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100 History of the Sounds.
(oo) in oration; (yy) in superb, 7nultitude\ (3) in conduct^ omnibus] (ai) in
terrify, idea, -like; (E^) in female,
affiliate; (i^) in angel, camel, cruel, civil ^polite' (but not in the
meaning^respectable'), oval.
Procope.
415. Procope is as common as it once was in literary English, but it is
impossible to lay down rules for it.
The initial syllable is lost in admire, adventure, agree, bewitch, deceptive,
defend, encounter, entice, oblige, refreshment, require etc.
It is preserved in afford, agreeable, beyond, deceit (§401) object Y.,
repent, reserve etc.
Sometimes both forms with and without procope are given e.g. for
against, allow, almost, before.
There is no doubt that the initial syllable has often been restored
owing to the influence of standard English.
Syncope.
415 b. A medial syllable is sometimes lost e.g. in contrary, several,
general; especially, when the syllable consists of a vowel only: peony,
diamond, violent, violet.
In the last mentioned instances syncope was also common in standard English
down to the 18*^ century. Such rhymes as islet : violet in Shelley, even, may
not be due to metrical elision of medial o (van Dam, Eng. Stud. 34 p. 89),
but it is quite possible that Shelley really pronounced vilet. The NED.
states that diamond is ^^ery generally dissyllabic in Pope, Thomson, Young,
Cowper, Keats, and Tennyson'.
See Add.
Apocope.
416. Empty v., argue, carry, donkey, story, study, quarry are
pronounced without the final syllable. (Emt) ‘empty' is the regular form
corresponding to ME. emte, empte (OE. aemtian); (Emp) may be a back-formation
from a preterite emt, empt (see §§ 78, 446 ff.).
(arg) "argue' may be derived from *(argi), which would be the regular
dialectal form (see §401); for *(argi) might be analysed as (arg) + (i), the
ending of intransitive verbs. This cannot explain (kaar) "carry' for
carry is a transitive verb.
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Procopo, Syncope, Apocope. 101
Porbaps (kaai) 'carry' is derived froiii^ or at least influenced by (kaar)
'car'. Cp. the explanation of dirt 'dirty v.'.
For (^stoor, stuvr) 'story' and (st/d) 'study v. s.' compare Mn. French
Jiistoire and etude. AIE. forms of quarry without -y are given by the NED.
In the Wdb. (Introduction p. XVII) Elworthy gives some more cases of 'loss of
-?/' viz. in dirty v., slippery adj., icy adj. But a verb 'dirf may be a
derivation from the noun dirt (see above on carry). And as an example of Hce^
adj. for icy Elworthy gives ice-cold^ which, of course, is a compound of ice
s. and cold.
B. Accidence. I. Verbs.
417. The paragraphs on the verb in Chapter I. show that the dialect
substantially agrees with the standard language. It is, therefore, sufficient
to treat here of those points only in which the two differ.
These points are
1. the inflection of the notional verb instead of its auxiliary verb.
2. the traces of gradation left in the dialect.
3. the peculiar forms of some present tenses.
4. the formation of intransitive verbs by means of the ending(-i).
Inflection.
418. The inflection of the notional verb instead of its auxiliary (/ help
loaded the cart, see § 87) is clearly due to the auxiliary + notional verb
being considered as one word ^). €ompare in colloquial English I daresay ed,
and such expressions as / do7it seem to he able to do it (instead of I seem not
to be able to do it).
In earlier English we meet with the same phenomenon: / was go walked fro my
tre (Chaucer); a castell that the foure sonnes of Aymon have do mac?e
(Caxton); both quoted by Einenkel, Grundriss^ § 129(5 (p. 1073). See Add.
1) In the same way the position of the adverb before the finite forms of the
verb causes adv. -f verb to be taken for a whole : hence the split
infinitive.
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102 History of Accidence.
Gradation.
419. The dialect shows still fewer remains of the old forms with vowel-change
than standard English. In the WSG. (published in 1877j Elworthy gave a list
of old strong verb& that had preterites with vowel-change, twenty in all
(these will be marked * in the lists given below). To these he added several
verbs in the Wdb. (publ. 1886). These additions have been reprinted in the
Transactions of the Philological Society (1898 p. 515—527).
The verbs added in 1886 had not been overlooked by Elworthy when he wrote
WSG.-, several of them had even, been specially mentioned in the earlier work
as having no gradation (a. o. drink, ring, swear, weave). In his edition of
the Exm. Sc. line 366 Elworthy says, in a note, that ''begun is
literary", and that (b^gind) is the dialectal form; yet (bi3g3udj is
given in the Wdb.
420. Can we assume that the dialect has independently increased the number of
forms with gradation? Independent development must be explained either by
assuming that the formation of tenses by gradation is a still living means of
derivation or that the forms are due to analogy.
421. The former theory is out oi the question : the forms with gradation are
the remains of a once living means of derivation, which had already been lost
in OE. ^). And the present dialect knows the formative power of gradation so
little that it invariably adds the consonantal suffix 2). This is a clear
proof that the consonantal preterites arc the only living forms.
422. The second theory (analogy) is possible; in fact it can never be proved
that a form cannot be due to ''souic"
1) For that reason the verbs borrowed from French are nearly always weak.
During the MnE. period many verbs lost their vowelchange, but in Present
English it has often been artificialiy restored. Cp. catch't in Milton and
the 18th century forms shined, shaked, wringed, winded etc. (Storm Engl.
Phil. II p. 685 f.). The Authorised Version also uses such forms as shined,
builded, understanded. Drive occurs as a weak verb as early as the 14th
century, and is still found inBaxter. On present vulgar English see Storm p.
800.
2) This is never done in literary English; such forms as creep, crept show
secondary vowel-change, no gradation. But we may compare the addition of a
plural ending to forms that were no more felt as plurals, in children,
bretliren, kine, breeches.
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1. Verbs: Gradation. 103
analogy, but the real question is whether an analogical origin of all these
new vowel-changes is probable.
423. When we note that most ot the new forms in the Wdb. agree with the
standard pronunciation, that moreover some of them (e.g. hang, bring) can
hardly be other than literary, we need not hesitate to adopt Elworthy's
explanation : that the forms are due to the spread of elementary education
since the Education Act of 1870.
In reviewing the remains of gradation it will be best to arrange them
according to their original classes.
Class I.
424. *r8id — hro'ed, hrAd — ^roBd, iJrAd 'ride'.
*raiz — ro^zd
%% — -BrotJzd
%% 'rise'.
%% straiv — stroovd
%% — Bstroovd
%% 'strive'.
%% *strik — strSkt
%% — 'BstrSkt
%% 'strike'.
%% straik — straakt
%% — "Bstr^^kt
%% 'anoint'.
%% *vr9it — vroBt
%% — Fvro^t
%% 'write'.
%% *dr6ev — droovd
%% — isdroovd
%% 'drive'.
425. (straiv) was mentioned as regular in WSD.; it agrees with the standard
pronunciation (§ 423).
426. For {ee) in drive see Ch. IV §§ 498 ff.
427. (str8ik) does not only mean 'to apply a liniment' etc., but also 'to
apply anything by way of charm (e.g. a weddingring) to the diseased part', or
merely 'to stroke'.
(strik) is used only in the figurative sense of strilce (the attention), and
may be a back-formation from the preterite (cp. dig, dug etc.).
Class IL
428. *kriip, kr^ep, kroop — kroopt — t'kroopt 'creep'. *k\eeY, klEf — kloovd
— vkhovd 'cleave'.
For (ii, ee) in creep, see § 265.
429. Elworthy also gives the past tense (kroop'ed) and the past participle
(\?kroopBd), but these forms probably belongto the verb (kreepi).
The present tense (kroop) agrees with ME. hrqpen\ (kroopt) would thus be the
regular consonantal preterite. But kropen is very rare in ME.; NED. calls it
"an apparent error" -^).
1) If not an error kropen may simply be another spelling for kreopen (see
Bonner Beitrage 15 p. 106, note 4).
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104 History of Accidence.
It is probable^ therefore, tliat the preterite witli the vowel of the past
part, gave rise to a new present tense (kroop); see §§ 446 ff .
430. (kloovd) corresponds with the ME. preterite Mqf, which may have taken
its vowel from the participle clofen (belonging to OE. cleofan), but may also
represent the preterite of OE. clifan.
(kleev) is probably the regular descendant of ME. clevien (OE. cleofian)j
although a derivation from ME. eleven (OE. deofan) is not impossible (see §
265).
On (klEf) see §§ 446 ff .
Class III.
431. *boin — bEund — 'ebEund 'bind'. So also *groin 'grind', *vain 'find'.
dringk — drSngkt — 'edrSngkt 'drink'. So also zzngk, ring, ping, spring,
sting, string, zwing.
kbm — kloomd — ^kloomd 'climb',
zwom — zwaamd, zw9md — 'Bzwaamd 'Bzwamd 'swim'.
bigiin — big3[nd — sbigSlnd 'begin'.
spiin — sp3nd— 'BspSnd 'spin'.
432. With the exception of the three first all these verbs were added in '86
so that they are probably literary (see §§ 419 ff.). Spin and hegin were even
expressly mentioned as regular in WSG.
Note, however, that the dialect has (3) of the past participle also in the
preterite.
433. Only (kbm) cannot be literary ; it corresponds with ME. cUmme7i, which
is found in Rob. of Gloucester (Anglia XIII p. 215). The preterite (kloojnd)
represents ME. clqmb, so that the dialect has mixed up climmen (preterite
clam) with the preterite clqmb (of climhen). See also § 451.
Class IV.
434. *stE'Bl — stoold — 'Bstoold ^steal'.
*tEi8r — tom-d — 'Bto^rd 'tear'. So also wEur, zwE^r, shiT3r.
*breek — brookt — "^brookt 'break'.
435. The preterite with (o^) of swear etc. agrees with the standard
pronunciation, and is probably not native to the
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T. Vorbs: Gradation. 105
dialect in some of these verbs. For in WSG. (p. 44^ 46) Elwortby mentions
wear, swear, shear among the regular verbs (i. e. verbs \Yith()iit
vowel-chang*e).
Note that wear is orifi:inalIv a weak verb.
In the Wdb. s. v. abhor Elwortby treats of (ubAr) 'abeaf, which is clearly a
back-formation from the old preterite with vowel-change (see §§ 446 ff.).
Class V.
436. *speek — spookt — i^spookt 'speak'.
weev — woovd — 'Bwoovd Veave'. *treed — troud — xjtrot'd 'tread'. "^^'d,
giit — gAAt^ go^t — i?gAAt, i?go\?t 'get'. *zzt — zAAt, zo'Bt — uzoi3t
"sit, set'.
zi — zAAd — ^zAAd "see'.
*vT3rgit — vergAAt, -go^t — "BvcrgAAt, -goBt 'forget'.
437. In his WSG. Elwortby specially mentioned (weev) and (zi) as regular : it
is likely, therefore, that the vowelchange has been borrow^ed from literary
English (see § 419 ff.). This may also be the case with the other verbs,
except (zit) wbich has genuine dialectal forms. For (ii) in (giit) cp. ME.
bigite. On forget see § 472 b.
Class VI.
438. *tEBk — tdkt ~ ^tdkt 'take'.
v'BrsE'Bk — VKrs^akt — vcrsaakt 'forsake'.
shi^k — sh^akt — 'Bsh^^kt 'shake'.
wE'Bk — wookt — liwookt 'wake'. *stsen ■ —
stddd — ijst^ad 'stand'. *eev — oovd — "B-oovd 'heave'.
439. The history of these forms agrees with the development in standard
English. The deviation in the preterite of waJce and heave is also found in
the standard language.
The present tense of heave is occasionally (hEft), for which see § 448.
Reduplicating Verbs.
440. seng — 3ngd — i^-C^Ingd 'hang'.
Literary influence on these forms is likely, especially because in his WSG.
Elwortby mentioned the verb as regular
(see §§ 419 ff.).
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10() History of Accidence.
Other remains of vowel-change.
441. brin^ — braat 'bring\
dhaigk — (llioi^t, dhAAt 'think'.
/ik — zAAt^d 'seek'.
boi — bAAt, bo«t 'buy'.
reeish — rAut 'reach'.
vatsh — uvAAt Tetch'^).
zil, si), sal — zo^ld, zoold 'sell'.
tai — to^ld 'teir.
pip — p9pt 'peep'.
bi^l — b9lt 'build'.
442. As the ending -ought has preserved its consonant in the form of (f) in
the dialect (see § 388), the preterites without (f) must be due to literary
influence.
Anomala.
443. kaen — kaad 'can', wol — wzd, 9ad 'vrill'. shaal — shaad 'shall', mid,
mad — mM, mad 'may'* dyy — dEd, dyyd, d3iid — 'Bdyyd, Bd3nd 'do'.
hi — wAAz, wi?z — '6ban 'be'.
gnu, gu 1
go, ^00 ~~ ^^'^^"^ ~~ '^'^""' ^^^^' 'BgAAnd 'go',
mEt]k, mEk, niaek — mEt?d 'make'.
'Lee — zEd, zaed 'say'.
444. For the present tense (mid, mod) see § 448.
The past participles (^dSnd, i?gAx\nd) are adaptations of literary
pronunciations.
The j)reterite (d[3nd) is taken from the past participle; (dyyd) is a
new-formation from the present tense (dyy); (dEd) may be the regular form
(ME. dide^, but borrowing from literary English is more probable (§ 2ly
note).
On (uu) in (guu) see § 285.
445. Dig (dig), pret. (d3g) is the only instance of a weak verb that has
become strong in the dialect without the additional consonantal ending. But
in WSG. Elworthy gave it as an example of a regular verb, so that the
vowel-change is fairly certainly due to standard English (§§419ff.).
New Present Tenses.
446. Cleave and leave are pronounced (kleev), (leev) but also (klEf), (lEf);
ping is both (ping) and (p3ng). Sometimes
1) The preterite is not mentioned.
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I. Verbs: Now Present Tenses. 107
the present tense lias (t) or (d) so tliat present tense and preterite are
identical: may and might are both (in^'d, mod)^ force and forced arc
(fiivst}; so also (hEft) 'heave'; (lAAst) lose', (klEnt) 'clench'.
447. In the case of clear e, leave it is easy to understand that the
preterites (klEft, lEft) might be taken for preterites of (klEf, lEf), for
the consonantal suffix is the only distinction between present and past tense
(except in the few verbs with g:radation, which, moreover, have the suffix
also). In the same way (p3[ng) is a back-formation from the preterite
(p3ngd).
448. Such forms as (klEft, lEft), however, might also be taken for the
preterites of (klEft, left), for verbs in (d, t) have no ending- in the past
tense (§ 79). This explains the present tenses (hEft, lAAst, klEnt, mid).
449. The present tenses (kroop) 'creep' and (i^bAr) 'abear' may also be in
point. Tlie vovv^els of preterites must be due to the plural preterite and
the past participle.
Note that the simple verb to hear has no vowel-change in the present dialect.
450. (g-raaindt^d, «takt^d) for grained^ attached seem to show that the
infinitives are (graaind, i?takt), although the latter forms are not given
^). They could also be explained as back-formations.
451. Some ME. forms seem to have an origin like the W.-Som. present tenses,
mentioned in § 446.
In the Lambeth Sermons (Cohn diss. p. 52) \nq find sed for seggen; and the
pret. clemde, past part, iclemd is found in Lajamon (Bulbring Ablaut p. 77).
The latter seems to liave given rise to a verb clemmen, which explains
W.-Som. (klom). ME. behite is clearly a back-formation from the preterite behiht
(see NED. s. v.). Perhaps also ME. quUten is a backformation from quitte, the
preterite of qulten. SeeNED.s. v. quit v.
Cp. also literary ratcJi for 7'etch, which the NED. explains as a
back-formation from the preterite 7'aught, comparing catchy caught.
In two 16*^ cent, texts (Tottel's Miscellany and Turberville) quent is used
for quench (NED. i. v. quent) : this supplies
1) Note, however that the form (iJtak) ma\^ have lost a final t (§371), which
would reappear medially in (litakttJd).
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108 Historv of Accidence.
an exact parallel to W. Somerset (klEnt) for clench, Cp. also to sodden from
soddened (lor sodden).
Intransitive Verbs.
452. Elvvortliy states that any verb may be made intransitive by adding (ij.
This suffix is often added after the name of a trade to denote the action. So
from (kaafmdr) 'carpenter' may be formed the verb (kaafmdri).
It is clear therefore that (i) is a living suffix in W.Somerset ^).
453. It is natural to seek for its origin in the ending 'lan of the OE. verbs
of the 2"^ conjugation. Kluge (Grundriss p. 1069) says therefore that
the OE. ending has been preserved in the southern dialects.
The matter is not so simple however. Kluge leaves entirely out of account the
meanings of -ian in OE. and (-1) in the modern dialects; these meanings are
not identical. The OE. verbs in -ian are often transitive, and in the modern
dialects those transitive verbs have no ending. What we must explain
therefore is when and how the ending came to be considered as a suffix for
intransitives. We must assume that the verbs in -ian, or ME. ie^ -i came to
be analysed as root + suffix for intransitives.
454. In OE. the principal group of verbs in -ian (i. e. those of the second
conjugation) were very numerous. Their number was increased by the verbs
originally forming a third conjugation. So far all OE. dialects agree.
455. It is peculiar to the Southern OE. dialects that many verbs of the first
conjugation with a double consonant in some forms and a single one in others
(e.g. fremme, fremest) developed new forms with a single consonant throughout
the conjugation. Hence the Cura Past, uses trymman and trpnian, and even
exclusively gremian, hehelian etc. (Sievers Ags. gr. § 400 Anm. 2).
Although this ending of the verbs of the first conjugation was originally
monosyllabic (hence the spelling nergan), we
1) Also in other Southwestern dialects: Hewett Dial. Speech of Devon says
that -i is joined to verbs and gives the instances hop, laugh, tell, sit] but
she does not limit the suffix to intransitive verbs.
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I. Verbs: Intransitive verbs. 109
may coueliule from from the usual spelling -iayi, -igariy found as early as Alfred,
that tbe ending had become dissyllabic in Southern Eng-Jish (see Billbring
Element §§ 449 f.).
456. In the Anglian dialects, on the other hand, the verbs of the first
conjugation whose stem ended in r preserved their monosyllabic ending {-(jan)
and the others kept their double consonants. Moreover the verbs of the second
conjugation soon began to lose their distinctive /forms, especially in the
infinitive and the i)rcsent participle (Sievers Ags. gr. §412 Aum. 3).
457. The result of the changes in the Southern dialects was that they
possessed a large number of weak verbs, all ending in -ian. The remaining
differences between the verbs of the first and those of the second
conjugation were insufficient to keep them separate. In later ws. texts we find
that verbs of the first conjugation pass into the second conjugation, which
formed the majority. Hence nerie, nerast etc., fremiej fremast etc. (Sievers
Ags. gr. § 400 Anm. 3, § 401 Anm. 2).
Thus in the Southern dialects there came to exist one large class of weak
verbs with i as a distinguishing characteristic.
In the Northern dialects, on the contrary, i was so often lost that it ceased
to be a distinctive mark of the second conjugation. When, in later texts (see
Sievers Ags. gr. § 412 Anmerkungen), the a of the second conj. often became e
there was no clear difference left between the first and the second
conjugation. These dialects, therefore, came to possess one single class of
weak verbs also, but here the weak verbs of the first conjugation formed the
model.
458. The result of the great number of verbs in -imi was to strengthen the
power of the suffix, so that in ME. many verbs borrowed from French adopted
it.
459. It should be noted, however, that the ending with / was the
characteristic of weak, not of intransitive verbs. The verbs of the first
conjugation passed into the second on account of the many forms they had in
common with the verbs of the second conjugation. It was owing to formal
causes, not to the intransitive function of the suffix. Many of the verbs of
the second conjugation were transitive, as well as those of the first.
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110 Ilistorv of Accidence.
It remains to be shown, therefore^ how the i-cnding; came to be considered as
a mark of intransitive verbs. We may guess tliat the cause was the
prei)onderating majority of intransitive verbs among- the /-verbs, but I do
not laiow that this can be proved.
II. Nouns.
Singular form of nouns of measure after numerals.
