coet ar vric y coet y kerdei while he was in a wood, he would
travel on the top of the wood RB. 108, 21; y byryw[y]t y kalaned yn y peir
yny uei yn llawn the corpses were thrown into the cauldron till it was full
RB. 39, 23.
(g) Final clauses, and clauses following verbs of effecting, commanding,
desiring, etc.
(a) carchara wynt hyt nat elont dracheuyn imprison them so that they may not
go back RB. 34, 14; mi a wnaf na chaffo ef viui vyth / shall effect that he
shall never get me RB. 13, 16; ny allaf i na chysgwyf / cannot refrain from
sleep RB. 277, 4; sef y harchaf itt na mynnych wreic my request of thee is
that thou shalt not seek a wife RB. 100, 20.
(/?) ereill a gyghorei it rodi dy uerch y un o dylyedogyon y deyrnas hon ual
y bei vrenhin gwedy ti otfiers counselled thee to give thy daughter to one of
the nobles of this kingdom, so that there might be a king after thee RB. II.
114; Andromacta...a anuones at Briaf y beri idaw wahard Ector nat elei y dyd
hwnnw yr vrwydyr Andromache sent to Priam to get him to prevent Hector from
going to the battle that day RB. II. 22; adolwyn a wnaeth Elenus na wnelit
hynny Helenus begged that that might not be done RB. II. 32.
NOTE 4. But in mere consecution the indicative is used, e.g. ar y llech y mae
kawc aryant wrth gadwyn aryant mal lia ellir eu gwahanu on the nag there is a
silver goblet on a silver chain, so that they cannot be separated RB. 167;
kyscu a wneuthum i ual na wybuum pan aeth ef / slept so tJiat I did not know
when he went RB. 247, 26.
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74 THE VERB. [ 114.
(h) Relative clauses, including similar clauses of a non-relative type.
(a) wely di a wnelych here is what thou must do RB. 271, 23; kein wlad nef
boed ef yt el the fair land of heaven, may it be there that he goes MA.
263!); a vo penn bit bont let him who is head be bridge RB. 36; y gymeint a
wypwyf i mi ae dywedaf all that I know I will tell RB. 131; o mynwn nineu
arueru o rydit a vo hwy if we wish to enjoy freedom any longer; pwy bynnac a
vynno kanlyn Arthur bit heno y Ghernyw gyt ac ef whoever wishes to accompany
Arthur, let him be with him to-night in Cornwall RB. 160; kymer y march
kyntaf a welych take the first horse that thou seest RB. 9; na uyd...yr a
dotter yndi vyth however much be put into it it will never be (full) RB. 15;
ny cheiff ymwan...y gwr ny bo gyt ac ef y wreic vwyhaf a garho no man will be
allowed to contend who has not with him the lady whom he most loves RB. 252;
a oes ohonawch chwi a adnapo y uarchoges racco is there any one oj you who
knows yonder horsewoman? RB. 8; keis ath ladho seek someone to slay thee RB.
5; gwna ty...y geingho ef make a house in which he may find room RB. 37, 21
(/?) Sef y gwelei y Hew yn y ganlyn . . . ual milgi a uackei ehun he saw the
lion following him like a hound that he had reared himself RB. 187; pedeir
meillonen gwynnyon a dyuei yn y hoi myn yd elhei four white blades of clover
grew after her wherever she went WB. 476; digavn oed hynny yn tal gwasanaeth
a uei uwy nor un a wneuthum i that were sufficient as pay for a greater
service than that which I have done WB. 426; a pheth bynnac a dywettei
Peredur wrthi chwerthin a wnay hitheu yn uchel and whatever Peredur said to
htr, she laughed aloud RB. 237; a chymeint oed eu gwybotac nat oed ymadrawd .
. . yr isset y dywettit . . . nys gwypynt and such was their knowledge that
there was no conversation, however low it was uttered, that they did not know
RB. 94, 1 8. After a primary tense: kynhebic yw yr neb a wasgarei gemeu
mawrweirthyawc dan draet moch he is like one who should scatter precious
stones under the feet of swine RB. II. 122.
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ii7.] THE VERB. 75
The Imperative.
115. In the active the imperative has two persons in the singular and three in
the plural; in the passive it is identical in form with the subjunctive. The
negative is na. Examples: gat i mi vynet allow me to go; na wiscet dim
ymdanei let her not put anything on; kyrchu tref arall a wnawn let us make
for another town; na rodher let there not be given. The only idiom that calls
for special notice is the following: mi a rodaf vy iarllaeth yth uedyant a
thric gyt ami/ will give my earldom into thy possession, if thou wilt stay
with me (lit. and stay with me) RB. 278, 14.
The Participle Passive in -edic.
Il6. Examples: arueu y gwyr lladedic the arms oj the slain men; ynteu
madeuedic yw ganthaw y godyant ef as for him, the injury done to him is
forgiven by him WB. 404; Gwawl ... a doeth parth ar wled a oed darparedic
idaw Gwawl went to the feast that was prepared for him RB. 14, 22.
The Verbal in -adwy.
117. Examples: nyt barnadwy yn volyant it is not to be judged a praise Hg.
II. 83; nyt kredadwy it is not to be believed CM. 1 1 1; a chanys credadwy yw
y anedigaeth credadwy y varwoly- aeth and since his birth is credible, his
death is credible CM. 21; midwyf bard moladwy / am a poet worthy of praise
FB. 203; odit a uo molediw few are worthy of praise FB. 272; os da gennyt ti
ac or byd ragadwy bod it if thou approves ~t and if it is pleasing to thee
RB. II. 133; a phrofadwy yw ry golli ohonaf i vyn ngolwc and it is clear that
/ have lost my sight Hg. I. 83; vegys bilein pro fad wy like a proved villain
Hg. II. 129.
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76 THE VERB. [ 118.
The Verbal Noun or Infinitive.
FORMATION.
Il8. The following are the chief types of formation of the verbal noun:
(a) The prehistoric suffix has disappeared, so that the verbal noun is now
identical in form with the stem of the verb. Examples:
ammeu doubt \ amheu-af / galw call \ galw-af
doubt gellwng let go: gellyng-af
cyvarch ask: cyvarch-af gwarandaw listen-, gwaran- dianc escape-, diangh-af
daw-af
diodef suffer: diodev-af Had slay: llad-af
Further in some denominatives, e.g. bwytta eating: bwytta-af, cardotta
begging, lledratta stealing, pyscotta fishing.
lip. (b) The verbal noun still shows a suffix.