460. The use of the singular form of nouns denoting a measure after numerals
(Chapter I § 105) is shared by other English dialects; see Windhill §337;
AdJington §86e; cp. also (zEbm m3il) 'seven miles' in the specimen from
Christian Malford (Wiltshire) in Ellis V p. 47 line 1. Older literary English
^Iso used the singular. For Shakespeare cp. B^-anz, Grundziigc § 34. Many
instances occur in 18"^ century authors e.g. Eobinson Crusoe^) and in
Swift ^); also in 19*^ century vulgar English (Dickens). Present standard
English still preserves the singular in the case of nouns of definite number,
such as brace, couple, paw, yoke, dozen, score, also stone as a noun denoting
weight.
The use of the singular is explained by professor Einenkel in the Grundriss
(§ 145 a) as due to the form of the OE. genitive plural used after numerals
(with the exception of ^niht, monad, which always remained unchanged in the
plural). This explanation, however, leaves unaccounted for the very thing
that is most striking : the limitation of the singular forms to nouns of
measure^).
1) Cp. Boxes, which might hold about a Pound, or two Pound, at most, of
Powder (Rob. Crusoe, Golden Treasury edition, p. 73); about twelve foot (ib.
p. 180); about two Pound of fine glaz'd Powder in three small Flasks (ib. p.
196) etc.
2) Often in Gulliver, also in Cadenus and Vanessa (five thousand pound, 1.
227), and in the Tale of a Tub (an altar erected about twelve foot, quoted in
Chambers's Cyclopaedia of Eng-lish literature IP p, 137/2).
3) In German and Dutch the peculiarity is also limited to nouns of measure.
Now in MDutch many nouns had no ending in the plural (e.g. haroen, steen,
oom, knecht etc.). If the use of the singular in MnDutch were due to phonetic
causes onh^ the limitation lo nouns of measure would be unintelligible.
Moreover the plurals which were formally identical with the singular were not
numerous enough in OE. to hold their ground
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II. Nouns. Ill
461. This liuiitation dates from ME. and is still so str<)iii2;ly felt in
the modern dialects that the plural is required if the noun of measure is
used as an ordinary noun or even if it denotes a variable measure (§ 106 f.).
It is clear therefore that the singular is used because the words denote a
measure i. e. because they are considered as numerals^).
462. This explanation agrees with the date assigned to it (§ 461). For in OE.
the numerals were still often declined. When however towards the ME. period
they had become indeclinable, the nouns of measure followed their example.
Singular form of nouns used as collectives.
463. That collective nouns take no plural ending is common to many languages,
and natural; for the singular collective is in its meaning already a pluraP).
464. It is difficult to understand, however, why deevj sheep should have no
plural forms, even when taken individually. It would of course be possible to
accept the usual derivation from OE. deoi'. sceap (see Grundriss § 145 b).
But the question would naturally be asked why the old plurals horSy thing
etc, were not preserved. It may therefore be safer to assume that deer and
sheep are so rarely used otherwise than collectively that the 'individual'
plurals deers, sheeps were lost {deers is found, see NED.; also sheeps, in
Shakespeare, L. L. L. II I, 219)-^).
465. There is another argument which supports the explanation of deer, sheep
given above.
In literary English names of wild animals, fish and of unfamiliar foreign
animals often have no plural (cp. Sweet New English Grammar § 1966 ff.). The
current explanation
/
against the majority of regular nouns. Hence we see that, as early
as OE., plurals like bfinu, pundu, icordu occur (Grundriss § 114 b). It is
clear that the forms without a plural ending have been lost except where
their function prevented it.
1) For the same reason the preposition o/'is omitted in standard Englisii
after dozen : four dozen handkerchiefs.
2) This is shown ty the Indogerm. collectives in -o, which were taken for
plurals. And in many English dialects brotJi and porridge take a plural verb
(§ 111), just as family^ crew, Goverment and other collective nouns often do
in standard English.
3) In the same way swine is now used as a collective; the individual noun is
pig^ plural pigs.
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112 Histor}" of Accidence.
is that all these singular forms are due to the analogy of the regular
singular-plurals deer, sheep etc. This explanation is given by Einenkel
(Grundriss) and Sweet (New Engl. Gr. § 1966).
But this explanation fails to account for the literary as wxll as for the
dialectal usage (§ 464 and p. 110, note 3). It would be inexplicable that the
singular form is limited to wild animals, and those which are ^bunted because
of their usefulness to man, or taken in considerable numbers, but not when
they are killed only in self-defence or as vermin' (Sweet § 1968).
When we consider, however, that Svild animals that are hunted because of their
usefulness' are usually found in numbers, as well as deer and alieep, that
horses on the other hand are much more like individuals to man, we need not
hesitate to conclude that the singular form of all these nouns is exclusively
due to their collective meaning i).
New Singulars.
466. Several singulars are clearly back-formations from plurals, or singulars
taken for plurals on account of their final s. So (ma^thudis, minis, shamis)
were taken for plurals, hence the new singulars (mseth^di) ^methodist',
(mini) 'minnow' (§ 408), (shami) 'chamois'.
Cow is pronounced (kEu) and (kEi); the former is no doubt due to standard
English, (kEi) is the real dialectal word. Probably (kEi) is a back-formation
from the plural kine. In the same way (stoo) may have been formed from
(stoon, stoBn) taken for a plural (especially because st07ie as a noun of
measure does not take -s after numerals: § 105), see § 337.
Compare also §§ 273, 367, 395, 408 (sinew). These back-formations are common
in standard English also. Kluge (Grundriss p. 1058) gives a list of them, to
which may be added hridle, chick, kickshaw, anana (rare, cp. NED. s. v.
ananas), hat (see NED. s. v. hatz)', also Scotch diocy 'diocese'; and vulgar
English chay 'chaise', Chinee 'Chinese', shimmey 'chemise'.
1) Only so can we understand the use oi the singular form for cannon etc.
(Sweet New Engl. Gr. § 1970), and of leaf in its technical .sense of 'the
green leaves of the tea-plant' (NED. i. v. Zea/).
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II. Nouns. III. Proiunuis. 113
III. Pronouns.
Demonstrative Pronouns.
467 a. The demonstrative pronoun (dh/k) is probably tlie descendant of ME.
fhilJc (OE. pt/lc).
The addition of Jiere and there is also found in 18^^^ century English, and
in modern vulgar (or perhaps colloquial) English.
Personal Pronouns.
467 b. The form (m) for unemphatic 'he, she' represents ME. he, heo.
The unemphatic objectives of the personal pronoun of the third person are
peculiar.
(i3n) may represent OE. hme. It is spelled ten in Tom Jones (Book VI Ch. X).
The plural form (\?m) may be OE. him, heom] but it is possibly an unemphatic
form of them (§ 359).
(m^n) occurs as mun in Exm. Sc. (line 224), as mi7i in Exm. Courtship (line
419). In ME. (Sir Firumbras) we have hyynen, hemen, in OE. heoman (once) ^).
The use of the original objective forms as unemphatic nominatives is
well-known, also in vulgar English (see Storm, Eng. phil., Wortregister s. v.
Pronomen). Cp. also the use of 'ons' for we in South African Dutch.
Indefinite Pronouns.
467 c. (Sdhb'r, u3dh\?r) originally referring to one out of two only are used
in the present dialect without that limitation; they still show their
original meaning, however, by being used only before class-nouns. The NED.
gives an example of ahwceder in the sense of 'any' from the Ags. psalms (NED.
s. V. either adj. 4c; see also 2c).
1) The explanation of ME. liemen given by Dr. Murray (NED. s. V. hemen) : hem
-\- plural ending -en (cp. Mn. German ihnen) does not account for the stress,
which has clearly been on the second syllable since the 14^^ century. Dr.
Heuser's suggestion (Bonner Beitr. 12) that it is a W. Frisian loanword seems
hardly probable. Bonner Beitr. z, Anglistik. Heft 18. 8
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114 History of Accidence.
IV. Derivation. Suffixes.
(-L'lis).
468. (-viis) is used in annoyance, disturbance, extrai-agance, mamtenance'^
with ?'-metathesis (-'Brns) m encumbrance , hindrance, ignorance,
remembrance.
Several of these words are probably borrowed from literary English (see
§481), so that it becomes doubtful whether the suffix is really dialectal.
But (teenm^s) 'attendance' can only be explained as a formation from the
dialectal (teen) 'attend' by means of the suffix (^ns)^). This proves that
(-"ens) is a Jiving suffix in the dialect.
(-ish).
469. (-ish) denotes ^inclining to a quality'; it specially forms derivations
from adjectives : (g^^dish, bE^dish, o^ldisb, begish, smaaldish^ liidlish)
from good, bad, old, big, small, little^).
Derivations from nouns occur (AAsish, roogish, bw3i-ish) from horse, rogue,
boy. But nouns usually take the suffix (-bik), see § 470.
(-l9ik).
470. (bik) is often used where literary English has -ly.
See §§ 119, 120.
The dialect also uses it for literary -ish : (bw3ibik) 'boyish', (g^rdl-bik)
"girlish'. See § 469.
The ending (-li) in dialectal winterly, iveeMy, might therefore be taken for
a literary borrowing ; but (akli) 'actually' seems to be a formation from
dialectal (ak) 'act'. This form w^ould seem to show that the suffix Mi) is
really dialectal.
We may say therefore that (-bik) is a suffix to form 1° adverbs^) 2°
semicompounds, meaning 'like unto'; (-li) is used to form adjectives from
nouns, such as vreekly, actually.
(-lis).
471. (lis) is often used where literary English has -some', (veent^^rlis)
'venturesome', (kSmburlis) 'cumbersome'; also (jSmiJrlis) which Eiworthy
explains as 'humoursome'.
1) (teenduns). the pronunciation given in the Wdb., is no doubt the
ditilectai adaptation of literary attendance.
2) Note that (Ei?blish) from able means 'strong, active, inclined to work'.
3) It is also added to after, rather, almost, much etc.
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IV. Derivation. 115
472 a. (sum) is rare in tlie dialect : (a^ESum) 'handsome'; (lisiuii)
'lissome'.
The words in -some arc often replaced by participles in (-in) : (vrAlikin)
'frolicksome', (trSblin) 'troublesome', (ma3dlia) 'meddlesome', (toiurin)
'tiresome', (kwAArdlin) 'quarrelsome'.
See also § 471.
Prefixes. (bi-).
472 b. The prefix he- is often used in the present dialect where literary
English has other prefixes or none: (bigit) 'forget', (bi-ap) 'perhaps',
(bikjaal) 'nickname, abuse', (bi-oop) 'hope', (binoo) 'understand,
acknowledge', hemean 'disgrace', hepity 'commiserate'.
(dis-).
472c. Di- in digestion etc. has been taken for a prefix; the dialect uses
dis--^ hence (disdza3stshn) 'digestion', (indasdzsestsh^n) 'indigestion'.
These pronunciations are probably adaptations of standard English words; the
dialect also uses (dii'dzhses) for digestion.
(m9s-).
472 d. The prefix inis- is used in (masbik) 'dislike'. It has been
substituted for the first syllable of molest, hence (moslEs).
Substitution of suffixes^).
(-isnt).
473. (-unt) is substituted in foreign^ violet, lion, perhaps also in errand
(§ 378)^).
Cp. § 481 on the suffix (-mi^nt).
(-'sr).
474. Shepherd is pronounced (shzpur), but neatherd, has a final d :
(neetm-d). Perhaps (shipi?r) is not a compound of
1) In some cases mentioned in the following- paragraphs (e.g. in §§ 480 d.,
481) we have no substitution of another suffix but simply derivation by means
of another ending than the standard language uses. It v.'ould not have been
convenient, however, always to separate the two cases. Such a course would
have necessitated the treatment of fancical (which may be a derivation from
fancy) in a different paragraph from magnifical, capical (§ 480b). Sec also §
472 c and d.
2) Errant is a common Spelling in older literary English; in Swift we find it
rhyming with aware on'-t (Baucis and Philemon I. 42).
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116 History of Accidence.
sheep and herdj but a derivation from sheep by means of the suffix (-^r); ep.
Dutch scheper by the side of schaapherder. The proper name Shepherd, however,
is also transcribed (shopur), in Ellis V p. 150, comparative specimen 1. 13.
The form (sh/pin*) seems to have given rise to the noun (ship) 'shepherd's
dog'; this shows that (shipi^r) is not felt in the present dialect as a
derivation of sheep, which has moreover (i) not (i).
475. The pronunciation (kiindur) 'kindred' by the side of (kiindi;rd) is
perhaps also due to the analysis of the word in root + suffix.
476. (-'Br) has been added to druggist (dr-Bgist^r). April (E^p^r) may have
(-'^r) by the analogy of other names of months in -er.
(-ur) in facia, hyena, idea is probably not a case of substitution of another
suffix but of insertion of r on account of the preceding vowel, as in the
colloquial pronunciation of idea{r) of.
(-^rd).
477a. (-^rd) in scholar, liar, miller, worsted, halfpennyworth is due to a
change of suffix.
(-'Brd) has been added to dead-alive. See § 478.
(-T?ri).
477 b. Moult is pronounced (maatm-i). This suffix is probably derived from
intransitive verbs in (-i) formed from agent nouns, such as (kaafmd^ri) 'to
be a carpenter', (taai^ldi^ri) 'to be a tailor', (dAAkturi) 'to be a doctor'
etc. (§ 452).
(-^t, -Et).
478. (-Et) is substituted Ioy -ard in orchard, tanliard^). It is also
pronounced in pyramid (see § 481).
(-^t).
479. (-ut) in ballad, salad may be due to phonetic causes (§ 376) but it is
also possible that the change is owing to a substitution of the suffix (-Bt)
for the original ending. See NED. s. v. ballad.
1) These two words are also pronounced with (-'et).
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IV. Derivation. 117
Cp. also (-ut) in tenon^ tenant^ dimmet Musk', (dringtJt) Mringet; press,
crowd'.
(-idzh, -nlzh)^). 480a. Notice^) is pronounced (nootidzh); this suffix is
also found in ruhhish-) (rSbidzb). Compare (idzb, idzb) in advantage,
laggage^ cabbage, carriage, damage, marriage, tillage, village.
(iM).
480b. The suffix (-ikvl) is common in tlie dialect, cp. fancical 'tasteful'
magnifical 'magnificent'. It has also been substituted for the two last
syllables of capital, hence capical.
480 c. In a few words the literary ending -el is replaced by (-j^l) : forrel
(fArJBl)^), sorrel (sArjul). On the other hand spaniel is pronounced
(spsenl).
(-ii?r, -jur). 480 d. The suffix (-ii^r, -jur) is used to form names of
agents from nouns, as in literary English, e.g. lawyer, sawyer etc. But in
the present dialect it is also used to form names of agents from verbs,
w^here literary English uses -er : cp. Gloss. s. Y. borer, hauler, liver
''inhabitant', lover, also carrier (the verb is to car in the dialect).
(-m^nt).
481. (-m^nt) is clearly dialectal; it is not only found in ejectment,
engagement, encroachment etc. but is also used where literary English has
other endings : in signature, opening, acquittance, lodging, ability,
bicJcer'ing, doment, hi^idrance.
The ending is substituted in sermon, vermin, pyramid. In diamond final t is
original.
(-tri),
482 a. (kaalv^tri) 'cavalry' seems to show that -try in infantry was taken
for a suffix.
1) The Wdb. gives (idzh), WSD. (idzh).
2) (noBtis) and (rab^sh) are of course due'to standard English.
3) The stressed vowel in forrel would regularly be (3), cp. O. French
fourrel. (fArji?l) is probably an adaptation of standard (fArBl), which is a
spelling-pronunciation [instead of the regular *(f3rBl)].
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118 History of Accidence.
(-th).
482 b. The suffix (-th) is used to form abstract nouns and collectives.
Abstract nouns are derived from adjectives e.g. (draith) ''thirst' from dri/j
by the side of (drEuth); height (aith) from high (9i); (diipth) 'depth' from
deep\ (lyyth) 'shelter' from (lyy) 'lew, sheltered'; (diurth) 'dearth'. The
absence of shortening of the vowels shows that (-th) is a living suffix. It
is also known in other dialects; for Hartland (Devon) we find hlooth ^bloom,
blossom', deepth, lewth, dryth and drowth] cp. also (buukth) ^bulk' in
Windhill.
Elworthy gives two instances of collectives formed by means of (-th) from
nouns: (vo^th, vuKth) 'a number of furrows ploughed up round a field with
which (i. e. with whose soil) lime or other manure is mixed to be spread over
the land'^), also 'the end of a furrow where the plough runs out', and
(vaarth) 'a litter of pigs' (§ 412).
Standard English also has many new-formations with the suffix -th: length,
sti^ength (OE. lengu, strengu), warmth j growth etc. (see Sweet New English
grammar § 1599).
1) Compare: Take in a votli zix or eight vores wide.
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CHAPTER IV. Some Problems of Historical
Grammar.
On dialectal and literary (ii) for ME. L
483. Contrary to the rule for ME. i laid down in §218, (ii) is spoken in //, gifted,
live^ cliff, forgive, sieve. See also §§ 498 ff .
484. In if (ii) may be due to the preceding consonant, which has been
absorbed by i (ME. pf)', the vowel in consequence became long.
In the case of the other words it may be significant that in all of them (ii)
is followed by a (v), except in forgive, gifted, which may have adopted the
vowel of give. Other dialects also show a sound usually corresponding with
ME. e in live, give (Luick § 395).
485. Prof. Luick has collected all the cases where ME. i is represented by a
modern sound which usually corresponds to ME. e. His conclusion is that ME. i
in open syllables was lengthened to ME. e in the Northern dialects. This
theory has not met with general approval^).
486. The standard (ii) forms which Luick wants to explain by this theory are
beetle, gleed, speir, weelc, weet, weevil^). We may perhaps add screech and
beaker (also spelt beeJcer).
1) On this question see Luick 's Unters., Morsbach (H. A. 100), Sarrazin (ib.
101), Luick's answer to both (ib. 102, 103). Dr. Koppel has further shown
that a form "pointing to ME. e" occurs in the southern river-name
Creedy (see Luick's remark on the value of geographical names, Unters. § 535
a). Cp. further Heuser, Eng. Stud. 27. But see Preface.
2) A few more doubtful cases are treated by Luick, Unters. §§ 533 ff.
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120 Some Problems of Historical Grammar.
Of these words iceet is only found in Spenser and that hardly excludes the
possibility that it is dialectal. Gleed and speir are dialectal words. The
only really literary instances are therefore beetle, tveeJi, weevil'^
screech, heaJcer.
487. The forms in § 486 are explained by Luick as borrowings from Northern
dialects. Luick has omitted, however, to show that these words are really so
pronounced in the North.
Now gleed is pronounced gled in Scotch; iveet in Northern English is loit and
healier in Scotch is hicl'er.
This does not indeed prove that the (ii) forms cannot be Northern but it
proves that Luick should have shown from which Northern dialects the forms
may have been introduced into literary English.
488. Moreover the possibility should be considered that the (ii)
pronunciations were adopted from a Southern dialect. The dialect of W. Som.
at any rate pronounces (ii) in screech; and if we accept loeet as a literary
pronunciation we may explain it as a Southern borrowing, for our dialect
pronounces (ii).
489. If we accepted Luick's theory (§ 485) we should have to extend the
development (of ME. i to ME. e) to the Southern dialects and also to closed
syllables^). But the development has not been shown to be general; nor does
there seem to be any rule for the exceptional change i. c. the change is
really unexplained by Luick's theory. The explanation put forward by Morsbach
is not tenable either. He thinks OE. eo {lean, cleap a. o. which have (ii) in
Early MnE.), becoming ME. e may have resulted in modern (ii) in some
dialects; or the ME. sound may have been e, which would regularly become (ii)
in most dialects.
Neither supposition is possible in W. Som., for ME. e would have become {ee)
and such forms as i}een) 'lean' show that OE. eo in open syllables produced
e^ in ME. See Add.
490. To the words with modern (ii) for ME. i Luick has added some where the
16*^ cent, spelling ee seemed to him to prove the existence of ME. e.
Now a 16*^^ cent, spelling ee may prove an (ii) promm-
1) Cp. the Scotch pronunciation with (ii) in dreel (see NED. i. v.).
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ME. a. ME. c and ME. <\ 121
ciatioii for that time ^), but certainly not a ME. e sound in all cases. At
any rate \yc find ee in such words as deek for dike, aleecJie for alike.
On the diph thongization of ME. a.
491. On the time of the diphthongization of ME. a Cooper (Ellis I p. TOf.)
supplies us with a terminus ante quern. He gives ^a longa' i. e. (?e?e) or
(EE) in barge, blast etc. but "a exilis' in hme, pate, bare, care etc.
Ellis explains 'a exilis'
as (EE), but Cooper says : 'Tost a inseritur u gutturalis,
quae nihil aliud est quam continuatio nudi murmuris postquam a formatur nam
propter exilitatem, ni accuratius attenditur ad proximam consonantem, sine
interveniente u non-facile transibit lingua". This clearly means (Eu).
Cooper wrote about standard English, but a diphthongization is not mentioned
by other Early MnE. grammarians, so that Cooper may have been influenced by
some dialect (cp. § 522, Note).
The change may have taken place in the present dialect about the same time,
although that cannot be proved, of course.
492. The second question is: Did the palatal articulation of c, g, ch and s7i
in the So. Dial, affect the following vovv'el when it was still (aa) or at a
later period ? Cooper makes no difference between j^afe and cape, gate, but
his pronunciation cannot, of course, decide for W. Somerset.
Words with ME. e, however, which have usually (Eu) before r are pronounced
with (i^) after palatal consonants e. g*. shear. These words have never had
(aa): {i"s) in them must have been reached via (Et?). Possibly ME. a
therefore became also (Eb) and this later sound was influenced by the
preceding consonant.
On the separation of ME. e and e.
493. The separation of ME. e (OE. ce, ea) and e (OE. e in open syllables)
from ME. e is not well-defined, and this
1) Horn Bcitr. p. 68 f. quotes from Pegge: 'plif (a plough), pronounced
rather pleaff\ This sugg'ests tliat the 16tb century spelUngs with ee for i
were used to show that the ^-sound was close, L e. (i), and not the literary
{i). Cp. also leefekyes in Lyly (NED. s. V. lyfkie) from Dutch Hjfken, where
ij denoted (ii).
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122 Some Problems of Historical Grammar.
makes itself felt in the treatment of the modern dialect, which as a rule
still distinguishes the two groups.
494. In discussing the modern dialectal forms we must distinguish between the
words with (ii) and those with (iu). Of (ii) it is fairly certain that it
corresponds to ME. e or i. But with (i^) the case is quite different; apart
from the words where it represents ME. a or i, it oftener stands for e than
for ME. e. The regular development of ME. e seems to be {ee)^ some w^ords
with <] in ME., however, are given with both (ee) and (ii?) viz. dean,
sleep, heat, head, (i^) in these w^ords might be due to literary influence,
but the description of the sound (§ 54) and its variation with (Ei?), see §
55, make it probable that (ii?) is occasionally a different appreciation of
{ee). Cp. §§ 8 if.
495. Whether we accept this explanation of Cvs) in these words or not (§
494), it is clear that (i^) is no certain proof of ME. e. To reach safer
conclusions it will be necessary to limit ourselves to the words with (ii).
Even they, however, are uncertain proofs of ME. e, for the dialect, which
occasionally lowers (ii) to {ee) (see § 21), might also occasionally raise
(ee) to (ii)^). Perhaps we shall become less sceptic, however, when we
consider that the (ii) is supported by evidence independent of the dialectal
pronunciation.
496. The words that have (ii) are deaf, leaf, shred, instead, heam\ (i) in
heap.
For deaf (ii) is also given by the Expert Orthographist, and the NED. quotes
from an 18^^ century poet the rhyme deaf: relief. In connection with these
data the 16^^^ century spelling deefe may be worth quoting.
For leaf there is a 16^^ century spelling leefe, which may point to ME. lef.
For instead Jones gives (ii), although he usually gives {ee) for ME.g. In the
dialect of Windhill the word has (ii?) which cannot represent ME. e nor e.
1) Snead is pronounced (sniid, zni-ed). The ME. form probably had e (cp. the
related OE. smdan). Also steen (stiin) had e in ME. As these two words cannot
have been influenced by standard PInglish they prove that ME. e (or at least
the ME. representative of Westermanic ai -\- i, j) has in the present dialect
sometimes become (ii).
g
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On (ii, ee) for ME. 7. 123
497. Kluf!:c has tried to account for ME. e instead of P by assuming i-mutation
(Grundriss § 99) but that is impossible in leafy deaf, shred. Further
examination of the modern dialects will probably bring to light more
'exceptions' to the rules for ME. e. and ME. e. Indeed, we may say even now
that those rules (ME. e in all dialects for Westgermanic al + i, j ; ME. P in
the Southern, ME. e in the Midland and Northern dialects for Westgermanic a)
do not meet the facts in ME. texts any more than they do the evidence of the
modern dialects^). A complete investigation of the English dialects from the
oldest times to the present will perhaps clear up the difficulty.
On (ii, ee) for ME. i.
^ 498. Just as in many other dialects there are some words in W. Somerset
which have (ii, ee) ^) although the ME. sound was I (see § 271). A list of
the words in different dialects is found in Ellis I p. 288 ff. If we exclude
the words which in ME. had i (light etc.) and those which had e {lie etc.)
there remain alike, dike, write; to these from different sources Luick adds
shine, life, time (Unters. § 27). In some southwestern dialects (also in Exm.
Sc.) cows is pronounced kee (see NED. s. v. kee). See Add.
499. In W. Somerset alike has (i) and {i), dike has (i). These sounds seem to
point to short ME. i. For dike such a form has existed : dick is found as
early as the Cursor Mundi (NED. i. V. dike). The verb to stiffen (ME. stiven)
is pronounced (stiiv); it is natural to think of the influence of the short I
in stiff] for (ii) before v cp. §§ 483 ff. The W. Somerset dialect also
pronounces (ii) in stifle-., cp. stiff le in Hartland.
It is clear that the explanation of at least some of the modern forms with
(ii) may be that they represent ME. forms with short i.
500. For drive, knife, flve NED. gives forms pointing to short i (dryff,
dreff, knyffe, fiffe) but it is doubtful whether such forms have existed in
Southern ME.
1) In the dialect of Adlington e.g. ME. P is represented by (ii), ME. e by
(i'e), ME. e by (ei), see Adl. §§36ff. Yet we find (biit) 'kindle', (shiid)
'spill', where we should expect (Itj).
2) For (ee) by the side of (ii) see §§ 21, 265, 271, 495.
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124 Some Problems of Historical Grammar.
501. (ee) in cider, cJiina, ohlige, size, being French words require no
further expbmation. For French words have often (ii) also in other dialects,
not only according to Ellis's dialectal evidence (Ellis I p. 288), but also
early grammarians give (ii) : Jones (Ellis IV p. 1012) and later grammarians
(Ellis's 18^^ century Vocabulary) for ohlige; BuUokar for guise] Buchanan
(Ellis IV p. 1074) for cJmia.
These pronunciations have lasted down to the 19^^' century and are found (as
vulgar English) in Dickens {Chaney 'China', Cliainer men 'Chinamen') and
Thackeray {cliany 'china'). Walker still mentioned {ee) in china, although
with (ai) as an alternative pronunciation (see Storm Engl. phil. p. 363). G.
W. Russel tells us of a lady born about the middle of the 18^^ century who
said layloclc for lilac (Collections and Recollections, ed. Tauchnitz I p.
12). Even Lord John Russel still used layloclc and much ohleeged (ib. p. 26).
On amhej'grisj verdigris see § 503.
502. Another explanation seems to be required for (ee) in dive. In ME. we
find the spelling deve, deeve. The NED. explains them as Kentish but the
16*^^ century spelling deave points rather to an earlier deve than to Kentish
deve. Moreover the forms def, preterite defde occur in the Marh. legend (Stodte
§ 15 Anm. 3). The preterite defde is probably a blending of def (preterite of
di'ifan) and diifde (preterite of dyfan). From this preterite defde the
dialect formed a new present tense def, deve if was voiceless in the old
preterite def, but voiced in dyfde so that both /" and v are possible).
A present tense deve would regularly become (deev) in W. Somerset.
503. In ambergris, verdigris also (ee) may represent ME. e, for -gi'is in
these words often became -gres 'grease' by popular etymology (cp. Skeat Etym.
Diet. s. v. verdigris).
See also § 273.
On the history of {99) for ME. u, g.
504. The development of ME. tc to a sound that usually represents ME. g is
found in many dialects. On such modern forms and on ME. rhymes prof. Luick
has based his theory of the lengthening of ME. ii in open syllables to g in
Northern dialects (see §§ 485 ff.) ^). It is not my intention to show that
1) See Preface.
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On the Jiistovy of (oo). 125
the peculiar development is not limited to open syllables nor to Northern
dialects. But in his controversy with Morsbach (II. A. 103) Liiick
incidentally discusses the history of the (99) in W. Somerset. That is a point
directly concerning this work.
505. Luick reasons thus: In W. Somerset not only ME. o and occasionally tt
but also ME. tl in room, stoop have become (aa). Hence it follows that ME. g
and u must have reached (99) via w^).
506. If in W. Somerset ME. g and occasionally ti had become a, thus becoming*
identical with original ME. u, the question arises why that u was not
diphthongized. The answer that ME. g and ti became ft when ME. original u was
already a diphthong may be correct, but if so we must explain why room, stoop
etc. kept u instead of diphthongizing it. It is clear that u in room etc. was
not a pure (uu) in ME.: if it had been, it would have become a diphthong.
507. The pronunciation {99) in room etc. may however help us to find out how
ME. g and occasionally u have become {99). ME. u in room etc. (§ 288) was not
diphthongized because a labial followed i. e. because u was lowered before
labials 2). The labial prevented the end of u from rising so high that the
first part seemed a different vowel.
Now short u is lower than long u in English. A lowered u and short u would
differ little in organic height. And ME. o, which in all dialects rose to the
high position, w^ould thus meet the lowered u of room etc. and short u. All
three were
1) I may remark in passing that Luick's aim is to show a difference in the
history of (99) in the North and in the South : in the South the intermediary
sound was u, but in the North that is impossible for according to Ellis's
lists room has a sound pointingto ME. u not g (like W. Som. vddm). In
Mid-Yorkshire, however, room has a pronunciation "pointing to ME.
0". This form, which is certainly dialectal and agrees with the
development of u in room etc. in W. Somerset, is rejected by Luick and
declared to be "borrowed".
2) Compare the same effect of labial consonants on short v, in some etc. (§
240). In standard English also the preceding labial seems to have prevented
the diphthongization of ME. u in wound s. (The diphthong in tcound, preterite
of wind, may be due to the analogy of find-found, hind-bound etc.).
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126 Some Problems of Historical Grammar.
united under a lowered u\ this sound w.is afterwards fronted to (39)^ or
according to some observers to (yy) i. e. there is even now a doubt whether
the vowel is high or mid. This agrees perfectly with its origin : a loioered
u.
The fronting of (uu), although organically a great change, does not make an
important acoustic difference. For we find both (uu) and (aa) for crumb (§
288) and above (§ 248j ; both (uL») and {3d) in cotii^t (§ 248). And in the
Wdb. s. v. 77ioor s. Elworthy remarks on the pronunciation (ub) as in hoaVj
door, more etc. that it 'is almost (ba^r, da^r)'. In standard English also
(juu) often approaches (jyy); especially in unstressed syllables. According
to Jespersen (quoted by Western Engl, lautlehre p. 8) the change also occurs
in stressed syllables e.g. (kyyriiJs) for (kjuuri^s). It is probable,
however, that the sound is mixed, not front.
508. Phonetically therefore the explanation given in § 507 is possible; it
seems also to be supported by historical evidence.
509. In the first place there are many words with ME. o which in modern W.
Somerset, as also in Northern dialects, have a short sound which regularly
represents ME. ti. Luick explains these Northern forms as follows: ME. o
(either original or from earlier t^) w^as unrounded, becoming
mid-back-narrow, or, as g may have been '"iibergeschlossen",
high-back-narrow. The latter sound, if shortened would become like ii.
It should be noted that no reasons are aiven for all
o
these changes although they are involved enough : ME. o is unrounded and the
resulting unrounded vowel, if shortened produces a rounded vowel.
But if we assume that ME. o and occasionallv ti were levelled under lowered u
the result of a shortening would as a matter of course be (u), for short u is
lower than pure long u.
510. Secondly the ME. texts show u : rhymes (explained by Luick as o : o),
especially before v, m; before other consonants never more than once in any
text^). Even the instances before v and m are rare : they occur only for
Jove, gmnej come, some.
1) Viz. of those examined by Luick.
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On (9?) for ME. o. OE. eaw, eow. 127
If from tlicse rlivmcs we may draw anv conclusion the most natural would be
that the u- and o-words rhymed because before labials (v, m) n was lower^
ai)proaching the position of o. Cp. §§ 238, 507.
511. We conclude therefore that ME. t7, ?* before labials and ME. o were
levelled under a lowered u, which was afterwards fronted to {dd),
occasionally (yy).
On {dd) for ME. q.
512. W. Somerset {dd) in hotli, comb, icoinb, whose, those agrees with (uu),
which early MnE. grammarians give for comb and ghost : both pronunciations
seem to point to ME. g (or u?),
513. Early MnE. (uu) is explained by Luick (Unters. § 88) as borrowed from a
dialect which had modern (uu) for ME. q. But as the W. Somerset pronunciation
cannot be thus accounted for, it is more likely that also for literary
English the cause is different. Both pronunciations probably require the same
explanation.
514. In womb, ichose there is no difficulty in accounting for a ME. o : it is
of course due to the preceding w,
515. {dd) in comb might be due to a form with u (cp. Low German hump). A ME.
form with u would also explain Early MnE. (uu), for the diphthongization does
not take place before m (cp. room etc. § 507). Cp. also (uu) by the side of
{dd) in crumb (§ 288).
The Adlington pronunciation (uu) in those seems to point to ME. 6, See Add.
On dialectal and literary o-sounds for OE. eato, eow,
516. In hew, eioe, sew the W. Somerset dialect pronounces {oo), in streio (A
A).
OE. eaic {heaivan), eoio {eown, seowian, streowian) would regularly lead to
ME. eu, but that cannot have become an o-sound.
517. The literary pronunciation shows the same irregularity in sew, strew
(also ^\)Q\i strow)\ the old spelling stravj (e.g. in the A. V.) points to a
pronunciation agreeing with the dialectal one. With (joo) from OE. heawan we
may compare literary shoio from OE. sceawian.
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128 Some Problems of Historical Grammar.
518. Early MiiE. grammarians give o sounds in other words. Ellis I p. 140
writes: "Jones says that the sound of o, and otij evidently meaning {oo,
oow) is written eiv when it may be sounded ew as in chew, shew, shrewd,
Shrewshurij, pronounced 'clio, shro^ shrode, slirosbury etc." Lediard
(Ellis IV p. 1045) gives the sound oh, which Ellis explains as {oo), in chew,
sew, sewer ^). Buchanan and Sheridan also give {oo) in sew, shew.
519. For cheio the NED. gives i. v. chato and choio two dialectal
pronunciations (tshAA, tshau) as still in use. The ME. spelling chowe, quoted
i. v. chow, may mean chgwe, as well as chiiwe (cp. literary shoiv). See §§
286, 307 and Add.
520. In all these forms it seems that the original diphthong has shifted its
stress: 5a became ed-^ then ia, j a whilst J was finally lost after the
consonants (sh, tsh, r), exactly for the same reason that lit. (ju) from
older eti lost its initial consonant when (sh, tsh, r) or cons. + I preceded.
See Element. § 333.
521. Thus all the forms would be explained with the exception of sew, and
literary straw (unless we may consider the latter to be a dialectal
loan-word).
On the dialectal pronunciation of -ought,
522. Of the words with Early ME. -oht one is pronounced -(AAft) in our
dialect (§ 388); the others have no (f): {n)aughf, thought, brought,
daughter. (-AAft) is certainly dialectal and we may therefore justly suspect
the others. When we find moreover that Fielding writes oft, thoft for ought,
thought (Tom Jones Book VII Ch. XIII), also soft for sought (ib. Book XV Ch.
X) we may confidently explain (-AAt, -aat) instead of (-AAft) as due to
literary influence^).
523. In his Unters. §§ 90 ff. Luick explains the standard pronunciation of
-ought as a borrowing from Southwestern dialects. Among these he mentions W.
Somerset. It is now made clear, however, that this is impossible^'
1) On the 0- sound in seicer see also Luick, Anglia 16 p. 458.
2) Cp. also Jones (the grammarian) : "Some also sound daughter, bought,
nought, taught etc. as with f, saying daufter, boft etc." (Sweet Hist,
of English Sounds § 895).
i3) This shows once more that the use of Ellis's materials exposes us to
constant mistakes, and that we need complete grammars of separate dialects.
See also § 550 s. v. -ought, and § 5G0.
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Diak'cral -oug'ht. Etymolog-ics. 129
524. Althongli tlie standard proiuinciatioii cannot be a W. Somerset
pronunciation the ])ossil)ility of a borrowingfrom other dialects remains.
For many dialects pronounce (AAt), so many indeed that we may ask ourselves
why w^e should not consider (-AAt) to be an independent development in the
standard language. See Add.
Etymologies. A in ^throw'.
525. Ain (een) 'to throw' seems to represent ME. hene (OE. haiiian). The
original meaning was to stone, but one of the quotations in the NED. Qienede
him with stones) seems to show that the meaning had become more general.
Bleak, bleat.
526. Dr. Horn (Beitr. p. 21) considers bleak and bleat as one and the same
word. But a change of final k to t (or vice versa) is not known. Moreover
bleat corresponds with Dutch blaten, bleak with German bloken, so that we
have most likely to do with two w^ords. Cp. the explanation of leaf in the
NED. (see § 384).
Chives.
527. The dialectal pronunciation (soivz) represents standard French cive. The
standard English form chive is due to a dialectal French pronunciation.
Cucumber.
528. The pronunciation (kEuk'emur) shows the same influence of cow by popular
etymology as in many other dialects (see e.g. the Windhill dialect). It was
also the standard English pronunciation dow^n to the end of the 18*^ century,
G. W. Russel (Collections and Eecollections, ed. Tauchnitz I p. 26) mentions
cowciimber as Lord John Russel's pronunciation.
Drone.
529. The dialectal pronunciation (drE'Bn) points to ME, drdne, OE. dran. The
standard pronunciation shows, however, that an OE. form with a must also have
existed. Cp. NED. s. V. drone.
Bonner Beitr. z. Ani:listik. Heft 18. 9
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130 Some Problems of Historical Grammar,
Eaves.
530. (AAfis) may be derived from ME. ovese, ovise (pointing- to OE. '''ofes
by the side of efes, jjfes).
Tlie (f) and (s), liowever^ require an explanation. Final (s) in (AAfis) may
be compared with (s) in bodice. The consonant may in both these words have
remained voiceless because the syllable was not entirely unstressed. For
voicing took place in weak syllables only and it is natural that it is
regular therefore in the plurals of nouns and the third persons of the
Present tenses of verbs. For these inflectional syllables have very weak
stress (cp. also § 403). The spellings oavis (Gloss, by Devoniensis in Exm.
Sc. p. 64) and bodice show that the final syllable was not felt as an
inflection (in oavis this was impossible as the dialect formed no new
singular like Early MnE. eave; in bodice the connection with body was lost
through divergence of meaning) ^). See Add.
Haver.
531a. The word Tiaver has been claimed as Northern (NED.) but it seems to be
Southern as well. It should be noted, however, that there is another
dialectal form (wEts, W8ts) ^oats' and that the form of (eever) is not clear.
ME. haver would regularly have produced (Ei^vcr). Note that in W. Somerset
oats and haver iiave different meanings; haver is defined by Elworthy as a
grass, ^Lolium perenne'.
Hoe.
531b. {ooy) ^hoe' for French /io?/e has an exact parallel in standard clove,
which must be connected with French clone.
Prof. Skeat (Transactions of the Philological Society 1899 — 1901 p. 264)
explains clove as a blending of French clone and Italian chiovo. This
explanation is not probable in itself and becomes still less so when we see that
(ooy) for hoe shows a development exactly parallel to that of clove.
1) For the same reason s is voiceless in standard dice, truce, pe?ice (cp.
2^ew.9); also in West Somerset aloes, bellows, gallotvs, Tnalloivs, bans.
Note that the words in -ows were generally pronounced (-lis) down to the
19*^' century, when the standard pronunciation was adapted to the spelling
and became (-ouz).
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Etvmoloo'ies. 131
'to
Lea, lay.