(a) -i, e.g.
bod-i drown: bod-af mol-i (O.W. molim) praise:
cyvod-i rise: cyvod-af mol-af
erch-i (O.W. erchim) ask: per-i cause: par-af
arch-af tew-i be silent -. taw-af
meneg-i shew: manag-af torr-i break: torr-af
() -u, e.g.-
can-u sing-, can-af gwassanaeth-u minister: car-u love: car-af gwassanaeth-af
dysg-u teach: dysg-af mynn-u desire: mynn-af
gall-u be able: gall-af pryn-u buy: pryn-af
This is the common form of the verbal noun from denominatives in -ha-, e.g.
cennatta-u send message: cennatta-af, dynessa-u approach -. dynessa-af,
rydha-u free: rydha-af.
(y) -aw, e.g.
gwisg-aw clothe: gwisg-af bedydy-aw baptize: bedydy-af lliw-aw colour:
lliw-af medyly-aw think: medyly-af
120.]
THE VERB.
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77
(S) -at, -et, -ut, e.g.- adeil-at build-, adeil-af
cerd-et^?: cerd-af gwel-et see: gwel-af
gorderch-at make love\ gor- derch-af
yv-et drink: yv-af
dywed-ut (also dywedwyt) ymchoel-ut turn; ymchoel-af say: dywed-af (e)
Various suffixes found only in a few verbs:
cymryt take: cymmer-af dyffryt//^: differ-af edvryd restore: adver-af goglyt
shun: gogel-af
adolwyn entreat: adolyg-af amwyn protect: amyg-af
ehed-ecy^: ehed-af ered-ic //0,#: ard-af
6i\ii, follow: dilyn-af ymlit pursue: ymlyn-af godiwes overtake: godiwed-af
arhos await: arho-af
dwyn lead: dyg-af
red-ec run: red-af
gallel (by gallu) be able: gall-af sev-yll stand: sav-af
caffael, cael#?/: caff-af gadael (by gadu) allow gad-af
chwerthin laugh: chward-af igian sob: igi-af darllein m*</: darlle-af
lievaincry: llev-af
USAGE.
120. The infinitive, being merely a verbal noun, has all the con- structions
of a noun; it has, however, become so far attached to the verbal system that
it forms a perfect by prefixing the particle ry ( p6c). Examples:
(a) nyt oed vynych yt gaffel bud it was not a common thing for vou to get
profit; mynneu a ryuedeis gallu ohonaw ef mynet yn dirybud y mi / wondered
that he could go without informing me; gwedy Had y gwyr hynny after those men
had been slain; cyn awch mynet ymdeith atteb a geffwch before you depart
(lit. before your
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(delwedd B6974) (tudalen 078)
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78 THE VERB. [ 120.
going) you shall get an answer; heb y uenegi imi without showing it to me; y
eu gochel to avoid them.
(b) gwedy clybot yn Rufein ry oresgyn o Garawn ynys Brydein after it had been
heard in Rome that Carawn had conquered the island of Britain. Sef a
wnaethant llidiaw yn vwy no meint am ry wneuthur ac wynt kyfryw dwyll a hwnnw
they were exceeding wroth that such treachery had been done to them RB. II.
75.
121. The verbal noun has no distinction of voice. If it depends upon gallu to
be able or dylyu to owe, then, if the sense be passive, gallu and dylyu are
put in the passive, e.g. gwreic y gellir dywedut idi y bot yn deckaf or
gwraged a woman of whom it can be said that she is the fairest of women; ni a
atwaenwn y neb a dylyer y kymryt y gantaw we know those that ought to be
taken from him RB. 16, 20.
122. The agent with the verbal noun is commonly expressed by the preposition
o following the noun (cf. the corresponding Irish construction with do\ e.g.
gwedy gorwed ohonaw ef ar traws yr auon after he had lain across the river \
gwedy ry gyscu ohonaw after he had slept; rac dy lad ohonaw lest thou
shouldst be slain by him. It may also be expressed by the preposition y, e.g.
tygll llyein mawr udunt wynteu y vot yn wir they swore great oaths that it
was true Hg. II. 131; kymryt ofyn mawr y Vradmwnd Bradmwnd became sore afraid
Hg. II. 133; gwedy lldtint oresgyn yr holl wlat after they had conquered the
whole country RB. II. 1 16; gwedy y Amic gaffel kennyat after Amic had got
permission Rev. Celt. IV. 218; nyt oed neb o vilwyr y vort gronn heb idaw eu
bwrw oil yr llawr there was no one of the warriors of the Round Table that he
had not thrown down Hg. I. 9; yr y pawb disgynnu though everyone else
dismounted RB. 105, 7. Or the verbal noun may be preceded by a possessive
adjective, e.g. gwedy CU dyuot yr weirglawd after they came to the meadow Hg.
I. 9.
123. The verbal noun is often used in periphrasis with gwneuthur to do, e.g.
dysgynnu ar y pren a wnant they will alight upon the tree ac yna ymlad a
wnaem ninneu am y maen and then we would fight for the stone; a cherdet recdi
yr coet a
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(delwedd B6975) (tudalen 079)
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126.] THE VERB. 79
omc y uorwyn and the maiden went on to the wood; rodi penn y karw a
wnaethpwyt y Enid the head of the stag was given to Enid.
124. The verbal noun may carry on the construction of a finite verb, e.g.
drychauel y wyneb a oruc ynteu ac ydrych arnei yn llidiawc he raised his face
and looked on her angrily WB. 419; kennatau y mab a orucpwyt, ae dyuot ynteu
yr llys and the boy was sent for and came to the court WB. 454; ac a dywawt
na wnaethpwyt oe bleit ef drwc yn y byt y Briaf, namyn rodi Esonia idaw ef o
achaws y dewret and he said that on his part no evil in the world had been
done to Priam, but that Hesione had been given to him for his valour RB. II.
5; pan bebillo Lloegir in tir Ethlin a guneuthur Dyganhuy dinas degin when
the English shall encamp in the land of Ethlin, and make Deganwy a strong
fort BB. 28 a; pan gyfodes y bobyl a chael Lawnslot megys yn uarw when the
people rose and found Launcelot like one dead Hg. I. 155.