532. The literary proDiinciation (Hi, leei) together with the spellings lea.
la// (also found in ME. ; see NED. i. v. lea sb. ^ and lea-land) allow us to
derive the W. Somerset pronunciation {ee^ from ME. le (OE. lea by the side of
leak).
Pank.
533. (psengk) points to a different word from 'pant. The spelling paiik
occurs in Dryden (Skeat Etym. Diet. p. 820). It is also used in Devon (Hewctt
p. 173).
Pebble.
534. (pApl) 'pebble' preserves the old medial p (ME. pobhel but OE.
papol-stan). P may have rounded the original a, but popohtan is also found.
Pent-house.
535. Pent-house is pronounced (peentis), dust-house and malt-house, however,
(doustauz, maltEuz). The difference shows that (peentis) is no compound of
house but represents French appentis. Elworthy's spelling pent-house is due
to a mistaken derivation.
Quoin, sleigh.
536. Both (kween) and (slee) point to ME. forms with q.
ME. quene is found (see NED.). The alternative pronunciation quine accounts
for (kwaain), unless the latter is due to a pronunciation with oi.
Sleigh in the sense of a weaver's reed represents ME. "^sle, OE. slea,
sice. But as the term is technical (slee) in this sense may have been
influenced by literary English. Standard (sleei) must be derived from ME.
slaie OE. siege. In its sense of sledge (slee) may also have been influenced
by standard speech but the standard pronunciation has not been accounted for.
(zbid) 'sledge' is probably due to association with to slide.
Spill.
537. In his lists Elworthy transcribes spindle with (spii?!). The word is no
doubt identical with the German and Dutch word (cp. Franck Etym. Wdb. i. v.
spil and Kluge Etym. Wtb. i. V. spille).
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132 Some Problems ot Historical Grammar.
11 some words i n -eak and o ii hey.
538. Of the words in -eah there are many whose etymoh)gy is obscure.
In the present dialect {ee) is i)ron()unced in wealx (also in lcey)\ (Eb) in
sneak, streak v. and s., steak; both (ee) and (Eb) in bleak v. ; both (Ei?)
and (i) in creak ; (i) in freak, peak, squeak, tweak.
{ee) usually represents ME. e. ME. "^loek does not occur, but seems to
be the original to which also standard loeak must be referred. Prof. Skeat,
acting* upon a suggestion in Bjorkman Zur dialektischen Provenienz der
nordischen Lehnworter im Englischen p. 11, has proposed (Transactions of the
Philological Society 1899 — 1901, p. 289 f.) to explain Hcek as the result of
a blending of OE. wac and OE. wcecan^). (kee) 'key' may represent ME. ke, ke.
We find such a form in Scotch texts, and the forms in the modern dialects of
Adlington and Windhill also point to e. The NED. proposes to explain the
standard pronunciation of key by assuming a borrowing* from Scotch. Luick
(Unters.) thought of a borrowing- from those Midland dialects which levelled
OE. ceg under ME. e. As the modern dialects in the South as well as in the
North point to ME. ke we may assume such a form for standard English also.
The origin of ME. kq, however, still remains to be explained.
W. Somerset (E^) in sneak, streak, steak may represent ME. a or |. The
dialect of Windhill pronounces (i^) in sneak, streak'^ Windhill (i^) points
to ME. e. We must therefore assume the ME. forms ^sneky '-^strek^). For steak
we have
1) MnE. bleak, adj. might be explained in the same way. OE. bide had a variant
form blwce (not blcec : Osthoff, Engl. Stud. 32, p. 183), and compounds with
bide- were often transformed to blcbc-. Now the latter form might be
pronounced bl(EC- as well as blcec-, and would thus strengthen the form
'-^blcEC (primarily the result of bide and blcbce). The form bleke does not
occur till the 16th century so that the blending may have taken place in ME.
as well (between bleche and blQk).
2) ME. e in these words cannot be due to ON. ei. Luick (H, A. 107 p. 327 f.)
assumes that ME. ei (from ON. ei) became e before k in some dialects. In the
dialect of Windhill, however, this monophthongization has not taken place;
for ME. e became (ii?), and ME, ei turned into (cb) : (weiJk) 'weak' and
(lei?k) 'play (ON. leika)'.
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Etvmoloa'ies. 133
'o
in ME. forms with el and e. The MnE. standard spelling points to ME. stel'e,
the standard pronnnciation to ME. staik or ""'stdke. The
pronunciation in the modern W. Somerset dialect seems to require a ME.
*stake. According to Luick (Unters. p. 177) the 18'^ century grammarians give
a sound pointing to ^lE. "^ stake. Such a form does not occur, but is
possible as a variant form of steik\ cp. ME. rake by the side of ME. ve'ik
(the NED. s. v. raik explains rake as a dialectal Norwegian form of the more
usual reik^).
Both {ee) and (E-b) of bleak v. may represent ME. e] ME. %leke7i is quite
possible, with e from hleten, which had the same meaning, or because e was
onomatopoetic.
Creak (krEi?k) may be compared with Dutch kraken.
(i) in freaky peak, squeak, tweak might be the shortening of a ME. i or i.
For freak we may think of a connection with OE. frician (see NED. s. v.
freak), ME. i is possible in tweak (see Skeat, Etym. Diet. s. v.).
1) This might induce us to assume ME. forms with a for sneaky ,sfreak also.
Such forms would account for (E«) in the W. Somerset dialect. But in the
modern Windhili dialect ME. a is represented by (u«). If, therefore, we
assume ME. *sndk^ *strdk we should only have accounted for the W. Somerset
pronunciation, and we should still have to assume ME. *snek, '^strek for the
Windhili dialect. It would be unmethodical, of course, to assume two forms
when one form may account for all the modern pronunciations, as well as for
the standard spelling.
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CHAPTER V.
The relation of the dialect of W. Somerset to the surrounding dialects.
539. In the study of a dialect it is desirable to know its relation to the
speech of the surrounding counties. Sometimes it is certain that forms have
been imported from those surrounding dialects. Moreover it would be
manifestly impossible (and superfluous) to treat all English dialects
exhaustively. I have chosen the dialect of W. Somerset not only because of
the materials available for it but because after the books of Murray, Wright
and Hargreaves it would be useful to have the history of a Southern English
dialect.
I shall therefore in the following paragraphs consider the value of the
modern W. Somerset dialect as a representative of Southern English, by
comparing it with the surrounding dialects. This comparison is almost
exclusively concerned with the sounds, for it must be principally based on
Ellis's fifth volume.
540. I shall first compare the dialect of W. Somerset with those spoken east
of it: East Hereford, Gloucester, East Somerset (represented by specimens
from Montacute, Worle, Wedmore), the Axe-Yarty district (the southern part of
East Somerset, West Dorset and East Devon), Wiltshire (represented by
specimens from Christian Malford, Chippenham and Tilshead ^), Dorset; all
these are included by Ellis under the heading 'Dialect 4'. Next I shall treat
of the relation of the dialects of W. Somerset and Devon.
1) I have not had the opportunity of consulting Dr. John Kjederqvist's
Dialect of Pewsey. But see Preface.
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The Southwestern Dialects. 135
It is not necessary for my purpose to go further east. The dialects of
Hampshire, Sussex etc. (Ellis's dialect 5) agree ou the whole with dialect 4.
But dialect 5 has been far more strongly influenced by standard English. The
distinction of initial (v, z) in native, (f, s) in French words e. g., 'has
almost disappeared in Hampshire'. And (dhik), the definite demonstrative
pronoun (§ 129) in dialect 4, W. Somerset, and Devon is unknown in dialect 5.
541. Speaking generally we may say that all southwestern dialects (i. e.
Ellis's dial. 4, 10 or W.Somerset and 11 or Devon) agree in differing from
standard English on the following points :
1. Initial (v, z) in native words.
2. Reverted or retracted r.
3. ME. aij el preserved as a diphthong, usually (ai), or (aai)^).
4. Initial f//r- becomes (dr-).
5. ME. a is diphthongized.
6. The rounding of ME. a by preceding labials is so slight that now (a, aa),
then (A, AA) are given.
7. The old prefix of the past participle is preserved, as (is-).
542. A notable point of difference among the southwestern dialects is the
development of ME. o. In dialect 4 the vowel has been raised to an 2i-sound,
but in W. Somerset and Devon the vowel has moreover been fronted, becoming
{ddj yy). This is the most striking difference between dialect 4 and dialects
10, 11. Another point of difference between dialect 4 on the one hand and
dialects 10 and 11 ou the other is the diphthong representing ME. i. In
dialect 4 it is usually (3i), approaching o//; in 10 and 11 it is a clear ai.
543. In going through Ellis's materials for the southwestern dialects we find
still more agreements in details. The following paragraphs do not embody an
exhaustive examination of Ellis's specimens, but they attempt to give a more
definite idea of the relation of the dialect of W. Somerset to its neighbours
on the eastern and the western border than can be gathered from the general
remarks in §§ 541 f.
1) But in some southern districts the second element tends to disappear, so
that it sounds (ee, EE) in Devonshire 'with more or less of an {i)
following'.
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136 Kelalion of the Dialect to surrouiidiim-
Dialects
o
The dialect of W. Somerset and Ellis's dialect 4.
544. In noting- special points of agreement or difference I shall follow the
order of Chapter III.
Quantity. Dialect 4 shows on the whole the same lengthening before
consonant-combinations as the W. Somerset dialect. Cp. Dorset (3i} in rind-^
Dorset (o'b) in afford^ hoard, ford\ Tilshead (u^) in gold, afford, ford,
hoard, hoard; pointing to ME. '/ and o [cp. Tilshead (u^) in cool, tool,
floor, sivore. spoon\ moan, load, road, ghost, goat a. o.]. A few forms in
the Axe-Yarty district and in Gloucester also point to ME. -ord.
In Dorset we have (ii?) in fern, earn, lea7m.
In the Axe-Yarty district and in Chippenham we find (pit?rt) 'pert'.
Before -st also we often find the representatives of ME. long vowels : (3u)
in dust (Dorset, Christian Malford, Chippenham), also in crust (Dorset). Note
also (kriis) 'cress' in the Axe-Yarty district and (kriisez) in Chippenham.
We find the same exceptions to these lengthenings: sounds pointing to ME. i
in child^) (Axe-Yarty and Montacute), in wild (Axe-Yarty); in fist (Christian
Malford); to ME. u in fusty (Christian Malford). See Add.
545. Vowels. Of the short vowels a seems to have become ai before -sh in East
Hereford [cp. (wEsh) 'wash' but (wont) 'want'] and Wiltshire [cp. Tilshead
(aish) 'ash-tree'^), Chippenham (a^ishiz) 'ashes' and Christian Malford
(weishi 'wash'].
ME. u has not been unrounded in Axe-Yarty (mAAdhnr) 'mother', Montacute
(komin) and Dorset (komi^n) for coming. Note (^13ng) 'along' in East Hereford
and Gloucester, also Axe-Yarty (dSngki) 'donkey' (see NED. s. v.).
Just as in W. Somerset, the diphthongs to which ME. a, e, e, o, o «ave rise
have often become falling: compare (j3p) 'to heap' in East Hereford; (j3d)
'head' in Gloucester; (jEk; ^ache' and (jeepi3rn) 'apron' in Worle; (jEl)
'eel' in Worle and Axe-Yarty; (jsepisrn) 'apron' in Tilshead; (w3m) 'home' in
1) Smart gave short i in child as tlie standard pronunciation (Miitzner, Eng.
gr. I p. 18).
2) Tilshead (draish) 'thresh' may be compared with the W. Somerset
pronunciation of 7iei>h (§ 208).
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 (delwedd B8494)
(tudalen 137)
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The Dialect of W. Somerset and Dialect 4. 137
East Hereford and Gloucester; (kw3t) 'coaf in Gloucester; will) 'whole' in Axe-Yartv;
(kwom) ^comb' in Cl)i])pcnliani. Note (uuns) 'once' in Dorset. See Add.
546. Dipli thongs. The Axe-Yarty and Christian Malford dialects show the same
curious anomaly with regard to the sounds tor ME. ai. ei as the W Somerset
dialect (§ 292); the* usual modern sound for ME. ai, ei is (ai) e.g. in lai/j
say, loay, weigh, but day is pronounced in Axe-Yarty as (dee), in Christian
Malford as (deei).
Labials + oi have in several dialects produced a (w) as in W. Somerset:
compare Axe-Yarty (pwoint, mwoisti, spwoii, bwoil, bwoi) 'point, moisty,
spoil, boil, boy'^), also (bw3il) 'boil' in Christian Malford and (pw3int)
'point' in Dorset. See Add.
ME. au (and also ME. a preceded by a labial) often show^ no roundini^: in
Wiltshire: Tilshead (sese) in raiv, straw, daughter', (EE) in saw s.;
Christian Malford (aa) in loarrant, wall:, (a) in iDant\ Chippenham (EE) in
raw, straw, claw, cause, all; (aa) in law, both (EE) and (aa) in sazv s. and
dratv-).
547. Consonants. I have noted one case of r-iusertion: (lart) 'loft' in
Worle. — Loss of initial (w) before back consonants is not rare; Ellis's
specimens give it for woman, wood, wool. Also loss of unstressed w occurs:
with (Mh) in East Hereford, (i?dh3ut) 'without' in East Hereford and
Gloucester; (vor^d) 'forward' in Christian Malford. Note (^dh^'rt) 'athwart'
in Christian Malford. — Medial f has been lost in (aat^rnuun) 'afternoon'
(East Hereford, Gloucester and Christian Malford) and (lart) 'loft' (Worle).
The forms of loaf, Icnife, loife have been levelled under the inflected forms
with (v): (loov, n3iv, w3iv;. — Loss of final v occurs in (saar, sar) 'serve'
(Christian Malford and Worle). — The change of (dh) to (v) occurs in (s3ivz)
'scythes' and (v^Jrzdee) 'Thursday' (Dorset). Final th has become (t) in
(vilt) 'filth' in Christian Malford (§ 362). — ]\[edial g is pronounced (k)
in (fseki^t) 'faggot' (Worle). See Add.
1) Also (bwoi; in Gloucester and Ciiristian Malford.
2) (aa) is probably due to standard English: draw is transcribed with (drEE,
draa) but the dialectal word dratv out 'to stretch" only as (drEE Sut).
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 (delwedd B8495)
(tudalen 138)
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138 Relation of the Dialect to surroundiiio-
Dialects
j->
The metathesis of sh > ^•5 in aslc is found in nearly all the specimens of
dialect 4; also sp > ps in crisp, hasp, wasp (Dorset). Apocope of the
final syllable of carry, quarry and study occurs in Worle.
548. Accidence. With regard to the verbs Ellis's materials allow us to
conclude that consonantal preterites are far more common in dialect 4 than in
present standard English. Compare East Hereford (tEld, liii^rd) 'told,
heard'; Gloucester (tEld, ziid) 'told, saw'; Axe-Yarty (teetsht) 'taught';
Wiltshire (tEld, hm^rd, naud, ziid, k3md, tiitsht, viild, gid) 'told, heard,
knew, saw, came, taught, felt, gave'; West Dorset klraadi 'drew'. But it
seems that the verbs with gradation iiave no consonantal ending. Of
back-formations of present tenses from preterites note (hEft) 'heave'
(Gloucester;; (lEf, mid) 'leave, may' (Axe-Yarty); (kl/m, mid) 'climb, may'
(Wiltshire); (mid) 'may' (Dorset). See Add.
Note the double plural (tongziz) 'tongs' in Chippenham.
The double forms for the demonstrative pronoun that (dha^t; dhik, dh3k,
dhsek)^) are general in all the southwestern dialects; two of Ellis's
informants distinctly say that (dhik) is used 'for a shaped object'
(Montacute), and 'for shaped objects' (Mr. W. Barnes, the Dorset poet).
549. Suffixes. The suffix (-i?nt) has been substituted in Axe-Yarty (ISii^nt,
d3endil3iT?nt) 'lion, dandelion'-). (-i?r) has been added to mason
(meesn^r)^) in the Gloucester dialect. The Axe-Yarty dialect agrees witli the
W. Somerset pronunciation of the suffix in orchard : (Cirtshit). The suffix
(-th) is found in Axe-Yarty (h3ith) 'height', Dorset (bluuth) 'bloom'. See
Add.
550. Here follow some notes on special words. again. The Gloucester,
Christian Malford and Dorset
pronunciation (ii3) points to ME. a, for ME. ai, ei is represented by (ai) in
these dialects.
bayonet. The pronunciation is (bsegunut) in Chippenham.
beetle : (bitl) in Wiltshire, but one informant (from Chippenham) gave
(biidl, bidl).
1) (dhajk) may be a blending of (dhik) and (dhnet).
2) Ellis's text prints (I3iant), an apparent error, which also occurs in
(tneesnar) tor (meesnt'r).
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 (delwedd B8496)
(tudalen 139)
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The Dialects of W. Somerset and Devonshire.
139
coarse. The Axc-Yarty pronunciation (k3s) points to a ^lE. t'orni with n,
which must also be assumed as the prototype of W. Somerset (k^9s).
cud. This word does not occur in Ellis's classified wordlist so that its
pronunciation is rarely given. In dialect 4 I have only found it once, in the
specimen from Worle : (kwiid). In the specimens of the other southern
dialects end is only given for East Sussex, as (kwid). r.
deaf, irregular pronunciations occur in Gloucester (iiO, Worle and Dorset
(ii). Both sounds point to ME. e.
four. Several dialects have in this word a diphthong (or a triphthong)
representing ME. it : Axe-Yarty, Wiltshire (Tilshead^ Chippenham), Dorset;
cp. § 286, note.
hear. Several informants give this w-ord with an i-sound, which may be
genuine but may also be due to standard English. (3i) is given for East
Somerset (Wedmore, Worle) and Wilts (Christian Malford).
-ought. In the Axe-Yarty specimen ought is transcribed (AAft).
pill 010 : (piui) in Worle.
■eal: and key. In most dialects the /words in -eaJ: and also
key have sounds pointing to ME. e.
Steak, however, has (i^) in Gloucester, where (ie) represents ME. a : take,
make, bake etc.
The Chippenham form (kEE) 'key' seems to point to ME. ai; compare (EE) in
nail, tail, clay, neigh, weigh. And ME. e, e is in Chippenham represented by
an i-sound (ii, ii, ie).
i
The dialects of \\. Somerset and Devonshire.
551. The dialect of Devonshire is represented in Ellis by two specimens from
North and three from South Devon. Of the N. Devon specimens that from North
Molton is untrustworthy. This is shown by a comparison with the other
specimen in Ellis (from Iddesieigh) and the 'Glossary of the Dialect of
Hartland, Devonshire by R. Pearse Chope', published by the English Dialect
Society, 1891 1). Mr. Chope's book
1) The North Molton informant gave e.g. (io) in few, new instead of the
well-known (yy) given by the other authorities. He also has (ai) in mind,
mice, where the others agree on (ii).
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 (delwedd B8497)
(tudalen 140)
|
110 Iii'lation of tlio Diahnt to
surrouiKlinji' Dialet-ts
&
was specially written for the purpose of comparing- the dialects of Harthuid
and W. Somerset so that 1 have had much use from his work. If 1 mention a
peculiarity as found in Devon this refers therefore to Hartland, unless
otherwise stated. It should be noted, however, that the dialects of
Devonshire iigree in all essentials and in nearly all points of detail ^).
Ellis says (V p. 166) that 'the real differences in North and South, East and
West Devon and East Cornwall are not sufficient to form districts for, but
are mere varieties of the same dialect'.
552. On the basis of the general characteristics of the Southwestern dialects
(see § 541 f.) I shall now go into some detail about the dialect of Devon,
especially of Hartland.
Quant it ij. Before -nd the dialect points to short vow^els in ME. :
hlen-nittle 'blind-nettle', grending-stone 'grindingstone', to rend 'to take
the rind off, (e) in hind, find, grind. But (ii) in end points to ME. -end. —
For child all three i^. Devon authorities give (tshil). — Fern is pronounced
with (ii). — Also before -st the modern sounds point to long vowels, in last,
master, dowst "dust'.
553. Vowels. Note (e^, E^) in bans. — Hartland pronounces (3) in harm, farm,
cart, smart, yard, barJc, dark, far', (3) points to ME. e. — ME. i has been
lengthened to (ii) in greep "handful, handgreeping fork', to {ee) in
bail "bill (of a bird)', (zeev) "sieve' ^). — ME. o has in some
words become (3), not only in the neighbourhood of labial consonants, as in
foreign, hover, bonnet, knob, grog, strong, pot-shurd, but also in cog, dog,
fog, hog, along, long. It has been unrounded to (a) in knock, among (§ 241),
belong, not, knot, clot, plot, trot, beyond, drop, robin. ME. u, on the other
hand, has become (A A) in hm*t, hurrah; (A) in come, comfort, company, some,
mother, un- (see § 240). On the relation of (3) and (A) in W. Somerset see §§
40, 233. — ME. u has produced a sound usually representing ME. o in zooker
"sucker'. — The ME. long e- sounds have caused the diphthong which gave
rise to an initial (j) + vowel in yen "ain, throw', yaffer "heifer',
yeat "heat', (jEth) "hearth'. — Just
1) Some of the points of detail shared by South Devon with Hartland and W.
Somerset are mentioned in § 560.
2) For the lowering of (ii) to (ee) compare (ee) in drive, seek.
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 (delwedd B8498)
(tudalen 141)
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The Dialoi-ts of W. Somerset niul Devonshiro.
141
i^ in W. Somerset queer has also in ITnrtland the exceptional (El?)- — ^^E. e
has occasionally been preserved : iee) in seelc. This is probably due to a
modern hiwering' of an earlier (ii), for ME. I has been preserved in some
words, as (ii) in hide, mice (spelled meeze), pil'e; as (ee) in drive (see
also note on bail 'bill' and sieve, p. 140) — On final ME. -oh see § 554.
554. Diphthongs. ME. cm (from earlier au, or from a 4- I) is represented by a
sound variously appreciated, as (AA) and as (aa) : both sounds are given in
all, hall, daughter, sauce. Cp. also (Ax\) and (aa) in quart. Hartland has
{ev, El?) not only in draic but also in gnaw. — ME. eu is represented by (A
A) in cheio, ewe (written i/aw). But chetv has also (Eu). — ME. -ow- has
usually become (AA), as in Mow, low, grow, sow, sew. But in mow v. the sound
is (yy, 99), also for final -oh in plough, enough, slough.
bbb. Consonants. Initial (w) has been lost in ot 'what'; also loss of (w) in
unstressed sj'llables : athin, within', athout 'without', aiJcul 'equal'. The
combination wr- has become (vr-) in vreath 'wreath'. Note also Hartland
skiver 'skewer'. — Insertion and loss of r are common in the Hartland
dialect. (r) has been inserted in after {-noon), words in -ought, -aught,
-ight {-im't) e.g. in ought, daughter, caught, fight, light etc., also in
spurtacles 'spectacles'. Loss of r in earth, hearth, burst, coarse, course,
durst (written duss), force, marsh, parcel, northern and many more. —
Unstressed n is regularly lost in bar-ire 'crow-bar', ope 'open' adj. v. —
Medial v has become (w) and then vocalized in shool (shyyl) 'shovel' and
drool (dryyl) drivel' (but see § 350). Loss of medial v occurs in (aar8st)
'harvest'. — Initial th i. e. (dh) has become (v) in mimp Hhump'^). Hartland
agrees with W. Somerset in pronouncing (g3rt) 'girth'. — A medial consonant
has become voiced in maddicJc 'mattock'; the reverse happened in facJcet 'faggot'.
We must conclude that medial voiceless consonants are not distinctly
pronounced in the dialect so that they are more or less assimilated to the
vowels and become voiced. — Note neeze 'sneeze' (§ 363) and mauth 'moss'. —
Medial d has been opened, to (r), in ei^rish 'stubble-field'. Insertion of d
is common in the combinations -rl etc. (see § 374) e.g. tailder-
1) Also Exra. Sc. 1. 86 gives vump.
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 (delwedd B8499)
(tudalen 142)
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142 Relation of the Dialect to
surrovindin"- Dialects
rt
'tailor', cornder'covuQY^; also in the comparative and superlative of
adjectives in -1, -m, -Uy -r : smallder, zoonder, thinder etc. — Note initial
(tsli) in cackle and final (k) in wink Svincli'; also (tj in sife, sify
'sigh'. — Metathesis occurs in ax 'ask', also (ps) for sp in clasp, hasj),
crisp.
556. Unstressed syllahles. Literary -ow is pronounced with an i-sound in
volly 'follow', helvy 'bellow', walvin 'wallowing', also zinny 'sinew'. —
Syncope of i in fustian, spaniel, carrion, also in the proper names Elliot,
Daniel, Williams. An i-sound has been inserted in arhy-pie 'herb-pie',
milkydasTile 'milk-thistle', hizzy-milk 'beestings'. Apocope of -i in Imry,
carry, empty, slippery.
557. Accidence. In the dialect of Hartland (-i) is used to form verbs
denoting- a profession or trade : taildery, masony etc. . The notional verb
is inflected instead of the auxiliarv let. The verbs v^dth vowel-change also
have a consonantal ending. Lost 'lose' is clearly a back-formation from the
preterite.
The singular of nouns of measure is used after numerals : hout a vower or
vive mile'^).
558. Suffixes. The dialects of Hartland and W.Somerset agree on several
points concerning the suffixes. Compare (-tnit) in errand; (-VA'd) in
scholar, miller, liar -^ note ^/li^^ 'shepherd's dog'. The Hartland dialect
also has two forms drowtli and drytli for 'thirst'.
559. Of special words we may note hlake 'to turn pale', brexus 'breakfast'^),
(diiv) 'deaf, apple-drane 'wasp', auvis 'eaves', (guu) 'go' [although ME. q
has usually become [oo, AA), and ME. g : (jj, aa)], aiver 'haver' (with a
vowel pointing to ME. e), (ingi3n) 'onion', popple 'pepple', dashle
'thistle'.
560. From the specimens for South Devon in Ellis I may mention the follow-ing
pronunciations shared by the dialects of South Devon with those of Hartland
and W. Somerset : (dseshlj 'thistle', (tsh9u)'chew', (saif)'sigh', (thoft,
daft^r) 'thought, daughter', (iivlm, jiivh'n) 'evening', (tSrmi^t) 'turnip'.
Note also (peez) 'pea', plural peezn).
1) Note the use of a in the sense of standard 'some*; sec p. 31, note 1.
2) Perhaps the second element represents sauce.
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 (delwedd B8500) (tudalen 143)
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The Dialect of W. Somerset and Standard
Euo-lish. 143
f
The dialect of W. Somerset and Standard English.
561. It is a well-known fact that English dialects have heen influenced by the
standard language to a greater extent than the dialects in other countries
e.g. Germany. It is a matter of importance, therefore, to know how far the
dialectal forms are genuine, how far they are due to or influenced by
standard English.
bQ2. As was to be expected, from its position in the far West and the habits
of its population, the dialect of W. Somerset has preserved its purity better
than the dialects spoken east of it. This comparative ^purity', however^ does
not exclude a strong influence of standard English.
563. In many cases where a double pronunciation is given it is certain that
one of the two is due to the influence of srandard English ^). When we find
hindrance transcribed (iind^rmunt, iind'erns) there is no doubt that
(iindin-ns) is the dialectal adaptation of standard hindrance. Again \n\\q.x\
jaundice is pronounced (dzhaandt'rz, dzhaarndis) we may be sure that the
latter represents standard /mmrfice (see p. 81 note 2). Compare further
(klEf, kleev) 'cleave', (kEi, kEu) 'cow', (hAn, ween) 'when', (dho, dheen)
'then', (myyz; niAAs, mAAth) 'moss' etc.
564. In other cases a pronunciation shows itself to be due to standard
English by deviating from the regular dialectal development; (9i) in right,
mighty e.g. is probably due to standard English, for the regular modern
representative of ME. -iht is {ee).
565. Finally, we have words whose forms are quite what we should expect, but
which are probably adaptations of literary English because the dialect has
another, undoubtedly genuine word for the idea. So (wEiis) 'waist' is not
shown to be borrowed from standard English by its form, yet it is probably a
literarv loanword, for the usual dialectal word is middle.
For the convenience of readers who use my book without fully studying the
third chapter, all pronunciations due to
1) Sometimes Elworthy. when giving two pronunciations for a word, stated that
the genuine pronunciation was used by the lowest class ^ whilst the higher
classes used the j^ronunciation approaching standard English.
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 (delwedd B8501) (tudalen 144)
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144 Jvelation of the Dialect to surrouiHlinu'
Dialects.
standard English have been marked with an asterisk preceding the phonetii*
transcription.
Result.
566. When we consider the general lines of development of the southern
English dialects, we cannot hesitate to acce])t the present dialect of W.
Somerset as a fair representative of them. It even agrees with them on most
points of detail, especially with the dialect of Devonshire.
It is true that many peculiarities are not limited to the Southern dialects;
when in the preceding paragraphs grammatical facts have been mentioned as
found in the southern dialects, it should be understood that such statements
are to be taken in what Sievers in a similar case has called their 'positive'
sense i. e. the development is found in the southern dialects but it is not
necessarily limited to these.
567. It is, on the contrary, easy enough to point out similar developments to
those in the Southern English dialects in the dialects further to the North.
To quote a few examples : we find a sound pointing to ME. e7id in Suffolk
(19)^), to ME. -est for nest in Suffolk (19) and North Buckingham (15). The
diphthongization of ME. d^ even, is not limited to the South; it is found in
South Buckingham (15), Suffolk (19) and South Lincoln (20). The fronting of
ME. g to {dd, yy) is also known to the East Anglian and Scotch dialects. A
great many of the prefixes and suffixes used in W. Somerset differently from
standard English also occur in non-Southern dialects: cp. the addition of -er
to druggist, mason, musician etc. in Norfolk. Ellis V p. 271 f. gives quite a
list of these, many of them corruptions of foreign words, found in all
dialects and characteristic of none: c/im6Ze^ 'chimney', maryeZ 'marble',
hagonet 'bayonet', mislest 'molest', loagabone Vagabond' (cp. haggahone in
Hartland) etc. etc. Even such a striking anomaly as (mgi3n) 'onion' in W.
Somerset and Hartland is also found in Bedfordshire (16). Note also (ii) in
deaf in Rutland and Norfolk. See Add.
1) The numbers between l)raekets refer to Ellis' division of
the English dialects.
The Dialect of W. Somerset during the ME. and the OE. Periods. 145
568. Although, therefore, many single developments in the Southern dialects
are shared by other dialects, the whole of the Southern sounds and accidence
is not found in other parts of England.
When we consider the sounds and accidence ^) of W. Somerset as a wliole, we
can therefore truly say that they are representative of the dialectal speech
of Southern England.
The dialect of W. Somerset during the ME. and
the OE. periods.
569. The character of the dialect of W. Somerset in the ME. period may to a
large extent be inferred from its present form. The latter shows, for
instance, that the ME. vowels were long before -r+ consonant, and before
-st-^ that ivrestle, step, wench, wedge a. o. had a instead of e; that agcin
was pronounced for again etc. Some of the forms thus arrived at are specially
Southern, e.g. sede 'said' (§ 293).
For all these things I must refer to the third and following chapters.
570. To state a little more accurately the position of the ME. dialect of W.
Somerset among the Southern dialects we may point to the conclusion arrived
at in § 267 that it had e in Late ME. for Late ws. y (Old ws. le). That (ai)
in beetle, hear is not a genuine W. Somerset pronunciation may also be
inferred from what Mr. Elworthy says in the Wdb. s. v. hire- say : 'hear-say
.... This form is not so common in this neighbourhood as in East Somerset'.
571. Another point of importance in this connection is the pronunciation of
cud and couch. The former is pronounced (kwiid), the latter both (twiitsh)
and (kaatsh). As I have pointed out in § 238 the pronunciation (twiitsh) is
probably genuine, whilst (kaatsh) may be the W. Somerset adaptation of
Southern dialectal (kuutsh), see § 43.
572. In both cases where I have explained a form as due to neighbouring
dialects (§§ 570 f .) the genuine forms also exist. This seems to show that
the 'borrowed' pronunciations
1) I have not made a lexicographical comparison, primarily because I have no
large library at my disposal: but see also Introduction p. 6.
Bonner Beitr. z. Anglistik. Heft 18. 10
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 (delwedd B8502)
(tudalen 145)
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146 Kelation of the Dialect to surroundiuji-
Diah'cts.
f?
are not native to W. Somerset but were only heard by Mr. Elworthy from people
born to the East of W. Somerset. This is all the more likely because it would
be difficult to understand why a W. Somerset man should borrow forms of
another dialect. Natural and common as borrowings from the standard language
are in W. Somerset, as in other dialects, it seems impossible to believe in
dialectal words being borrowed from a non-literary dialect, unless the
borrowed form represents an approach to the standard language^).
The form (3i^r) 'hear', therefore, is probably an East Somerset pronunciation
occasionally heard in W. Somerset. (kaatsh),on the other hand, may be the
pronunciation of people who wish to approach standard English, yet feel shy
to be quite 'fine',
573. When we compare the ME. dialects of which texts have come down to us we
find that the ME. W. Somerset dialect must have agreed on some points with
that of the Ancren Eiwle. Both had e for Late ws. ^/, Old ws. le^)\ both
pronounced r with a labial articulation (see §§ 204, 329) ; they also agree
on rew for row s. (§ 308).
The closely related 'Katharine-group' shows o in ghost and both (§ 512)^),
and lesten (§ 209)^). See also § 502.
Rob. of Gloucester's dialect shows several points of resemblance, among which
I note sede (§ 293), foure with u (Pabst § 33 e) and hwanne [W. Somerset
(hAn), see § 204].
1) In the dialect of N. E. Groningen (Holland), for instance, (huus), which
is still universally used at the farm-houses, is in the villages often
replaced by (hyys); the latter dialectal form approaches standard (hohis),
where (oh) is Ellis's notation for the vowel in English sir, but short.
2) This peculiarity is shared by the legends of the "Katharinegroup',
Rob. of Gloucester, and the legends of St. Edith and St. Ethelred.
3) The spelling" o in both, ghost, lo in the legends of the
'Katharine-group' is explained by Stodte (§ 9b and c) as o. But OE. a is in
these texts represented by a, except a few words which are spelled with oa.
The spelling" o, on the other hand, apart from the three words in question,
is found only for OE. o or o. Hence we may assume o in hath, ghost and lo.
ME. lo is known to have existed and ME. both, ghost are the prototypes of the
modern forms in some other dialects (see Unters., Wortregister s. v. both,
ghost).
4) Rob. of Gloucester also has ileste but the rhymes point to laste (Pabst §
14 1).
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 (delwedd B8503)
(tudalen 146)
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The Dialect of W. Somerset duriiii;- the ME.
and the OE. Periods. 147
574. The ME. poem of Sir Firumbras, supposed to have been wiitteu in a
Devonshire dialect, may be expected to show points of resemblance with the
modern dialects of W. Somerset and Devon.
In quantity the ME. text has -end for OE. -ind (Carstens p. 17), see § 552.
Sir F. also has aychs 'ash-tree', and neychs 'nesh', see §208; but Morsbach
states (§ 87 Anm. 3) that these forms also occur in Midland texts. Sir F.
shows loss of final alveolars in hlas 'blast', hoiin 'bound'. The endings
with i are usual also in the French verbs in Sir F. e.g. amendie, amountyy
entamy^ entendiap etc.^). Of special words note ayper in the sense of 'each
of more than two' (§ 467 c), melle 'meddle', thilk 'that', thq 'then'.
575. It is strange, however, that Sir F. has u for Late ws. ?/, Old ws. le
when the modern W. Somerset dialect points to ME. e^). Perhaps u (yy) was
unrounded in Late ME. to e, which is possible as the result of the
unrounding* as well as ^. For the ME. (yy) sound was often, if not always,
lowered to {dd) ; this seems to be proved by such a rhyme as duyk : syJc (OE.
seoc) in Sir F., also by u for OE. eo in Rob. of Gloucester (Pabst § 37).
If this should be correct we may also assume that Late ME. e in smeech etc.
in W. Somerset descended from Early ME. il, Late ws. y. In the Saxon counties
further east, on the other hand, Old ws. te became ME. ^^).
1) The legends of the Katharine-group often have infinitives in -in, not only
of verbs of the first class (in OE.), but also of ON. verbs such as talMn^
trusting see Stodte §38, p. 58.
2) Also the modern Devon forms point to ME. e but Ellis's specimens give no
words that are exclusively dialectal i^iike W. Somerset 6'??ieec7i) so that
the i-sounds might be due to standard English.
3) The modern Wiltshire pronunciation (31) in hea7' points to ME. I. In the
legends of St. Edith and St. Ethelred, which are supposed to have been
written in a Wiltshire dialect, we find e, however. This seems to show that
the dialect of these legends is not that of Wiltshire. It is true that a
single dialectal form is hardly a safe basis for conclusions, and Dr. J.
Kjederqvist's book on the dialect of Pewsey may bring material to settle the
question satisfactorily. But there are neither strong reasons for assuming
that the ME. legends are really written in a Wiltshire dialect; the principal
ground on which it has been accepted is, that they have been written by a man
connected with a Wiltshire nunnery. See Add»
Glossary.
Abbreviations: «7. = adjective; ac?. = adverb; ^cZd. = Additions (at the end
of the book); occ. = occasionally ; pr^^. =: preposition; pron. = pronoun; s.
= substantive; v. =^ verb.
The pronunciation has been added in brackets; an asterisk preceding a
phonetic transcription marks the pronunciation as due to the influence of
standard English (§565)^); an asterislv following a transcription refers to
the doubtful character of the phonetic notation, as explained in Chapter I.
in the sections on the respective sounds; the numbers rei'er to the sections
in this book.
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 (delwedd B8504)
(tudalen 147)
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A.
a 'alphab. letter' {Ev).
a indef. art. (■b).
abatement s. (bEiJtm'ent).
abb 'weaver's webb' s. (AAb).
abear v. (-ebAr, *BbE'Br); 435, 449.
abide v. (b9id, baaid, i;boid).
abier'deadbutunburied'a.('Bbi«r).
ability s. (Ei^blment); 481.
able a. (ET?bl).
ablish a (ET.>blish); 469.
Abner (gebm'er).
about prep. (bEut) ; (bEud) before
a vowel, above 'more than' (i^b99); 'opposite
of below' (buu, ■ebuu, libSv);
242. above a bit 'a good deal' ad.
(b3v6bit). above-board 'straightforward'
(buu-buT3rd, vhd^hor). abroad ad. (■BbruT^d, libroud). abuse s.
(bs>9z, *ba9s, *byys). abuse v. (ba^z, byyz). abusive a. (byyzi). academy
s, (a'k'Bdomi). accept V. (sop, hak'sop). ace s. (Etss). ache s. v. (Ei-'k).
acorn s. C^'E'ekArn). See mast. acquaint v. (kwaaint). acquaintance s.
(kwaainti?ns),
a.
acquittance s. (kwitmi^nt); 481.
acre s. (Eiskiir).
act V. (aak).
active a. (akti, hakti); 387.
activiness s. (aktinis).
actuallv ad. (akli, aakli, haakli):
387, 470. addle a. v. (fedl), admire v. (mai^r). advantage s. (vaantidzh).
adventure s. (veentm-); 369. 405. advertisement s. (vT?rtai'zm'8nt). advise
v. (voiz). affected a. (fa^ktid*). affiliate v. (fsiiEiit). afford V.
(i^vui^rd). affront v. (f[^Irnt, fiJrnt). afoot ad. (uva^t). afraid a.
(yvi^'rd), occ. (-efiBrd). after ad. (aad^n-, aafur). afterwards ad,
(aat«rw^rdz). again ad. Cugiim); 256. against 'in violent contact with'
(gin, gsn, vgon) ; 'towards'
[vgins). aged a. (E'odzhzd), ago ad. (^gAAn). agree v. (grii). agreeable a.
('egreei^bl). agreement s. (griim'ent). ah interj. (aa). ahead ad. (i?-eed).
aid s. V. (aaid).
1) For more or less doubtful cases, which have not been marked, see §§ 219
f., 261, 292, 299, 378, 394, 406 ff., 424 ff.
Glossarv.
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 (delwedd B8505)
(tudalen 148)
|
149
ail V. (aaii?n.
ailment s. (aailininit).
aim s. (aaini).
aim V. (aaim, *t'em); 292.
aiu 'throw' v. (een); 525.
air s. (*Eur); 290.
aisle s. (oii?l, aaiiil); 187, 188.