125. Without a preceding finite verb the verbal noun may serve as an
historical infinitive, e.g. tra yttoed vilwyr Arthur yn ymlad ar gaer, rwygaw
o Gei y uagwyr a chymryt y carcharawr ar y geuyn while Arthur's warriors were
fighting with the city, Kei broke through the wall and took the prisoner on
his back RB. 131, 28; deuy yrof a Duw, heb ynteu. ae dwyn gyt ac ef yr uort
oe hanuod, ac erchi idi vwyta yn uynych '''between God and me thou
shaltcome" said he. A nd he took her to the table against her will and
asked her repeatedly to eat RB. 289; a gwedy disgynnu Arthur yr tir dyuot
seint Iwerdon attaw y erchi nawd idaw and after Arthur landed, the saints oj
Ireland came to him to ask his protection RB. 136; dyuot ( = dyuot a oruc RB.
126) y porthawr ac agori y porth the porter came and opened the gate WB. 487.
126. The verbal noun has special uses with certain prepositions, (a) With yn
the verbal noun has the force of a present participle
(cf. the Irish construction with oc\ e.g. val y gwelas y gwr...Peredur yn
dyuot as the man saw Peredur coming; lleidyr...a geueis yn lletratta arnaf a
thief whom I caught stealing from me. It is often used with the substantive
verb to express continuing action; e.g. yr hynny hyt hediw yd wyf i yn
darparu gwled ytti from that time
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(delwedd B6976) (tudalen 080)
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8o THE VERB. [ 126.
till to-day I have been preparing a feast for thee RB. 182; canys ar y medwl
hwnnw yd wyt titheu yn trigyaw since it is on this purpose that thou art
fixed RB. 253; ual yd oed y sarff yn dyuot or garrec, y tharaw a oruc Owein a
chledyf as the snake was coming from the rock, Owein struck it with a sword.
When the verbal noun precedes the verb yn may be added, but it is more
commonly omitted, e.g. yn eisted yd oedynt ar garrec Hardlech they were
seated on the rock of Harlech RB. 26, yn adolwc y mae y ti arglwyd ( =
adolwyn itti arglwyd y mae Erbin WB. p. 205) ellwng Gereint y uab attaw he
entreats thee. Lord, to let go his son Gereint to him RB. 264; dywedut
yrydunt ehun y maent they are saying among themselves WB. p. 21 1; medylyaw
yd wyf I am considering RB. 75, 26 (but yd wyf yn medylyaw RB. 76, 22).
(b) With gwedy after the verbal noun has the force of a perfect participle
(cf. the use of Irish iar n-), e.g. y mae gvedy mynet gyd a Gwenhwyvar y
hystavell he has gone with Gwenhwyvar to her chamber WB. 408, a phan
yttoedynt gwedy gware talym, sef y klywynt kynnwryf mawr when they had played
a while, they heard a great din RB. 157; a ffan welas y gwr... Gereint gwedy
caffel dyrnawd and when the man saw that Gereint had received a blow WB. 398;
Enyt a oed heb gyscu y mywn ystauell wydrin, ar heul yn tywynnu ar y gwely,
ar dillad gwedy ry lithraw y ar y dwy uron ef Enid was sleepless in a chamber
of glass, with the sun shining on the bed, while the clothes had slipped from
his breast WB. 416.
(c) With can with and tan under the verbal noun is used in sentences like the
following: Pascen...a gyffroes y bobyl honno... gan adaw udunt anheruynedic
amylder o eur ac aryant Pascen stirred up that people, promising them an
unlimited abundance of gold and silver RB. II. 169; ty wyssawc Kernyw ae
hymlynawd gan eil Had the prince of Cornwall followed them slaying them RB.
II. 191; dyuot dracheuynt at Wenhwyuar dan gwynaw y dolur she came back to
Gwenhwyuar bewailing her anguish RB. 249; (wynt) a gyrchassant parth a Ruuein
dan anreithaw a wrthwynepei udunt they set out towards Rome, plundering all
who resisted them RB. II. 75.
THE VERB.
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(delwedd B6977) (tudalen 081)
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81
PARADIGM OF THE REGULAR VERB.
127. Types: caru to love, and the denominative rydhaii to set free. Forms in
brackets are forms that have not been noted from a verb of the type.
INDICATIVE. PRESENT AND FUTURE. sing. plur.
1. car-af car-wn
2. cer-i, cer-y cer-wch
3. car car-ant pass, cer-ir
IMPERFECT AND CONDITIONAL.
sing.
plur.
rydha-af
rydha-wn
rydhe-y
rydhe-wch
rydha
rydha-ant
rydhe-ir
i. car-wn
car-em
rydha-wn
(ryana-em;
2. car-ut
car-ewch
rydha-ut
ryda-ewch
3. car-ei
cer-ynt
rydha-ei
rydhe-ynt
pass, cer-it
rydhe-it
1. cereis
2. cereis-t
3. caras pass, carat
PRETERITE AND PERFECT.
carass-am rydheeis
carass-awch rydheeis-t
carass-ant rydha-awd
rydha-wyt
rydhaass-am
rydhaas-awch
rydhaass-ant
PLUPERFECT.
1. carass-wn (carass-em) (rydhaass-wn) (rydhaass-em)
2. carass-ut (carass-ewch)(rydhaass-ut) (rydhaass-ewch)
3. carass-ei (carass-ynt) rydhaass-ei rydhaess-ynt pass.carass-it
(rydhaass-it)
i.
2. car
3. car-et pass. car(h)-er
IMPERATIVE.
car-wn
cer-wch rydha
car-ent rydha-et
rydha-er
(rydha-wn) rydhe-wch (rydha-ent)
82
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(delwedd B6978) (tudalen 082)
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THE VERB.
1 5
SUBJUNCTIVE.
PRESENT.
1. car(h)-wyf car(h)-om rydha-wyf car(h)-oef
2. cer(h)-ych car(h)-och rydhe-ych
3. car(h)-wy car(h)-oe
car(h)-o pass. car(h)-er
1. car(h)-wn
2. car(h)-ut
3. car(h)-ei pass. cer(h)-it
car(h)-wynt
car(h)-oent
car(h)-ont
rydha-o
rydha-er
PAST.
car(h)-em rydha-wn car(h)-ewch rydha-ut cer(h)-ynt rydha-ei rydhe-it
rydha-om (rydha-och)
rydha-wynt rydha-ont
(rydha-em)
rydha-ewch
rydhe-ynt
REMARKS ON THE VERBAL PARADIGM.