Albert (A Albert).
alder s. (Alur); 374.
ale s. (EfiV).
Alfred (*aalfia-d)i).
alike ad. (idik, v.Hk)- 271, 498 ff.
alive a. (i.'Ioiv}.
all a. (AAl, Aul, aal, aijl).
allege v. (leedzh).
alley s. (ali).
allotment s. (lAtmi^nt).
allow V. (lau, vAbu, 'bIEu).
almanac s. (AArmT?nik); 328.
almost ad. ('BmAAs,mAASjmuu-is) ;
325. See 7nost. aloes s. (alls); 408 ff. alone a. (aloi^n). alphabet s.
(aarfcb'Kt); 328. already ad. (lirsedi). always ad. (AAvis, AAvls); 318,
325. amazement s. (mE'ezm^nt). ambergris s. (aambiJrgrees); 271,
49S ff. amen (E'Bmeen, aameen); 254. amend v. (meen). amends s. (meenz). amid
ad. (umEd). amiss ad. (umEs-^^). among' prep, (mreng) ; 241 and Add. amongst
prep. (ma,^ngks); 241 and
Add. amuse v. (myvz). anatomy s. (nafemi). ancient a. (senshiint); 202. angel
s. (sendzhii?!*); 202. angle v. s. (sengl). angry a. (aeng-gri). Anne (E'en);
i^Ol. annoy v. (nAAi). annoyance s. (nAAi^ns). anointed a. (nAAintzd,
nAintid). any pr>on. (adhur, oni) ; 148, 467 b. apart a. (Tipart,
t^pE^Jrt); 201, 213. appeal s. v. (pExjl). apple s. (aapl, apl). apprentice
s. (parntis). apricot s. (Ei^brtkAAk); 341. April (Evpt?r, jEt'prol); 261,
476. apron s. (apT?rn); 200. arable a. (aar^blj.
arcade s. (arki-ed).
arch s. (aartsh, artsh),
archangels, (artshaj'ndzhiijl); 383.
architect s. (aartsh2ta3k); 383.
argue v. (arg); 416.
armpit s. (aarinpiit).
around ad. (rEun).
array v. (hraai).
arrow s. (an?, aarij); 406.
arsenic s (haarsnik).
art s. (aart).
article s. (haartikl); 387.
artist s. (hartis); 387.
ash s. (aarsh).
ashes s. (aksn); 102,
ashamed a. (^shamd); 252.
ask V. (aks*, aaks).
askew ad. (skj^vfaarshin).
aslant a (T3slan, iJsIEn); 216.
asleep a. (^?zleep).
aspen tree s. (aps tri).
assess v. (zses).
assizes s. (soiziz).
athwart ad. (i?dh3-rt); 317.
attack V. ('Btak); 450.
attendance s. (teeniins, *teend'Bns);
468, attorne}'' s. (tarni). attraction s, (traksh'en). aunt s. (aant, ant),
auricula, s. (raaklis'*', raklis); 225
and Add., 408. aware a. (w^E^r). awav ad. (awaai, *awee); 292. awful a.
(AAfl). awkwarda. (AAk^rd);317,350and
Add. awl s. (nAAl).
axe s. (Eks, hEks, eks, heks); 216. aught s. (*0T?rt); 305, 522, axle s.
(eksl, heksl). ave (aai). azew a. (t'Z99).
b 'alphabetic letter' (bi). baa interj. (baa). babe s. (bEa;b).
s. (bE'Bbi).
s. (baak*).
'bet' V. (bak). bacon s. (bEtikn). bad a. (bEud): 201. bag s. (beeg); 155
Add. baggage s. (bcegidzh). bail s. V. (*bEi?l); 290.
babv back back
1) The (f) is of course due to standard English, where it is pronounced owing
to the spelHng (ME. Alured) ; cp. Bulbring, A Beibl. XV, 142.
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 (delwedd B8506)
(tudalen 149)
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150
Glossary.
bailiff s. (baaili, *bEi?li, *bi«li);
290. bait 'food' s. v. (bAAit, bAit); 295. bait 'torment' v. (baait, boit).
bake v. (bE'Bk). baker s. (bEi3k'«r). balance s. v. (baliins*)bald a. (baal).
bald-faced a. (bal-, bAlfE^si^d). bald-headed a. (bAleedBd). bale s. (bE^l).
balk 'beam' s. (bAAk). ball s. (baal, bAAI). ballad s. (bah?t); 376, 479.
ballard 'castrate ram' s. (balijrd). balloon s. (bvlddii). ballot 'bundle' s.
(*baali3t, bol'Bt). balm s. (bETJm); 201. Bampton (baani?m). ban s. (bEtfn,
bsen); 201. band 'tie, chain' s. (bAAn). See
bond. bans (of marriage) s. (bEiJns); 201. bankrupt s. (bseng'k'erp). bare a.
(bEi^r). barefooted a. (bEi^rvaat). bark v. (bHrki); 213. bark 'of a dog' s.
(bSlrk); 213. bark 'of a tree' s. (b'^^rl^). barm 'yeast' s. (baarm). barrow-
in 'barrow-pig' s. (bser'B);
406. barrow 'mound of earth' s. (bSrB) ;
213, 406. base a. (bE-es, bi«s). Also (bi'Bs)
or (bi^smalk), see beestings and
bisky-Tnilk. baste V. (bEns); 196. bat s. (baat, bat). bathe v. (bE'edh;
bath, baadh) ;
254. bav 'dam to retain water etc' s.
(baai, bee); 292. bay 'bark' s v. (bee); 292. bavonet s. (bsegtmi^t) ; 323.
beV. (bii, bi); 86, 224, 443. beach s, (beetsh). beacon s. (hikin). bead s.
(beed, bi^d). beak s. {hik, beek). beaker s. (hzki^r). beam 'b. of a plough
etc' (biim);
493 ff., 496 Add. Cp. balk. bean s. (biim). bear v. (bEer). See abear. beard
s. (bitJrd*). beardless a. (ki^rdlis).
beast s. (*bi«s*). See feast. beastliness s. (bi^.'ih'nis). beat V. (biTit).
beat-axe s. (biist-, beet-Eks;
bateks) ^). beater 'drum in a threshingmachine' s. (bii^t^r, beettJr). beau
s. (*b9a); 309. beautiful a. (batipol, bvvt2p9l,
byytifal). becall V. (bikjaal); 472 b. bed s. (beed). bedding s. (beedin).
bed-fellow s. (beedf31i?r). bedlier s. (beedk)ii?r). bedridden a. lieedrEdn).
bedstead s. (beedsteed). bee s. (bee); 265. bee-bread s. (biibard). bee-butt
'bee-hive' s. (biibSt). beech s. (bitsh). beer s. (biT?r).
beestings s. (bi'Bs); 263, note, beetle 'insect' s. (b^tl, batl). beetle
'mallet' s. (baatl, b8itl);
267, 570 and Add. beet-root s. (beetr^t); 265. before ad. (^?voor, Rvo^r,
vo'Br). beforehand ad. ("Bvoorsen). beg V. (bseg, b9ig); 214. beggar s.
(ba^gtn-, l39igiir); 214. begin v. (higiin); 431 f. behindhand ad.
(bi-9in8en). behope 'hope' v. (bi-oop); 472b. beknow 'understand' v. (binoo);
472 b. belch V. (b31k, *baitsh); 384. belch s. (baish). believe v. (bileev,
bl?'v); 265. belike 'probably' ad. (bilsik). bell s. (bai). belle s. (bai).
bellow V. (baivi, *b31i?r); 318,
406 fP. bellows s. (baiis, balls, balisez);
406 ff . bellv s. (bSli). belly-ful s. (bShVal). Ben (been).
bench s. (bmsh, bansh). bend s. v. (*been); 214. beneaped a. (i.'bini«p*).
benighted a. (bineetwd). bennet s. (bAAniit); 204. bent a. (beent). beseech
v. (biseetsh); 265. best a. (bses).
1) NED. s. V. beat s. the spelling bidiks.
quotes from a letter by Mr. Elworthy (1885)
Glossary.
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 (delwedd B8507)
(tudalen 150)
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151
bet s. V. (b.Tt).
better a. (btvdr. b;vtr).
betwixt prep, i^twjlks*, bitwaks).
beware v. (wAAr),
bewitch v (wiitsli).
bevond prep. (bij'Jii, bijiin,bijon);
230. bib s. (bab).
bickering' s. (b/kvrmuiit); 481. bid s. V. (biid). big a. (bEg). bigness s.
(begn-nis, bEgnis,
h ignis). Bill (biul). billet s. (balut). billiards s. (balJL'rdz). billow s.
(belur); 406 i'f. bin s. (biin). bind V. (boin); 431. bine 'band of twisted
hay' s. (bain) ;
272. birthday s. (brzthdi). bisky-milk s.(baski malk) ; 381 Add.,
415 b and Add. bitch s. (biitsh). bite V. (beet); 271, 498 ff. bite s.
(bait), bitter a. (bEti^r*); 219. bitter-sweet "kind of apple' s.
(batiirzwit). black a. (blaak). blame s. v. (blEiJm). blameless a.
(blE^'mlis). blare 'bellowW. (blEer) ; 73 Add. blast s. V. (*biaas*); 19(3.
blaze s. (blEiiz). bleach v. (bleetsh). bleak, v. (blE«k, bleek); 526, 538.
bleat s. V. (bleet, blEut). See bleak. bleed v. (bh'd). blemish s. v.
(blamzsh). bless V. (blajs). blessed a. (bla^sid). blind a. (bleen, *blain);
193, 272. blindfold a. (*blainvool); 193, 272. blood s. (bh'd, blad). bloody
a. (bh'di). bloom s. V. (bbam). blossom s. (blAAsvm). blot s. V. (blAAt).
blow s. V. (blAA, *bloo); pret.
(*bloBd); p. p. (♦■Kblo'Bd, *ubloo). blue a. (blyy) blush s. V. (bh'sh). boar
s. (buiir). board v. (buerd). board 'table' s. (buurd). boast s. V. (buBs).
boat s. fbuiit, bout). Bob (bAAb).
boil V. (bw:*litd); 300.
boiler s. (bwailur).
bold a. (bool).
bolus s. (boalis).
bond s. V. (bAAn).
bone s. (buun).
booby s. (b99bi).
book s. V. (bi>k).
boose V. (b9az); 288.
to boot ad. (tiib99t).
booted a. (bddtid).
booth s. (b<?adh).
bore s. v. (buvr).
borer 'augur' (bAArj'Br, borj^r, boori'Kr); 480 d.
borrow v. (bAAri); 407, 411.
bosom s. (bSLz-em).
both a. (b99dh,badh, bu'Bdh,*ba'8th, *buL>th); 277, 512 ff.
bottle s. (bAAdl); 240.
bottom s. (bAdiJm); 369.
bough s. (bau); 281, 389.
bound s» V. (bEun).
bow V. (bau).
bow s, (*boo); 312 and Add.
bowl s. V. (bEuiJl, bauiJl).
boy s. (bw^i); 300.
brace s. (brEus).
bracket s. (brakut).
brains s. (braainz).
brake s. (brEuk).
bramble s. (braml).
bran s. (brsen).
brand s. v. (brsen).
brandise "iron tripod' s. (brsendis)
bran-new ad. (vai'Brnyy).
braze v. (brEtJz).
breach s. (breetsh).
bread s. (bSrd, *breed).
breadth s. (brset-th).
break v. (breek); 434 f.
breakfast s. v. (brseksiJS, brEksBs) ; 559.
breast s. (*bris, *bras, *brEs); 196.
breath s. (brseth).
breathe v. (breedh).
breathe 'open: said of ground when thoroughly dug and pulverized for a
seed-bed'a.(breedh, breev).
breech s. v. (bartsh).
breeches s. (bartshez).
bribe s. v. (braib).
bridge s.(bardzh).
bridle s. (braid); 327
brim s. (bram).
brindled a. (b3rndT3ld).
bring v. (brmg); 311,388,441,522.
bristle s. v. (bSrsl).
brittle a. (br^■kl); 380.
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 (delwedd B8508)
(tudalen 151)
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152
Glossary.
broach v. (broiJtsh). broken-backed a. (brook-baked);
337. broken victuals 'leavings of food'
s. (brook v£>tlz); 337. bronchitis s. (brEun-, bSrn-taitis) ;
380. brooch s. (broetsh). brood s. (bi'ddd). broom s. v. (braam). broth s
(brAAth). brother s (^brzdh'er). brown a. (brEunj. brunt s. (barnt). brush s.
(*brish, *br8sh, bSrsh). brush V. (bSrsh), bucket s (bak^it). bud s. V.
(bad), build, V. (bi^l*); 272, 441. building s. (bi'Bldin*). buldery
'thunder}^ of weather' a.
(bald^ri); 170.*^ bulge 'indent' v. (boldzh, baidzh). bull s. (b9l). bullet
s. (baiT?t). bullock s. (baiik, baiik). bundle s. (banl). bung s. (bSm); 340.
burl V. (bardi. bardli); 73 and
Add. burly a. (bauerli). burnt a. (barnd). burst s. V. (bas). bury V. (bari);
416 Add. burying part, (berin, b^rin). bush s. (baash). bushel s. (b99shl);
301. business s. (bzznis). buskin s, (bazgin) ; 364 and Add. busy a. (bazi).
busy-good (bazigad). butconj. (bat); before a vowel
(bad). butchery s. (batsh'Bri). butt s. (bat). butt-end s. (b'Btiin); 214.
butter s. (bad-^r). buy V. (bai); 441. by prep, (bai, bi, hi). by and bye ad.
(bembaai). bye 'good-bye' (bwaai, bweei).
€.
cabbage s. (ksebidzh). cable s. (kiebl*). cackle v. (tshakl); 383. cage s.
(kiudzh*), cake s. (ki-ek*).
calf s. (kaav, kjaav); 303, 304.
call V. (kjal, kjaal, kAAl).
camel s. (kamiid).
can V. (ka3n); 443.
candle s. (ktenl).
Candlemas (kanl-raiis, kainl-m'Bs).
cane s. v. (kixin*).
cap s. (kaap).
cape s. (kiup*).
capital a. (kaapikt?!); 480 b.
captain s. (kaapm).
car s. (kaar).
caravan s. (kaalivsen-); 330.
carcase s. (kaarkzs).
card s. (kjaard).
care v. s. (kiur*).
careless a. (kii^rlis*).
carpenter s. (kaafmdur).
carpentry s. (kaafmdurin,
*kaafmdri). carraway-seed s. (kaarvi-zied);
318. carrier s. (karj^r); 480 d. carrot s. (kariit). carry v. (kjaar, kaar);
416. cart s. V. (kaart, kjaart). case 'box' s. (kit?s). case 'matter' s.
(kit?z*). casement s. (kii^zment). cask s. (kaas*). cast s. V. (kaas*); 196.
cat s. (kjset, kset). catch v.(kEtsh); 216. cat-hocked a. (kjsetak'ed).
catkins s. (kjsetskinz). cavalry s. (kaalvL'tri); 482 a. cave s. (kiiiv*,
kEev). cease v. (sees). ceiling s. (seelin). celery s. (sael'eri). cellar s.
(sil-er, saler). cement s. v. (s'emeent). centre s. (seentt?r). certain a.
(saartm). cess 'rate, tax' s. v. (sEs). cess 'pile of unthrashed corn in
the barn' s. (zses). chafe v. (tshi-ef). chain s. v. (tshaain). chain
'weaver's warp' s. (*tsheen),
rarely (tshaain); 292. chair s. (*tshi'Br, *tshEer); 290. chamber s.
(tshemur); 252. chamois s. (shami); 466. champ V. (tshaam). champion s.
(tshampin); 415 b and
Add. chance s. (tshaans*). change s. v. (tshiijndzh*). change 'shift' s.
(tshsendzh); 202
Glossarv
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 (delwedd B8509)
(tudalen 152)
|
153
chan^reable a. (tsliAAndzhi); 202
Add. char V. (tslioor): 2S5 Add. character s. ikaaritur). chase s. v.
(tshius*). cheap a. (tsfiip). cheat, s. v. (tsheet). cheek s. (tshik). cherry
s. (tsh^ri). chest s. (Hshis, *tshps); 196, 211 f. chew V. (tsliau); 519 and
Add. chew V, (tshaam). See champ. chibbole 'onion' s. (tshibol). child s.
(tshivP); 103, 272. childless a, (tshiul-lis). chill V. (tshit?l*). chill s.
(*tsh9l); 220. chilly a. (tshaii). chimney s. (tshi)mli, tshSmli). chin s.
(tshiin). china s. (tsheeni); 271, 498 ff. chine 'backbone etc.; hoops' s.
(tshoin). chine v. (tshoin). chip s. V. (tshep). chirp V. (tsh^rup). chives
s, (s9ivz); 527. chockful a. (tshAkvyl). choice a. s. (tshAAis, tshAis).
choke V. (tshak). choUer 'jaw' s. (tshAlBr); 383. choose V. (tsh99z). chopped
a. (iJtshAp). chops 'cheeks' s. (tshAAps). christening s. (k3rsniin,
korsnin). Christian s. (korstin); 415 b and
Add. Christmas (kSrsm^s). cider s. (seed'er, *said^r, *s8id'Br);
271, 501. cinder s. (zmdi?r). cipher s. v. (*s9if'v?r); 73 and Add. circular
a. (sSrklKr). cistern s. (sEst^rn). civil 'respectable' (S9vl); 'polite'
a. (savi-Bl). clack 'valve of a pump' s. (tlaak). claim s. v. (klaaim).
clammer 'plank across a stream'
s. (tlam'Br). clammy a. (tlami). clamps s. (tlamz). clap V. s. (klap).
clap-gate s. (tlapgii^t). clash V. (klaarsh, klaish, tlaarsh). clasp s. V.
(tlaps, klaps). clat 'coarse talk' s. (tlat). clavel 'lintel over the
fire-place
opening' s. (tlaavl, tlaa^lbim);
350.
claw s. (tl9u); .307.
clay s. (klaai),
clean a. (kliini*. tleen); 265.
clear a. v. (kliiir).
cleave v. (klEf, *kleev); 428,430,
446 ff. cleft a. (kluf). cleftv 'stcop' a. (klEfti). clench s v. (klEiit*);
446 if. See
clinch. clergj' s. (klaardzhi). clever a. (tlavi;r, klovur). cliff s. (kliiv,
*klEf, *kh;f); 219,
483 If. climb V. (klsm); 433, 450. clinch V. (tlont). See clench. cling V.
(kh'ng). clip s. V. (tlr»p, klop). clit 'heavy, of a pudding' a. (tl9t).
cloam 'crockery' s. (tloom). clod s. (klaat, tlat); 376. cloddy a. (klaati);
376. close a. (kloL's). close 'enclosure' s. (tloz). clot s. V. (tlat, klEt,
kh't). cloth s. (tlAAth, klaath, klAAf). clothes s. (tlaadhL'rz, *klo'Bz,
*kloz) ;
.361. cloud s. (klEud). clout 'cuff, box' s. v. (klaut). cloven a (klEftkl,
*kloovm). clutch V. (tlotsh, kh'tsh). clutch 'kind of weed' s. (tlStsh,
kh'tsh). coach s. (kuutsh). coal s. (kAAl). coarse a. (kass). coarsely a.
(kaslaik). coast s. (kuL's). coat s, (kovA). cobweb s. (kAAbw3b). coffee s.
(kAAfi). coffin s. (kAAfin). cold a. (kool).
collar s. V. (kAAler, kAlnr). collect s. (kAAU'k). comb V s. (koom). combe s.
(kaam); 277, 512 ff. comber s. (koomi^r). come V. (kAAm, kAm); 240. comfort
s. (kAAmf^rt, kAmf-ert). comfortable a. (kAmfi?bl); 415 b
Add. comical a. (kAAinikiil, kAmikvl). commence s. (k^Jmeens). compass s. v.
(kAAmp'Bs). complain v. (plaain). complaint s. (plaaint). complete a.
(kxjmpleet). compound v, (kAAmpEun).