Present and Future Indicative.
128. (a) Sg. 3. Many verbs show vowel infection ( 5), e.g. eirch: arch-af /
ask, ceidw: cadw-af I preserve, ceiff: caff-af I S ef > geilw: galw-af /
call, lleinw: llanw-af / fill, peir: par-af / cause, peirch: parch-af /
honour, seif: sav-af / stand, teifl: tafl-af / cast, etteil: attal-af / stop,
gweheird: gwa- hard-af / forbid, lleveir: llavar-af / speak, edeu, edy;
adaw-af / leave, edeu: adaw-af / promise, gwerendeu, gwerendy; gwarandaw-af /
listen, teu: taw-af / am silent, tereu, tery; traw-af / strike, gwyl: gwel-af
/ see, gweryt: gwared-af / help, cyll: coll-af / destroy, dyt: dod-af I put,
llysg: llosg-af / burn, hyllt: hollt-af / split, ryd: rod-af / give, tyrr:
torr-af I break, egyr: agor-af / open, envyn: anvon-af / send, ervyll:
arvoll-af / receive, erhys: arhos-af / await, deffry: deffro-af / arouse,
ffy: ffo-af I flee, try: tro-af / turn. It should be noted that, except in the
3 sg. of the present,
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(delwedd B6979) (tudalen 083)
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I29-] THE VERB. 83
no vowel but a is subject to infection in the verb, e.g 2 pi. gwel-wch,
rod-wch, ffo-wch (cf. 7 note i).
NOTE. Irregular are: menyc: manag-af I shew; dyweit: dywed-af / say.
(b) From the denominatives in -hail, -a spreads as an ending to other verbs,
e.g. cerda: cerdet to go, teruyna: tervynu to end. Further, it is added again
to the denominatives, e.g. gnottaa: gnotta-af / am wont. Form -aa comes by
contraction in Mod.W. -i.
129. In the older language some other forms appear.
sg. i. By -af, -if is sometimes found, e.g. gwneif / will make FB. 62, cenif
/ will sing MA. 140 a , gweinifi I will serve 142 a , cerif i I will love 147
b .
sg. 2. In this person there is also an ending -yd (i.e. yd, cf. Bret, -ez,
Corn, -yth), e.g. ceryd thou lovest, gwesceryd thou scatterest, dywedyd thou
sayest, nodyd thou protected, clywyd thou hearest. Cf. Arch. Cambr. 1873, pp.
143 sq.
sg. 3. In O. Irish there are two forms of the ending, a longer which is found
only in simple verbs, and a shorter which is used in compound verbs, and also
in simple verbs when a negative or certain other particles precede, e.g.
berid (from *bhereti) he carries, but n! beir (from *bheret) he docs not
carry, do-beir he gives. In Early Welsh there are traces of a similar
distinction of ending, e.g. pereid y rycheu. ny phara ae goreu the trenches
remain, he who made them remains not FB. 289; and in the proverb: trengid
golud, ni threingmolud wealth perishes, fame perishes not. Further examples
of the ending are: prinit buys, agit, egit goes ( = Mid.W. eyt FB. 304) in
the O,W. glosses; llicrid: llygru destroy, reuhid: rewi freeze, ottid: odi
snoiv, gosgupid sweeps, tohid; toi cover BB. 45 a , meccid: magu nourish BB.
45 b , briuhid: briwaw break BB. 46% cf. further Arch. Cambr. 1872, pp. 303
sq., 1873, pp. 145 sq. It will be seen that the h which appears in the old
future ( 130), and in the subjunctive has also made its way into these
presents. In usage Mid.W. agrees with O.Ir. in that the longer ending is not
found when the verb is preceded by a negative, it differs from O. Ir. in that
the longer ending has spread to compound verbs. In early poetry there seem to
be instances of a corresponding present in -awt (which would originally
belong to a-stems, cf. O. Bret, -ot in fleriot gl. ridolet, O. Ir. caraid,
from *carati, loves, Lat. amat); barywhaud groivs a beard, gvyrhaud bends
1>B. 45 a , llewychawt shines FB. 117, gwisgawt clothes FB. 307.
pi. 3. In the O.W. glosses by the ending -ant in itercludant gl. subigant
there appears also -int in limnint gl. tondent, nertheint gl. armant,
scamnhegint gl. levant. This ending seems to survive in Mid.W. poetry, e.g.
diuryssint hasten BB. 45 a , 54 b (cf. pan vryssyant FB. 257), dywedynt will
say FB. 223, torrynt will break FB. 229. It seems probable that this served
as a primary ending, but the matter demands further investigation.
Passive. In the passive there is found in 'poetry and occasionally in
proverbs a variety of forms in -tor, e.g. megittor 'tvill be nourished BB. 31
b , kenhittor will be sting BB. 26 b , kwynitor is lamented FB. 280;
kymysgetor is mixed FB. 181, kyrbwylletor will be mentioned FB. 200;
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(delwedd B6980) (tudalen 084)
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84 THE VERB. [ 129.
traethattor will be discoursed FB. 137, canhatoris sung FB. 209: brithottor
is variegated BB. 17 a . Cf. Arch. Cambr. 1872 pp. 305 sq., Dottin,
Desinences verbales en R, 177 sq. These forms, which are clearly based on the
longer form of the 3 sg. act., are especially common in the poetry of the
twelfth century. Their syntactical function is present or future.
130. In Early Welsh there are also some specially future forms:
sg. 3 (a) -hawt (i.e. -hawd), e.g. parahaud will continue BB. 50 b , briuhaud
will break BB. 29 b , raethawd will fail WB. 457, lletawt vrill spread FB.
236, llwyprawd (: llwybraw) will travel MA 232 b . Cf. CZ. III. 402.
(b) After a negative, -haw: ny chaffaw will not get BR. 4 h , nys gwnaw will
not make FB. 126; but also a wnaw who ivill make FB. 150.
PI. 3. -hawnt, e.g. O.W. cuinhaunt gl. derlebunt, gwnahawnt will make FB.
124, pebyllyawnt will encamp FB. 212.
Pass, -hawr, e.g. agorawr will be opened WB. 456, ffohawr there will be
flight FB. 126, talhaur will be paid BB. 16% nyn lladawr we shall not be
killed WB. 475, edmyccaur will be honoured BB. 29 b . Cf. Dottin, op. cit.,
169 sq., CZ. III. 403.