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154
Glossary'.
concerning" (ki?nsaarnzn).
concernment s. (ktnisaarnmt?nt).
conduct s. (kAAndSk)
consequence s.(kAAnsikiins):317.
consequent a. (kAnsikt?nt) ; 317.
contract s. v. (kAA'ntraak*).
contrariness s. (kAntrinis, kAntrinis); 41ob Add.
contrary a. (kAAntri); 415b Add.
convey v. (ki:?nvAAi-, koinvAi*).
convict s, (kAAnvzk).
cook V. s, (kak).
cool a. (kal, kyt?l),
coolly ad. (kal-lc^ik).
coop s. V. (kddp).
cord s. (kot?rd, ku'Brd).
corn s. (kAiirn)
coroner s. (kroun'Br).
coroner's inquest (kroun'Brz kwses).
correct a. (k^r?ek').
corruption s. (k^rAApsh'en).
cost s. V. (kAAs),
cot s. (kAAt, kAt).
couch "couch grass' s. (twiitsh, k^atsh); 238, 380, 571.
cough V. (kAAf); 389.
coulter s. (kait^r, *koolt«r); 243.
count V. (kEunt).
counter s. (kEunt'ur).
course s. (k99s).
court V. (kuiirt, kyert).
court s. (kuBrt): Vale district; (kjyi?rt): Hill district; 242.
cover s. v. (kavi?r).
covert s. (kavi?r).
covet V. (ka.vit).
cow s. (*kEu, kEi); 466.
coy a. (kAAi, kAi).
crack v. (kraak).
cradle s. (krE-Bdl).
cravat s. (kravet).
crave v. (krE«v).
crawl V. (skraal, skrAAl, skra'Bl, kraal, skrAAli).
craze 'crack' v. (krE^z).
crazy a. (krEi?zd).
creak s. v. (krE^k, krik); 538.
cream s. (kreem).
crease 'withers of a horse; ridgetile of a roof s. (krees).
creator s. (kreeEufer).
creditor s. (kardztur).
creek s. (kr/k).
creep v. See §§ 428 f.
creeper 'louse' s. (kri^p^r).
creepings s. (kreepingz),
creepy 'to shudder' v. (kreepi).
crescent s. (kSrsiint).
cress s. (kriis).
cresses s. pi. (kriistez); 196.
crew s. (kryy).
crib s. (krab).
crimp v. (kr.)mp).
crimson s. (k!Hrmzn).
cringe s. v. (karndzh).
cripple s. (krapl).
crisp a. (kraps).
crock s. (krAAk, krAk).
crook s. V. (krak).
crooked a. (krakiid, krak2d),
crop s. V. (krap).
cross s. (krAAs).
crow s. (krAA).
crow V. (*kroo); pret. (*kro'Bd);
312 Add. crowd s. (krEud). crown s. (krEun). cruel a. (kryel, kryyii^l).
crumb s. (kraam, kruum); 288. crunch v. (skrAAntsh); 240. crupper s.
(krt)p\ir). crush V. s. (k3rsh, *krish); 301. crust s. (*kris); 196. crusts
s. plur. (kSrstoz, *krist9z,
*kr8stez). crusty a. (k3rsti, *kristi). crutch s. (kSrtsh, *kritsh). cube s.
V. (kyyb). cuckoo s. igddkdd)-^ 385. cucumber s. (kEuk^nn^r); 528. cud s.
(kwiid); 571. cue s. (kyy). cull s. V. (kai). cupboard s. (kSbzd). curb-
chain s. (krabtsheen). See
chain. curds s. (kridz, kradz). cure s. V. (kui^r); 248. curl s. V. (kardl).
curse s. (*kars); 332. cursed a. (kSsid). curve s. v. (kSrb) ; 355. cushion
s. (kSrshin); 301. cut V. (kat). cutter s. (k9d^r, kat^r).
D.
dace s. (dE^s).
dag-end s. (dse'gii'n, dae'gin).
dainty a. (daainti).
damage s. (damidzh).
damn v. (daam).
dance s. v. (daans"*').
danger s. (dsendzhur); 202.
dap s. V. (dap).
dare v. (dE^r).
dart s. V. (daart).
dash s. V. (daarsh, daish).
Glossarv.
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155
date. s. (dEut).
daiio'hter s. (*daarnfr, '''dartLT") ;
311, 388, 441, 522. Davy (dEuvi). day s. (dee); 292. daze V. (dEnz). dead
a.^(deed).
deadalive a. (d^'edloivurd); 477a. deaf a. vdiif); 493 ff. deafness s.
(diifnis). dealer s. (dEidiir). dear a. (diur). dearth s. (diurtli); 482 b.
death s. (di\3th). decease s. (dii's^^es). deceit s. (d^eset't). decency s.
(dees^nsi). decent a. (deesL'ut). decej^tive a. (sEpti). decoy s. (kAAi,
kAi). decoy duck s. (kAAi d3k). deep' a. (dip), defence s. (feens). defend v.
(feen). , defy V. (ifai). deig'n v. (daain). deliver v. (dElever).
deliverance s. (deeliverns); 468. den s. (deen). depend v. (dipeen). depth s.
(diipth, *d9pth); 482b. desert s. (deezurt), desire v. (zaiur). desk s.
(*d2s, *d9s); 211, 394. despond v. (dispAAn). destructive a. (strSLkti).
deuce s. (dyys). devil s. (dEvl). devote v. (vuBt) devour v. (divaui^r).
diamond s. (daimunt); 415 b and
Add., 481. die V. (dai). difference s. (dEfi?rns). different a. (clEfyrnt).
dig V. (d^g); 445. digest V. (dosdzhEs); 472c. digested, p. p. (diis*
dzhas'tid);
472 c. digestion s. (dii-dzhaes,
disdzhsestshn); 400, 472 c. dike. See dyke. dimly ad. (demlaik). dimmet
'dusk' s (darat't); 479. dip s. V. (dap). disgrace s. v. (diis -grE^s). dish
s. V. (diish). dislike v. (maslaik); 472 d. displace v. (diis-plEi?s).
display s. v. (diis'plaai).
dispute s. (dis'pyyt).
distrain v. (straain).
distress s. (diis * tries • ).
disturb v. (dist^^rv).
disturbance s. (distwrvuns).
ditch s. (diitsh, ditsh).
dive s. V. (decv); 271, 498 ff.
do V. (dyy); 815, 4431.
done 'in to have (Ione=to be ready'
(i?d3nd); 444. doff V. (dAAf). dog s (dAAg). dogged (dAAgKl). donient 'fuss,
row', s. (dvym^nt);
481. donkey s. (d3!ngk); 416. dose s. (dous, dovz). dot s. (dAAt). double a.
(d'^bl). dough s. occ. (dm); 389. dowlas s. (dEulis). down s. prep. (dEun).
doze s. V. (dovz). dozen s. (de'zn). draft s. (drT?f, drEf, *draaf); 303,
304. drag s. V. (dr3g); 170. dragoon s. (drse'g-gas* "n); 397. drain s.
v. (draain). draught s, (draf, *draaf); 303, 304.
See draft. draw V. (drEi?, *draa), 303; 319. dray s. (draai). dread v.
(dreed), dreadful a. (dreedf^l). dream s. v. (dreem). drear a, (drEer); 266.
dredge s. v. (dr^dzh). dredger s. (droedzhxjr). dregs s. (drSgz). drench s.
v. (dr?entsh). dress s. v. (drses). driblet s. (droblut). drift s. V. (dri^f,
drEf*). driftway s. (drEfwee). dringet 'press, crowd' s. (drmgBt);
479. drink v. (drmgk); 431 f. drip s. v. (drap). drive s. v. (dreev) ; 271,
424, 498 ff. driveller s. (dryylur); 350. drone s. (drEi^n); 529, droop V.
(dr99p). drop s. V. (drap). dross s. (drAAs). drought s. (drEuth, draith);
286,
482 b. druggist s. (drBgist^r) ; 476. drunkard s. (drSngki^rd). dry V, intr.
(drEui); 286.
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156
Glossarv.
dubious ;i. (*(]zhyyb/s); 244,415b
Add. See due due ii. (d.7<?, *dzhyy); 244. duke s. ('dzhyyk, Mzhyk). See
due. dull a. (dai, dEl). durable a. (duur^bl, ^dzhyja-^bl);
244, 248. See due. dust s. (daust, dEust. *d?st); 196,
235. See piluni. dust-house 'chaff-house' s. (daust • -
8UZ-); 196. dwell V. (dwai). dwelling s. (dw3iin). dwindle v. (d^andl) ; 222.
dye s. V. (dai). dyke s. (dzk); 271, 498 ff.
each a. (cetsh).
eager a. {eegMv).
ear s. (j3r); 261.
eargrass 'annual or biennial
grasses, sown upon arable land'
s. (jargraas); 261. earnest a. ('''amis, jarnis); 261. earth s. (aeth, E^th).
ease s. (eez). east s. (ees). eat V. (eet). eaves s. (AAfis); 530. ebb s. V.
(ab).
eddish 'stubble' s. (Srish, Edish). edge s. V. (cedzh). eel s. (jEl); 261.
eft s. (ebiJt); 154, 351. egg s. (eeg, neeg, eg, aig, aig); 214,
note 1. eight num. (aait). eighteen num. (aaitin). eighth num. (ait-th).
either a. (adhiir): 284. eitherways ad. (eedht?rweez) ; 284. ejectment s.
(dzhakm^nt). elbow s. V. (aiboo). elders s. (Sldurz). election s.
(lajkshiin). eleven num. (lEbm, Isebm); 351. elm s. (ai^m). else (Sis).
embers s. (jSmurz); 261. emmet s. (jamiit); 261. empty v. (Emp, Emt); 416.
encounter v. (kEunfer). encroachment s. (kro^tshm'Bnt). encumbrance s.
(kAmb'erns). end s. (iin, *een); 193, 214, 263. endless a. (*eenlis).
engagement s. (gi'Bdzhm'ent).
enlist V. (h"s).
enlisted a. (l^st^d).
enough ad. {v.wjd, vnvv, "^nnaf);
150, 281, 389. entanglement s. (tcCiiglmiJnt). entice v. (tais). entire adj.
(intoiiir). envelope s. (eendiloop); 351. equal a. ad. (eekl, eekvl, eegisl);
317, 382. equally ad. (eekli, eeki?li, eegBli);
317, 382. errand s. (aar^nt, ar^nt); 378, 473. escape s. v. (skiup*). even a.
ad. (eevm). even as 'when' conj. (iins); 352. evening s. (eevm in): 261. ever
ad. (z'vur, over), evil s. (eevi); 224. ewe s. (joo); 516 ff. except prep.
(ssep). expense s. (Ekspeens). expensive a. (Ekspeensi). extravagance s.
(strsev^g'Bns). eye s. (ai, 9i); 261. eyelet s. (silut). ej^elid s. (ailiid).
fable s. (fE^bl).
face s. V. (fEiis).
facia s. (fE\ishL>r); 334, 476.
fact s. V. (fak).
factorv s. (fakttiri).
fade V. (fET3d).
fag V. (vaag).
faggot s. (fakiit).
fail V. (faaii?!).
fain a. (faain).
faint a. v. (faaint).
fair s. (*fEBr, *vEi;r); 290.
faith s. (faaith, faath); 297.
faith interj. (laai). See fie.
faithful a. (faaithfal).
fall s. V. (vaal. vAAl).
fallow s. V. (A/aim-); 170 b; 212,
406. false a. (faals, fAAls). fame s. (fEi^m). family s. (famli). fan s.
(vasn).
fancical 'tasteful' (f8ensik^i);480b. fang s. (va^ng). far a. (vaar). fare s.
(fEi?r).
farewell s. interj. (f aarwSr ). far-fetched a. (vaariJvAAt,
vaarvAAt, vurvAAt). farmer s. (faarm^r). '
Glossarv.
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 (delwedd B8513)
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157
farrier s. (farjia*).
farrow s. (vaari: 412. See rarfh.
farrow v. (vaari); 407, 411.
fart s. V. (faart)
farther a. (vaardur).
farthin<;' s. (vaardn, fanrdn).
fashion s. (faarsiiin); 415 b Add.
fashionable, a. (iaarshn-ubl).
fast s. (fius*); 209.
fast a. (vaas); 209.
fat a. s. (faat, fat, vaat).
fate s. (fEut).
father s. (faadhin-), occ. (vaadhi^r).
fathom s. (va^dhum).
faucet s. (fAAsift).
fault s. V. (fA-ct); 827 and Add.
faultless a. (fAAtlis).
faulty a. (fAAti).
favour s. v. (fEv.xTsr).
fawn 'young* deer' s. (fA'en).
fawning' s. (vAAnin).
fear s. (vii^r, ir.;;*).
fearless a. (vit^riis).
feast s. V. (fees, '^fi^s*).
feather s. (vsedh'ur).
feature s. O-^feet^hia-) ; 369, 405.
February (idhnvi); 3) 5b and Add.
fee s. V. (fii).
feeble a. (feebl).
feel V. (vi-Bl).
feet s. (vit).
feign V. (faain).
fell V. (*v:ii)i).
felloes (v31ia'); 406.
fellow s. (f:>llur); 406.
felon s. (f3[li?n).
felt s. (v3It), occ. (fait).
female a. s. (feeniE^l),
fence s. v. (teens).
fencer s (feensT?r).
fennel s. (yinvl).
ferment v (fi?rn;eent).
fern s. (vi'srn); 195 c.
ferret s. (farut).
ferry s. (f^iri),
ferule s. (v3rdl, *varBl)5 374.
fester s. v. (vaest'Kr), occ. (f8esti?r).
fetch V. (vsetsh. vatsh); 306, 441.
fetlock a. (vEtlAk).
fever s. (feevBr)^ 265.
few a. (vyy).
fiddle s. v. (f?*dl), occ. (vidl).
fiddler s. (f2dii?r).
fidgit s. V. (fEdzhiJt).
fie 'faith' interj. (I'oi, fai, faai).
field s. (viul).
fieldfare s. (volvEin-, volvEt.'ri,
Vr)IivEr, val/vEri, volivEur,
*viulvEr); 415 b Add. fife s. (foit). fifteen (veftin, viiftin). fig s.
(fig), occ. (rig). figg-y -pud ding 'plum pudding* s.
(vigi p3dn), occ. (h'gi pSdn);
415b Add. fight s. V. (feet), occ. (veet) fighter s. (feetwr). figure s.
(tVg'Br). figure 'to cypher' v. (fzg^ri); 73
and Add. filbert s. (valb'ert). file 'smith's instrument' s. v. (vai'Bl,
vaaiojl); 345. file 'to file bills on a file' s, v.
(ffti^l): 345. fill V. (viiil). film s. (volum). filmy a. (vxl'Bmi). filter
s. V. (foitur). filth s. (I9lt, *f9lth); 362. filthy a. (faitri). fin s.
(fiin, viin). finch s. (vonsh). find V. (vain); 431. finder s. (vaind-Br).
fine a. (fain, vain). finery s. (fain'uri)^). finger s. (v/im'Br). finish V.
(fonish). fir s. (vSr). fire s. V. (vai'Br). firing s. (vaaiijrin). firkin s.
(vBrkin). firm a. (f3rm). first s. (v3s), occ. (fSs). fish s. V. (viish), occ.
(fiish). fist s. (vais): 196. fit a. V. (fEt, fat); 219. fitch 'polecat' s
(fatsh). fitter s. (fp:ti?r*).
five a. (veev, *vaiv); 271, 498 ff. fives s. (vaiz); 352. fives-ball s.
(vaizbAAl), fix v. (fEks). fixed a. {v.Uksid). flag s. (vlseg). flag s.
(vloegin); 480 e Add. flail s. (vlaaitil).
1) The really dialectal word is throw; see § 87.
2) Ehvorthy prints feuynuree in his Glossic transcription, but euy is not
given as a symbol; it is probably a misprint for w?/ = Palaeotype 9i.
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158
Glossar
flame s. (vlEinn). flanji:e s. (vLTiidzh): 202. flank s. (vhi'iigk); 349.
flaimel s. (vlajnin); occ. (flainin);
480 e Add. flap s. V. (vlap, flap). flap-dock 'tox-glove' s. (flapidAk,
flaapdAk); 415 b Add. flare v. (vIElt). flask s. (flaas*); 394. flat a,
(flaat). flaw s. (vlEiir). flax s. (vlEks, vleks); 216. flaxen a. (vlEksu).
flay V. (flaai). flea s. (viee). fleam s. (flE^m). fledged a. (vli^'sh).
fledged p. p. CevlEdzh). flee s. (vlee); 2o5. flee V. (vlii); 265. fleece s.
(vliiz). fleet a, (vlit). flesh s. (vlaarsh). fling V. (vh'ng, fh'ng). flint
s. (vlEnt*). flip 'pliant' (vh"p, flip). flock s. (vlAAk). flog V.
(vlAg). flood s. (vlad). floor s. (vluur). flop s. V. (flAAp). flour s.
(vlaui^r). flow V. (vlAA, *vloo); 312 Add. flower s. (flau'Br). flue s.
(vlvv, flvv). fluent 'said of a river' a.(fuuBnt);
248. flush a. (vlash). flute s. (flyyt). flutter s. V. {ylitxiv). fly
'volare' v. (vl9i). See ftee. flv s. (vlii); 273. foal s. V. (voold); 378.
foam s. V. (vuL'm, voom). fob s. (vAAb). foe s. {\oo). fog s. (vAg). fold s.
V. (vool). -fold 'in threefold etc' (-vool). folk s. (vook); 229. folks s.
(voks).
follow V. (vAAli, vAli); 407, 411. fond a. (vAAnd); 378. fool s. (v9l), emph.
(fai3l); 345.
foot S. (V99t, V9t).
footed a. (vaatzd).
for prep. (vAAr, v3r).
forage s. v. (fAridzh).
forbear v. (verbEr). See abear.
forbid V. (vi;rbiid, viJrbced); 265.
force s. V. (fuT?st); 446 ff.
ford s. (voL'rd).
fore ad. (voKr, voor, uvoor).
fore- prefix (voor-).
fore- end s. (^vooveen). See end.
forehead s. (vorEd) ; see p. 9.
foreign a. (fSr^nt , fSrin) ; 230,
473, 480 e Add. foreland s. (voorl^n). forenoon s. (voornaan). forest s.
(fAAris). forge s. (vu'Brdzh). forge V. (voi?rdzh), occ. (fo^rdzh). forget V.
(bigit, *v^rgn) ; 436, 472 b. forgive v. (vt?rgii): 219, 483 ff. fork s.
fvArk, vAArk). form 'bench' s. (farm); 230. form s. V. (fAArm). former a.
(vAArmi^r). forrer cover of a book's.(*fArj«l);
480 c. forsake v. (vt^rsE-uk); 438 f. forth ad. (vutnh, vo-etb) . fortnight
s. (vArtnit). fortunate a. (vArtnRt, vAArtnit). fortune s. (fArtin, fAArtin);
401,
405, 480 e Add. forty (f AArti, farti), occ. (vAArti). forwards ad.
(vSrwurdz); 230. foul a. (voui?l).
foundation s. (faundEursbBn). fountain s. (fountin). four num. (vauiir),
emph. (fauBr);
286. fourfoot a. (*vArv9t). fourpenny a. (vauoirpmi). fowl s. (voukI). fowler
s (voulvr). fox s. (fAAks), occ. (vAAks). fracas s. (frICtik'Bs). fraction s.
(frakshi^n). fractious a. (fraksh'Bs). frail a. (fraaii^l). frame s. v.
(frEum). fray s. (fraai). freak s. (frik) ; 538. freckle s. (vrieki). Fred
(fid). Frederick (fsed-urik). free a. (vrii). freehold a. (vriiool). freeze
v. (vriiz). French a. (vraintsh). French-nut 'walnut' s.
(vrsentsh'nif). frequent a. (freek'ent); 317. fresh a. (vrash, vraash,
fraash);
211. fret V. (vrEt), occ. (frEt).
Glossary.
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159
friar s. (vroiur).
Friday (vraidi).
friend s. (^vr^en. IV^'cni).
frig-ht s. (*vrr)it); 223.
frighten 'astonish' v. (*fr^)itn); 223.
frill s. V. (*fral); 220.
fringe s. v. (varndzh, *vr9ndzh),
occ. (tarndzh). frock s. (vrAAk). frog s. (vrAAg). frolick s. (vrAAh'k). from
prep. (vrAAm). front s. (v3rnt, fi?rnt). frost s. (vrAAs). frosts s.
(vrAAstez). frosted a. (vrAAstid). frosty a. (vrAAsti). froth s. (vrAAth).
fruit s. (fryvt). fry s. V. (vrai, fr9i). full a. ad. (v9l). fuller's earth
s. (faix^rzaeth). fumble V. (f[iml), occ. (vI3ml). fundament s.