NOTE. There also occur forms of the type of -ettor, -attor above, e.g.
torredawd will break FB. 236, llettatawt will spread FB. 129, dygettaur will
be led BB. 13 a , lloscetawr will be burned FB. 119, galwetawr will be called
FB. 165.
Imperfect Indicative and Conditional.
131. Sg. 3. (a) In poetry there is also an ending -i, infecting a preceding
a, e.g. ceri loved, nodi protected, torri broke, clywi heard. Cf. Arch.
Cambr. 1874, p. 117, Cymmrod. IX. 54, Rev. Celt. VI. 16.
(b) There is also an ending -at (i.e. -ad); see the irregular verbs gwybot (
143), adnabot ( 144), pieu ( 160), and the verb bot ( 152). So in the plup.
ry dywedyssyat had said MA. 485*".
pi. 3. In this person there is an ending -eint: achubeint WB. 466 = pass, achubit
RB. no, 28, caneint LA. 95 = cenynt Hg. II. 447, deueint, syrthyeint LA. 97,
traweint Hg. II. 184, llauuryeint ib. 213; cf. the subjunctive ket yvein
though they drank FB. 66, wyntwy yn Had gyt as ledeint they slaying though
they slew them FB. 2 76 = a chin ri llethid ve latysseint and before they
were slain they had slain FB. 38, cf. Cymmrod. IX. 67. This -eint is an
analogical formation to sg. 3 -ei.
NOTE. More peculiar is ny lesseint BB. 32* which seems to mean they were not
slain (cf. yt lesseint FB. 285, lleseint MA. 194 a ), apparently based on
lias was slain; cf. further meithyeint was reared? lledesemt were slain?
colledeint were destroyed? FB. 264, MA. 94 b .
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(delwedd B6981) (tudalen 085)
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i 33 .] THE VERB. 85
Preterite and Perfect Indicative Active.
132. Sg. 3. In this person there is a variety of endings.
(a) -as, e.g. bradas betrayed, caffas got, gwelas saw.
(b) -es, e.g. agores opened, dodes put, gweles saw.
(c) -is, e.g. erchis asked, edewis left, gelwis called.
(d) -wys, becoming -ws, e.g. bendigwys and bendigws blessed, cyscwys and
cyscws slept. In the southern dialect -ws became the characteristic ending in
this person.
(e) -awd (i.e. awd), e.g. parawd caused, cerdawd journeyed, parhaawd
continued. This is an encroaching ending, whence comes the Mod. literary
Welsh ending -od.
NOTE. In early poetry there is an absolute ending -sit (corresponding to the
present ending -it ( 129), e.g. kewssit got, prynessid bought, delyessid (:
dala) held. Cf. Arch. Cambr. 1873, pp. 151 sq. It corresponds to the 0. Bret,
ending in tinsit gl. sparsit, toreusit gl. attriuit.
I pi., 3 pi. In these persons by -sam, -sant, there appear also -som, -sont.
Plur. In the plural there are three types of formation, (a) -sam, etc., (b)
-assam, etc., (c) -yssam, etc., e.g.
(a) cawsam, cawsawch, cawsant: caffael get, kymersam, kymersant: cymryt take,
gwelsam, gwelsant: gwelet see.
(b) dywedassam: dywedut say, lladassant: Had slay, nessaassant: nessaii
approach.
(c) dodyssam, dodyssant: dodi place, kwplayssam: kwplaii complete,
nessayassant: nessaii approach.
133. In Mid.W., as in Mid.Ir., the s-preterite has become the prevalent
formation, in which the other types of the preterite tend to merge. But
particularly in poetry, and especially in the 3 sg., there are examples of
two other types of the preterite.
(a) The t-preterite (corresponding to the Irish t-preterite, e.g. asbert he
said: asbeir says). canu sing: sg. i ceint and ceintum, sg.? ceuntost, sg. 3
cant.
gwan pierce: sg. i gweint, sg. 3 gwant.
cymryt take: sg. 3 kymerth, kymyrth.
diffryt protect: sg. 3 differth, diffyrth.
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(delwedd B6982) (tudalen 086)
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86 THE VERB. [133.
mynet go \ aeth ( = Ir. acht) went ( 140); in composition doeth ( 141), and
sg. i ymdeith went about, sg. 3 ymdaeth.
gwneuthur make: gwnaeth ( 142).
magu nourish: sg. 3 maeth, pi. 3 maethant.
dyrreith returned ( Vreg-).
amwyn protect: sg. 3 amwyth.
dydwyn bring \ sg. 3 dydwyth.
(b) Forms with reduplication, or unreduplicated forms of the type of O.Ir.
raith ran: rethid runs.
clybot hear', sg. i kigleu ( = Ir. cuala from *cuklova) and kiglef, sg. 3
kigleu.
adnabot recognize: atwaen (8 144).
dywedut say: sg. 3 dywawt, also dywot, dywat (cf. Ir. adcuaid has related
from *ad-co-faith).
godiwes overtake: sg. 3 godiwawd.
gwaret help: sg. 3 gwarawt ( = Ir. fo-raith helped}.
The same form of inflexion is exhibited by:
amwyn defend-, sg. 3 amuc.
dwyn lead: sg. i dugum, sg. 2 dugost, sg. 3 due, pi. i dugam, pi. 3 dugant.
gwneuthur make: goruc ( 142).
Here seems to belong also amkawd said, pi. 3 amkeudant, frequent in the WB.
text of Kulhwch and Olwen.
Preterite and Perfect Indicative Passive.
134. In origin the Welsh like the Irish preterite passive developed out of a
past participle passive in -to-, identical in formation with Latin
participles like captus, amatus, etc.
(a) In lias ( = Ir. -slass): Had slay and gwys ( = Ir. -fess): gwybot know,
the t of the suffix together with the dental of the root has become ss, S (
Iia; cf. Lat. missus: mitto, etc.).
(b) -at, e.g. gwelat: gwelet see, caffat; caffael get.
(c) -et, e.g. dodet: dodi place, llosged: llosgi burn.
(d) -it, e.g. edewit: adaw promise, erchit: erchi ask, gelwit: galw call.
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(delwedd B6983) (tudalen 087)
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136.] THE VERB. 87
(e) -wyt, liable to become -wt, e.g. cymerwyt: cymryt take, hewyt; heii sow,
lladwyt: Had slay, kennatawyt: kennataii send.
(f ) Forms in -pwyt, e.g. dywespwyt and dywetpwyt: dywedut say, clywspwyt,
clywyspwyt: clybot hear, dech- reuspwyt: dechreu begin, roespwyt: roi give,
kanpwyt: canu sing, gwanpwyt: gwanu pierce, ducpwyt: dwyn lead, maethpwyt:
magu nourish, gwassanaethpwyt: gwassan- aethu serve, talpwyt: talu/oy. Cf.
Cymmrod. IX. 75 sq.
Pluperfect Indicative.
135. Corresponding to the three types in the plural of the preterite active,
there are in the pluperfect three types (a) -swn, (b) -asswn, (c) -ysswn,
e.g.:
(a) cawssei: caffael get, gwelsei, gwelsynt, pass, gwelsit: gwelet see,
edewssit: adaw leave.
(b) mynasswn: mynessynt, pass, mynassit: mynnu desire, cysgassei: cysgu
sleep, lladassant, pass, lladessit: Had slay, gnottaessynt: gnottaii be
accustomed.
(c) archyssei, pass, erchyssit, archyssit: erchi ask, managyssei: menegi
shew, lladyssit: Had slay, mynnessynt: mynnu demand, gnottayssei: gnottaii be
accustomed.
136. (a) In the active there is a periphrastic pluperfect with -oed was in
athoed ( 140), doethoed ( 141), gwnaethoed ( 142). Forms in -oed occur also
from caffael get, e.g., sg. i cawssoe- dwn, sg. 2 cawssoedut, sg. 3 cawssoed,
cassoed, cawssoe- dyat, pi. 3 cassoedynt, pass, cassoedit; further
mynnassoed: mynnu; planasoed; rodassoed, roessoed; rassoed, pass. rossoedit:
rodi. Cf. Cymmrod. IX. 76 sq.
(b) In the passive there are some periphrastic forms with -oed: sg. 3
archadoed had been asked: erchi ask, dysgadoed: dysgu teach, ganadoed,
ganydoed: geni 'be born, managadoed: menegi shew; further cathoed: caffael
get. Cf. Cymmrod. IX. 77.
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(delwedd B6984) (tudalen 088)
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88 THE VERB. [ 137.
Imperative.
137- S S* 2. From denominatives in -haii a spreads as an ending to other
verbs, e.g. prydera: pryderu be anxious, paratoa: parato'i prepare. Further a
is added again to the denominatives, e.g. cwplaa: cwplaii complete, naccaa:
naccau refuse. From -aa comes Mod.W. -i.
Sg. 3. There appears sometimes an ending -it, e.g. bernit (v.l. barned):
barnu judge MA. 182", elhid: mynet go WB. 31*, gobwyllit: gobwyllaw take
heed FB. 199, gwrthledit: gwrthlad repulse LA. 26, gwrthottit; gwrthot repel
FB. 125, rwydheyt: rwydhaii make easy RB. 228, madeuit: maddeu forgive Hg.
II. 185, rothit: rodi give BB. 47*. It will be observed that these forms shew
the subjunctive stem.
Present Subjunctive.
138. In the 3 sg. and 3 pi. the o forms become the regular forms in Mid.W.
Sometimes o spreads to the i sg., e.g. gwysgof WB. 97. In the pass, an wy
form appears in rothwyr FB. 109.
NOTE. For duch may he lead, gwares may he help, see 110, note 2.
Past Subjunctive.
139. In the passive by -it there is found sometimes -et: cladhet WB. 469 =
cledit RB. 112: cladu bury, gofynnet WB. p. 22o = gouynnit RB. 286: govynnu
ask, llafassed: llavassu
dare BB. 27*.
IRREGULAR VERBS. 140. mynet go.
INDICATIVE.
PRESENT AND FUTURE. sing. plur.
i. af awn
* ey ewch
3- a ant pass, eir
NOTE 1. sg. 3 absolute O.W. agit, egit, Mid.W. eyt.
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(delwedd B6985) (tudalen 089)
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140.] IRREGULAR VERBS. 89
IMPERFECT AND CONDITIONAL. sing. plur.
1. awn aem
2. aut
3. aey eynt
pass, eit
PRETERITE AND PERFECT.
(a) i. euthum aetham
2. aethost aethawch
3. aeth aethant, aethont pass, aethpwyt
NOTE 2. sg. 3 absolute eithyd FB. 179, 188.
(b) i. athwyf, adwyf, ethwyf, ethym
edwyf
2. athwyt, adwyt
3. ethyw, edyw ethynt, edynt
NOTE 3. Forms (b) have a perfect sense, cf. 141, note 4.
PLUPERFECT. i. athoedwn
2.
3. athoed, adoed athoedynt
IMPERATIVE.
1. awn
2. dos ewch 3- act aent
NOTE 4. sg. 3 also elhid ( 137).
SUBJUNCTIVE. PRESENT.
1. el(h)wyf el(h)om
2. el(h)ych el(h)och
3- el el(h)wynt, el(h)ont
pass. el(h)er
NOTE 5. Also, in future sense, sg. 3 aho RB. 140, 16, pi. 3 ahont FB. 128.
IRREGULAR VERBS.
[
sing.
1. el(h)wn
2. el(h)ut 3- el(h)ei
pass, (el(h)it)
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(delwedd B6986) (tudalen 090)
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PAST.
el(h)ynt
141. dyvot come.
INDICATIVE. PRESENT AND FUTURE.
plur.
1. deuaf
2. deuy, doy
3. daw
deuwn, down deuwch deuant, doant
NOTE 1. sg. 2 doit (i.e. doyd) BB. 51 b l.
NOTE 2. In poetry there is also another set of forms in a future sense: 1
dybydaf
{dybyd, dyvyd, dybydawt dybydant
deubyd dypi, dybi, dyvi deupi, deubi
NOTE 3. Preceded by dy-: sg. 3 dydaw, pi. 3 dydeuant, pass, dydeuhawr.
IMPERFECT AND CONDITIONAL.
1. down
2. dout, deuyt
3. deuei, deuhei, doey, doynt
doi pass, deuit
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(delwedd B6987) (tudalen 091)
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PRETERITE AND PERFECT.
(a) i. deuthum, doethum doetham
2. deuthost, doethost, doethawch, doethoch
daethost
3. doeth, deuth, daeth deuthant, doethant,
dothant, doethont pass, deuthpwyt, doethpwyt
IRREGULAR VERBS.
(b)
sing.
plur.
(C)
dybuant, dyvuant
dodym, deuthym dodywch, doethywch dodynt, dethynt
dyvuost
dybu, dyvu, deubu
dothwyf, dodwyf
2. dothwyt, dodwyt
3. doethyw, dothyw,
dodyw, dedyw
NOTE 4. Forms (b) are chiefly poetical, but dyvuost, dyvu, dyvuant occur in
the prose of WB. Forms (c) are perfect in sense; in later Mid.W. they are
replaced by forms (a), e.g. deuth RB. 126, 9 = dodyw WB. 486, deuthum RB.
105, 21= dothwyf WB. 459, doeth RB. 115, 25, deuth RB. 126, 9,= dodyw WB.
473, 486.
PLUPERFECT. i. dathoedywn
2.
3. doethoed, daethoed, doethoedynt, dothoedynt dathoed, dothoed
i.
2. dyret, dabre
3. deuet, doet
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(delwedd B6988) (tudalen 092)
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IMPERATIVE.
down dowch deuent, doent
NOTE 5. There is also a 3 sg. deuit Hg. II. 51, and delit Hg. I. 4, 307.
1. del(h)wyf
2. del(h)ych 3- del
pass. del(h)er
SUBJUNCTIVE. PRESENT.
del(h)om del(h)och del(h)wynt, del(h)ont
NOTE 6. There are also forms sg. 1 dybwyf, deupo, dideuho, pi. 3 dyffont, pass,
dyffer.
*. 3 dyppo, dyffo, dyvo,
PAST.
1. del(h)wn
2. del(h)ut 3- del(h)ei
NOTE 7. There is also 3
del(h)ewch del(h)ynt
<;. dybei and dyffei.
IRREGULAR VERBS.
[
sing.
1. gwnaf
2. gwney
3. gwna pass, gwneir
142. gwneuthur to make.
PRESENT AND FUTURE. plur.
gwnawn
gwnewch
gwnant
NOTE 1. Fut. sg. 3 gunahaud BB. 27 b , gwnawt FB. 224, gwnaw FB. 126, 150,
pi. 3 gwnahawnt FB. 124.
IMPERFECT AND CONDITIONAL.
1. gwnawn
2. gwnaut
3. gwnaei pass, gwneit
(a)
1. gorugum
2. gorugost
3. goruc pass, gorucpwyt
(b) i. gwneuthum
2. gwnaethost
3. gwnaeth, gwneuth pass, gwnaethpwyt
gwnaem
gwnaewch
gwnaent
PRETERITE AND PERFECT. gorugam
gorugant
gwnaetham, gwnaethom gwnaethawch gwnaethant, gwnaethont
NOTE 2. In poetry there is also sg. 3 goreu, cf. Mid. Bret, guereu. NOTE 3.
The gwnaeth forms encroach at the expense of the goruc forms, e.g. gorucpwyt
WB. 452, 477, 487 = gwnaethpwyt RB. 100, 118, 127.
PLUPERFECT.
1. gwnathoedwn
2. gwnaethodut
3. gwnaethoed,gwnath- gwnathoedynt
oed, gwnadoed pass, gwnathoedit
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(delwedd B6989) (tudalen 093)
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I43-] IRREGULAR VERBS. 93
IMPERATIVE, sing. plur.
1. gwnawn
2, gwna gwnewch 3- gwnaet gwnaent
pass. gwnel(h)er
SUBJUNCTIVE. PRESENT.
1. gwnel(h)wyf
2. gwnel(h)ych gwnel(h)och
3. gwnel gwnel (h)wynt, gwnel (h)-
ont pass. gwnel (h)er
NOTE 4. sg. 3 also gunelwy BB. 24 a , gunaho BB. 35 b , gwnaho FB. 119, 235,
pi. 3 gvnahont BB. 31 a , gwnahon FB. 155. With fut. ending gwnelawr FB. 213.
PAST.
1. gwnel(h)wn
2. g^wnel(h)ut
4. gwnel(h)ei gwnel(h)ynt pass. g^wnel(h)it
143. gwybot know.
INDICATIVE.
PRESENT.
1. gwnn gwdam, gwdom
2. gwydost, gwdost gwydawch, gwdawch,
gwdoch
3. gwyr gwydant, gwdant pass. g"wys
IMPERFECT.
1. gwydwn, gwydywn gwydem, gwydyem
2. gwydut, gwydyut
3. gwydat, gwydyat g^wydynt pass, gwydit
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(delwedd B6990) (tudalen 094)
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94 IRREGULAR VERBS. [
143.
ITERATIVE PRESENT AND FUTURE. sing. plur.
1. gwybydaf
2. gwybydy gwybydwch
3. gwybyd gwybydant pass, gwybydir
NOTE 1. In poetry there is also 3 sg. gwybi.
ITERATIVE IMPERFECT AND CONDITIONAL.
1. gwybydem
2. gwybydut gwybydwch
3. gwybydei pass, gwybydit
NOTE 2. This comes to be used for the past subjunctive, e.g. Bei ath wybydem
if we had known thee FB. 122.
PRETERITE AND PERFECT.
1. gwybuum
2. gwybuost
3. gwybu gwybuant pass, gwybuwyt
PLUPERFECT.
3- gwybuyssynt
pass, gwybuassit
IMPERATIVE.
1. gwybydwn
2. gwybyd gwybydwch
3. gwybydet, gwypet gwybydent pass, gwybyder
SUBJUNCTIVE. PRESENT.
1. grwypwyf gwypom
2. gwypych gwypoch
3- gwypwy, gwypo gwypwynt, gwypont
pass, gwyper
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(delwedd B6991) (tudalen 095)
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I44-] IRREGULAR VERBS. 95
PAST. sing. plur.
1 . gwyp wn
2. gwyput
3- gwypei gwypynt
144. adnabot recognize.
INDICATIVE.
PRESENT.
1 . adwaen, adwen, atwen atwaenwn
2. atwaenost etweynwch, atweynwch,
etwenwch 9. edwyn, atwen atwaenant
IMPERFECT.
1. atwaenwn adwaenam
2. atwaenut
3. atwaenat, atwaeniat atwaenynt pass, etweinit
ITERATIVE PRESENT AND FUTURE.
1. adnabydaf, etnebydaf adnabydwn
2. adnabydy
3. adnebyd, ednebyd adnabydant pass, adnabydir
ITERATIVE IMPERFECT AND CONDITIONAL. i . adnabydem
2.
3. adnebydei
PRETERITE AND PERFECT. i . adnabuum adnabuam
2.
3. adnabu adnabuant
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(delwedd B6992) (tudalen 096)
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96 IRREGULAR VERBS. [
144.
IMPERATIVE. sing. plur.
i.
2. ednebyd, adnebyd adnebydwch
3-
SUBJUNCTIVE.
PRESENT.
1 . adnapom
2. adnepych
3. adnapo adnappoent, adnappont pass, adnaper
PAST.
2.
3. adnapei pass, adnepit
145. caffael, caffel, cahel, cael get.
INDICATIVE.
Pres. and Fut.: caffaf, ceffy, ceiff, etc.; also caf, cehy, cey, etc.
Imperf. and Cond.: caffwn, etc , also cawn, etc.
Pret. and Perf.: ceveis, ceis, ceveist, cavas, cawssam, cawssawch, cawssant,
cawssont; pass, caffat, cavat, cahat, cat.
Pluperf.: (a) cawsswn, etc,, (b) cawssoedwn, etc. ( i36 a ).
SUBJUNCTIVE. Pres,: caffwyf, etc. Past: caffwn, etc., also cahwn, cawn, etc.
NOTE. For an enumeration of forms see Cymmrod. IX. Ill sq.
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(delwedd B6993) (tudalen 097)
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i5i.] IRREGULAR VERBS. 97
146. rodi, roi give.
The peculiarity of this verb is that it has forms with and without d, e.g.
ind, pres. sg. 2 rody and roy, imper. sg. 2 ro, subj. pres. sg. 3 rotho, rodo
and ro. In the ind. pret, by rodeis, rodeist, rodes occur roesum, roesost,
roes, and in the pass, by rodet, also roespwyt. In the plup, by the regular
forms occur sg. 2 roessut, sg. 3 roessei, royssei, roessoed, rasoed, pi. 3
rassoedynt.
147. tawr, dawr.
This verb is used impersonally, e.g. ny-m-tawr it does not concern me RB.
284, 28, pathawr ( = pa-th-dawr) what does it concern thee? RB. 279, 19,
ny-m-torei WB. 1 7 2 = ny-m-torei RB. I. 238, it would not concern me,
ni-m-dorbi BB. 3o b . In the same sense is found the compound didawr; verb,
noun didarbot Hg. I. 320.
148. moesgive.
Only as imperative: sg. 2 moes, pi. 2 moeswch.
149. hwde take. Used only as imperative.
150. med says.
Inflected in the present and imperfect; it is used in quotation, e.g. a wdost
di pwy yw? heb hi. gwnn, heb ynteu. Edyrn uab Nud yw, med ef " dost thou
know who he is? " says she. " Yes," said he. " He is
Edyrn son of Nudd, he says" RB. 259; y gouynnei beth yssyd yman. Broch,
medynt wynteu he asked what was there. "A badger," said they RB.
15.
151. heb says.
This word, of adverbial origin and uninflected, is used like Ir. ol to give
the very words of the speaker, heb ef says he^ heb wynt they say, etc.
Before a proper name heb is followed by y, yr, e.g. heb y Goewin, heb y
Gwenhwyfar, heb yr Arthur. The same is not infrequently found before a
pronoun, e.g. heb y mi RB. 32, 7, heb yr ynteu RB. 245, 181 = heb ynteu 'WB.
386, p. 217, heb yrefWB. 386 = heb ef RB. 245, heb yr wynt WB. 185 = eb wynt
WB. p. 93*; cf. Mod. W. ebr. No satisfactory explanation of this has yet been
given.
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(delwedd B6994) (tudalen 098)
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98 THE SUBSTANTIVE VERB.
[ 152.
THE SUBSTANTIVE VERB bot to be. Paradigm. INDICATIVE.
152. PRESENT. sing. plur.
1. wyf ym
2. wyt ywch
3. iw, yw ynt mae maent oes
ys
neut
nyt is not
nat is not (dependent)
OS if it is
yssit there is yssydynt
OSSit if there is
yssyd, syd, yssy, sy, rel. who, which w, are
Impersonal ys, ydys
PAST.
1. oedwn oedem
2. oedut, oedyt oedewch
3. oed, oedat, oedyat oedynt Impersonal oedet
NOTE 1. There are also forms preceded by ytt, yd: yttwyf, yttiw, ydiw,
yttoedwn, etc.
ITERATIVE PRESENT AND FUTURE.
1. bydaf bydwn
2. bydy bydwch
3. byd bydant
NOTE 2. Specially future forms: sg. 3 bythawt, bydhawt, bydawt, biawt, bi;
pi. 3 bydawnt.
NOTE 3. In poetry there seems to be a consuetudinal sg. 3 bit, cf. FB. 245,
247, where the imperative sense does not suit.
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(delwedd B6995) (tudalen 099)
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152.] THE SUBSTANTIVE
VERB. 99
ITERATIVE IMPERFECT AND CONDITIONAL. sing. plur.
1. bydwn bydem
2. bydut bydewch
3. bydei bydynt impers. bydit
NOTE 4. Poetical forms: sg. 3 buei, bwyat, pi. 3 buyint (i.e. bwyynt).
PRETERITE AND PERFECT.
1. buum, bum buam
2. buost buawch
3. bu buant, buont impers. buwyt
PLUPERFECT.
1. buasswn
2. buassut
3. buassei buassynt, buessynt,
buyssynt IMPERATIVE.
1. bydwn
2. byd bydwch
3. bit, boet, poet bint
NOTE 5. bynt is clearly imperative BCh. 17, cf. bint LA. 81. RB. 105 has bint
where WB. 457 has the future bythawd.
SUBJUNCTIVE. PRESENT.
1. bwyf, bof bom, bwym
2. bych boch
3. bo bwynt, boent, bont
NOTE 6. There are, particularly in poetry, analogical subjunctive forms from
the indicative stem: sg. 1 bydwyf, sg. 2 bydych, sg. 3 bytho, pi. 3 bydont.
PAST.
1. bewn beym
2. beut
3. bei beynt
NOTE 7. Both in poetry and in prose the past indicative is often used for the
subjunctive, e.g. kyny bydwn WB. 172 = kyn ny bewn RB. 238. The impersonal
pan uythit WB. 104 = pan vydit RB. 76 is a subjunctive form based on the
indicative.
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B5237: 