(fjlndimt^nt). funeral s. (fani;r); 246 and Add. fur s. (yar). furbish y.
(yarb/shj. furl V. (y^rdi, ySrul). furlong s. (y3rlAng). furlough s.
(ySrloo). furnace s. (farnis). furrow s. (yari, yoor, vot?r, voBr);
241, 407, 410, 413. furse-kite 'falcon' s. (yazkit). fursy a. (ySzi). further
a. (ySrd'er). furthest a. (y^Irdis). fusty a. (fausti); 196. future s.
(*fatshBr); 369, 405.
gable, s. (giTJbl).
gait 'peculiar habit' s. (gE'Bt).
gale s. (gE'Bl).
gall s. (gjal).
gallopers s. (gjah'p'Brz).
gallow y. (gjali); 411.
gallows s. a. (gjalis); 407 f.
gap s. (gjap, gap); 203.
gape y. (gjap, gap, *gi^p); 203,
545 Add. garden s. (gjardn). gas s. (gjaas, gAAs); 207. gash s. V. (gaarsh,
gaish). gasp 'gaze idly' v. (gjaps). gate s. (gi'Bt). gathering (gEdh-erin);
216. gay a. (gaai). gee 'said to horses' interj. (dzhii).
geld y. (gj/ld).
gelding s, (gj/ldin).
general a. ((Izhhnd); 41.t b Add.
generation s. (dzhznu'Evrshxin).
get y. (git, giit, got); 436.
ghastly a. (gaasli, gjaasli).
ghost s. (guiist, *gost).
gifted a. (giiftid); 219, 483 ff.
gild y. (gold).
gill s. (givl*).
gilt a. (g,)It).
girl s. (ii'^rdl).
girth s. (gart); 362.
giye y. (gi); pret. (ged, gjid), p. p
giver s. (gayer).
glare s. (glEi^r).
glean v. (gleen).
glib a. (glob).
gloss s. (glAAs).
glue s. (giyy).
go y. (guu); 285, 292, 443.
goad s. y. (goi^r); 375.
goat s. (gout).
gob V. i^gAAb).
God (gAAd).
godly a. (gAAdloik).
go in V. (gin).
gold s. (gu-Bl, gool); 195, 274.
good-bye (gydbwai); 270, 300.
good-no w interj. (gont'r).
goods (gaadz).
goose S. (g99Z).
go out V. (gEut).
gouge s. igdddzh).
grace s. (grE-Ks).
grain s y. (graain).
grange v. (grEiindzh); 202.
grape s. (grEx^p); 253.
grate s. (grE^t).
grayel s. y. (gra'el, grAAl, *gravl),*
350 and Add. gray a. (graai). grease s. (grees). great a. (gSrt). greatness
s. (gSrtnis). grenadier s. (g'urn'edi'Br). gridiron s. (gardoi^er). grill V.
(gardl). grim a. (gram), grind y. (grain); 431. grist s. (griis). grizzled a.
(garz-eld). groat s. (grAAt). groats s. (grats,garts,garts,grts)» groom s.
(graam). groove s. v. (groov). gross a. s. (grAAs). ground s. (grEun). growl
s. v. (grEu-Bl).
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160
Glossarv.
g'l'udg-e s. V. (g'S^rdzh). gTunt V. (ganit). guarantee v. (g'jalcnlee) ;
3j0. guard s. v. (gjaard). guess s. V. (gixjs). guild V. (gifi*). guilt s.
(g9lt). guilty a. (;>'olti). guinea s. (gjmi). gutter (godt^r).
h 'alphabet, letter' (Entsh). hackney s. (akn-ni); 336 Add. hail s. V.
(haaiul), hair s. (*ET3r); 290. hairy-palmer 'caterpillar' s. (*E'Bri-,
*EKii-parmT]r); 290, 828. half s. (aav, *aaf); 304, 347. halfpenny s.
(Eupini). halfpennyworth s. (japijrd); 261,
477 a. half-witted a. (aafwiit^d). halm s. (aiTsm); 170b, 212. halter s. v.
(AAlttJr, aaltT?r). hames'part ofaharnass's.(E'Bmz). hand s. (E'en, a^n);
201. handful s. (ajnfal). handkerchief s. (8engk^tsh^^r,
sengkitshur). handle s. v. (a3nl). hang V. (seng); 440. hap s. V. (ap). hard
a. (aard). hardly ad. (aardloik). hare y. (Eur).
harrow s. v. (aari?, aru); 406 ff. harsh a. (aash).
har%^est s. v. (aariis, arus); 352. hasp s. V. (aps*). hassock s. (aisik).
haste s. v. (E-bs); 196. hat s. (aat). hate s. V. (Ei^t). hatred s.
(*EKtrid). See hate. hauler s. (hAAliTir); 480 d. haunch s. (sentsh). have V.
(Eb, *aav); 253, 354. haver s. (eevBr) ; 531 a. hawthorn s. (iTegdh3rn)5 385.
hay s. (haai).
hazel s. (hAAls, haals); 393. he pr. (ii, ee)\ 265. head s. (*eed); 261.
headless a. (eedlis). heal 'conceal' v. (ee«l); 259. heal V. (E^l). health s.
(aith, aif). heap s. (ip, iip); 496 Add.
hear V. (*j3r); 261, 267.
hearing s. (*jarin).
iicarse s. (Esk); 381 and Add.
heart s. (aart).
hearth s. (jEth); 261, 332.
lieat 8. V. (jEt, j2t, jat) ; 261.
heath s. (jEth); 261.
heave v. (hEft, *eev); 438, 446 ff.
heaven s. (Ebm); 351.
hedge s. v. (a^dzh).
hedger s. (sedzhBr).
heedless a. (eedlivS); 265.
heel V. (Ei?l, it?l); 266.
heifer s. (jEfBr); 261.
height s. (oith); 482b.
helmet s. (aim'Bt).
help s. V. laip).
hem s. V. (eem).
hemp s. (eemp).
hen s. (een).
herald s. v. Orel).
herb s. (jaarb, *aarb); 261
here ad. (jar); 261.
herring s. (*arin, jarin); 261.
hers pr. (arz).
hew v. (joo); 516 ff.
hide s. v. (9id).
high a. (ai, 8i, aai).
highland s. (ftil^n).
hill s, (iT^l).
hilly a. (itjli).
hilt s. (9lt).
him pr. (un).
himself pr. (iiz3l).
hind s. (c)in).
hinder v. (iindT?r).
liindrance s. (iiiid^rmt?nt,
'•■•indurns);
481. hinge s. (iindzh); 194, 217. hint s. v. (Ent*). hip s. (iip). hire s. v.
(c)ii;r). his pr. (emph. (iiz), hit s. V. (aat); 225 f. hitch s. V. (iitsh).
hither a. ad. (Edhur). hoard s. v. (v»^ourd, ward); 278,
315. hoard-apples s. (wardaplz). hoarse a. (ouz). hob s. (AAb). hobnail s.
(AAbnaail). hock 'of a horse' s. (ak); 389 and
Add. hoe s. V. (oov); 279; 531b. hogshead s. (oksEd); 159,1. hoist v (8is);
299. hold v. (ool). hollow a. (AAler); 406. homestead s. (oomstid).
Glossary.
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161
honest a. (An is).
hoof s. (an.
hoofed a. (afud).
hook s. V. (j>k).
hooked a. (^kid).
hoop s. V. {Jd[>).
hope V. (hop).
hornet s. (AArnut).
horrible a. (AArubl).
horrid a. (A Arid).
horse s. (AAs).
host s. (ovs).
hot a. (AAt).
hoiig'h s. (ak). See hock.
hound V. and s. (Eun).
hour s. (auur).
house s. (ouz, Euz).
household s. (auzl, Euzl).
how ad. (Eu).
however ad. (wsvur).
hug'e a. (aadzh, yydzh).
humour s. V. (*j3mi?r) ; 246 and Add.
hunch s. Oug-k); 384.
hundred num. (andi^rd).
hurrah interj. (99rAA*, wSrAA*);
207. husband s. (Szb^n). hyena s. (oieen^r); 476. hymn s. (iim).
I.
ice s. (9is).
idea s. (oidee, *9idET?r); 259,476. if conj. (iif, niif); 219, 483 ff.
ignorance s. (*hzgn-'Brns) ; 387, 468. ill a. ad. s. (iel). illness s.
(iBlnis). imitation s. (amitEt^rsh'Kn). immediately ad. (imeedzhentli);
337 and Add. implement s. (iimplim^nt). impudence s. (imp^r'Bns); 372.
impudent a (impi;r^nt); 372. inch s. (onsh). indebted a. (in'dsefBd).
inkling- s. (inklin). Mistake for
(ingklin)? inland a. (iinl^n). inobedient a. (im?beedzh«nt); 372. inquest s.
(kwses). inroad s. (inrAAd). instead ad. (instiid, stad, ste'd); 493ff .
instinct s. (iinstingk). into prep. (iintB); emph. (iinty). invoice s. v.
(invAAis, invAis). inwardly ad. (*iinwBrdl9ik) ; 317. iron s. (oi'Br,
*9iBrn); 337. island s. (ailBn). itch s. V. (iitsh).
Bonner Beitr. z. Anglistik. Heft 18.
J.
jacket s. (dzhak'ut). jail s. (*dzhET?l); 290. jangle s. v. (dzhsengl).
jaundice s. (*dzhaarndis*,
dzhaand^rz); 333 and Add. jealous a. (dzh2lis, dzholis). jelly s. (dzheli,
dzhali). jet s. (dzhot). Jew s. (dzhyy). jilt s. (dzholt). jingle V.
(dzh2ngl). job s. (*dzhAAb, *dzhAb). See
jobs. jobs s. (dzhabz); 230. join V. (dzhein); 299. joint s. (dzhaint,
dzh2nt, dzhant,
*dzhAAint); 299. joist s. (dzhais), plural (dzhais);
299, 466. jole s. (dzh9ul). jot s. V. (dzhit, *dzhAAt). judge s. V. (dzhzdzh,
dzhadzh). judgment s. (dzh^dzhm'Bnt,
dzh9dzhm^^nt). junket s. (dzhSngk^t). just a. ad. (dzh2s, dzh9s). justice s.
(dzhistis, dzh9stis).
K.
keep V. (kip).
keeper s. (kip'er).
keg s. (kaig).
kersey s. (kzzi).
kettle s. {kitl, k9tl).
key s. (kee); 538.
kickle 'fickle' a. (kikl); 380.
kill V. (ki^l*).
kin s. (kiin).
kind a. (k9in).
kindred s. (kiinder, *kiindBrd)
475. kiss s. V. (kiis). kit s. (kiit).
kite s. (kit): 271, 498 ff. knife s. (neev, *n9iv); 271, 498 ff. knitch
'bundle' s. (nitsh, natsh) ;
225. knob s. (uAAb). knock s. V. (naak*, nak). knot s. V. (naet, nat).
knotch. See knitch. knotted a. (nait^d*). know v.(nAAd,*no«); dost know?
(*snoo); pret. (nAAd, *novd);
p. p. («nAAd, *Bno«d); 312 and
Add., 448 and Add.
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162
Glossary.
L,.
la interj. (lAA).
label s. (lE^gl).
labour s. v. (lEojbTJr).
lace s. (lE^s).
lade s. V. (lEtJd).
ladle s. (lE^dl).
lady s. (lEiJdi).
lake s. (lE'Bk).
lamb s. (laam).
lame a. (lETJin).
lance s. (laans*).
land s. (Isen).
landlord s. (IsenlAArd).
lane s, (lEi^n).
lard s. (lAAd); 207.
lash s. V. (laarsh, laish).
last a. (laas*); 209.
last V. (liT?s); 209.
late a. (lEiit).
lately ad. (lE^tioik).
lath s. (laaf).
lathe s. (lE-Bv).
latter-end s. (lat'Briin).
laugh s. V. (laarf); 3031, 331.
laurel s. (lAArj^l); 324.
laxative a. (laksiti).
lay V. (laai, lee); 292 f.
lazv a. (lE^zi).
lea^s. (lee); 532.
lead V. (lad, *Ieed); 448 and Add.
lead s, (h'd, Isd).
leaf s. (liiv); 493 ff.
leak s. V. (li^t); 384, 526.
lean v (leen).
leap s. V. (I-sep).
learn v. (laarn, larn).
learning- s. (laarmn).
lease s. v. (lees).
leash 'a dog- tether ; three' s. (leesh).
least a. (lees).
leat s. (li'Kt). See leak.
leave s. (leev).
leave v. (Igef, lEf, *leev); 446 ff.
lecture s. (*l8ektshBr) ; 369, 405.
ledge s. (Isedzh).
lee a. (lyy); 308.
leech s. (leetsh).
leek s. (lik).
leery 'empty' a. (liuri).
left a. (Isef).
leisure s. (*h'zh^r, *l9zh«r); 405.
Cp. feature. lemon s. (h'm'en). lent 'loan' s. (leent); 362 and Add. leopard
s. (h'p^r, lap^r). leper s. (h'p'er, lapBr). less a. (Ises).
lesson s. (laisin).
let V. (lait).
letter s. (lajtur).
lettuce s. (la?tis).
lever s. (leevtjr).
lew 'sheltered from the wind' a^
(lyy). See lee. lewth 'shelter' s. (lyyth); 482 b. liar s. (lai-erd); 477 al
license s. (iQishiins) ; 366. lie s. v. (lai, loi). lies s. plur. (leez);
273. lief a. (lee, *liif). life s. (laiv). light s. V. (leet).
Mghtin cock-light(kAk-leet,-*l8it). lightning s. (leetnin). like a. v.
(loik). lily s. (laii, lali). limb s. (lom). limber a. (lamb'Br). limp a. s.
V. (l9mp). line V. (leen, *l9in); 271, 498 ff. lining s. (leenin); 271, 498
ff. link s. (lEngk). lint s. (lEnt=^). lion s. (laitjnt); 473. lip s. (l8p).
liquid s. (lEkwid). liquor s. v. (liktsr). liquorice s. (lik'Brzsh); 366.
list s. (lEs). lithesome a. (lEsT^m). litter s. V. (*lEt^r*); 219. little a.
(liidl, \i^]). live V. (liiv); 219, 483 ff. liver s. (lavur).
liver 'inhabitant' s. (I8vii3r); 480d. load s. (lut?d). loaf s. {\ooy). loath
a. (io^dh). lock s. V. (look). locket s. (lAkTJt). lodge s. V. (lAAdzh).
lodgement s. (lAdzhmi?nt). lodgings s. (lAAdzhinz). loft s. (laaf, lart).
lofty a. (lAAfti). logic s. (lAAdzhek). loll V. (lAAl). long a. (lAAng). loo
s. (I99). looby s. (bsbi). look s. V. (lak). loom s. (bam), loop s. V.
(laap). lop V. (lAAp). lord s. (lAArd, lA'Brd). lose V. (lAAs) ; 446 ff .
loss s. (lAAst, lAAs); 371.
Glossary.
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163
loth a. (lAAth, lootli).
loud a. (lEiid).
love V. (iMv).
lover s. (lOIviur); 480 d.
low a. (lAA).
low 'to make lower' v. (*loo);
312 Add. lowland s. (*looh?n): 812 Add.
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mace s. (iiiEus). mao'got s. (ma^gut). maid
s. (maaid). maidenhead s. (maaidneed). mail s (maaii?l); 291. main 'very' ad.
(maain) maintenance s. (maaintn^ns). make v. (mEuk, mEk, m?ek); 251,
443. maker s. (mEtJkiJr). male s. (mEt?l). mallard s. (maali?rd). mallow s.
(maalzs) ; 407 f. malt s. V. (maalt, mAAlt, malt), maltster s. (raaalstur,
malst'Br). man s. (mEun) ; 201. mange s. (mAAndzh); 204. manger s.
(mAAndzhBr). mangle s. v. (msengl). mangold s. (msengl). mangy a. (mAAndzh
i). many a. (moni). marble s. (maarvl). mare s. (mEi^r). market s.
(niaark'Bt). marl s. (maardl). marriage s. (marzdzh). marrow s. (mar's); 406.
marsh s. (mcesh, mash). marvel s. (marul); 352. massacred p. p. ('BmaasBkriid).
mast 'acorn s. (mE^s); 196. mast s. (niEiJs, *maas*); 196. master s.
(mEiJst'Br); 196, 256. mat s. (maat). mate s. (mE'Bt). mattock s. (msedik).
mattrass s. (maatris). maund s. (niAAn). May s. (maai), may v. (mid, mad,
mEd); 443,
446 ff . mayhap ad. (mi-ap). mead 'drink' s. (meedh, meed), mead 'meadow' s.
(misd). meadow s. (mid'B); 406. meal s. (mE'Bl).
mealy-mouthed a. (meelimeutMd), mean a. v. (meeu).
means s. (nieenz),
measurement s. (*mzzh'Brm'Hnt);
405. Cp. feature etc. meat s. (meet). meddle v. (niEl); 372. meecher 'sneak,
lurking thief s.
(mitsh^r); 218. meek a. (m/k).
mellow a. (ni/li/r, m^ha-); 406. mellowed a. p. p. ('emzlL'rd). member s.
(mombL^r). men s. (meen). mend v. (meen). mender s. (*meendi?r); 474 ff.
mercer s. (maarsTJr). mercy s. (masi, msesi). mere a, (ni^n•). merit s.
(mSlrit). merry a. (mSri). mess s. (mses). meter s. (meetiJr). methodist s.
(maithiidi); 466. middle a. s. (madl). midst s. (mEds). mighty 'proud' a.
(*m8iti); 223. milch a. (molsh). mild a. (mai'Kl) ; 378. mile s. (mai-eld) 5
378. milk s. (malk). mill s. (miiJl*). miller s. (mal-crd); 477 a. milt s.
(molt), mind s. v. (main), minnow s. (m^ni); 407f., 466. mint s. (mEnt*).
miracle s. (m^rzkl). mischief s. (m^^Irstshi). mislay v. (mzzlaai). mislead v.
(mizleed). miss V. (ra9s, *mEs*); 219. mist s. (mask, *mEs*); 371 and
Add. mistrust v. C'^raEs'trfs*). mistv a. (maski, *mEsti); 371 and
Add. mix V. (mEks).
mixture s. (*mEkstsh^r); 369, 405, moat s. (mout). mob s. (niAAb). model s.
(mAriJl); 372. moist a. (moots); 298. molest V. (maslEs); 364, 472 d. Moll
(mal). Molly (mali). Monday s. (mSndi). monument s. (mAmm^nt). mood s.
(m99d). moody a. (maadi). moon s. (maan). moor s. (mo'er, mui?r); 285.
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164
Glossary.
moory a. (moori); 285. moot s. V. (maat). mop s. V. (iiiAAp). mope V, (mop).
more a. (moT?r, inuur). morning* s. (mAArrun). morrow s. (niar^, insen?);
40G. morsel s. (mAAsi?!) mortgage s. v. (niAArgidzh). moss s. (mvvz, *mAAs,
*mAAth);
280, 366." ^ most a. (niAAs, nuiu-is, moo-is);
46, 275, 298. mote s. (moBt). moth s. (mAAth, mAAf). mother s. (niAAdhur).
mould s. V. (mool). moult V. (maat^ri); 288, 327, 477 b. mourn v. (m3[rn). mouse
s. (mauz, rnEuz) ; plur.
(m^is, maiz). mouth s. (m9udh, mEuth, mEuf), mouthe v. (rnoudh, mEudh). move
s. V. (m^v). much a. (mAtsh); 240. mule s. (mol, *my^l, *maal); 246.
multitude s. (*mEltitshyd); 244,
369. mumble v. (maml). mumbler s. (maml-l^r). music s. (muuzek, maazik); 248.
must V. (mAs, *mas). mutter s. v. (mad-er). mux}^ 'muddy' a. (mSksi). my pr.
(raoi, mai, maai).
nag 'provoke' v. (seg); 335. nail s. V. (naai^l). naked a. {nEvkid). nameless
a. (nEi^mlis). namesake s. (nET?msE>?k). nature s. (iiEi^t^r). naught s.
(*no^rt) ; 305, 522. navel s. (nAAl, naiil, *navl); 203,
350 and Add. navigate s. (nsebigi^t, *navegEiit);
351. navvy s. (naebi); 351. neap a. (nip). near a. (ni^r). neat a. (neet).
neatherd s. (neet'erd); 474. neck s. (nsek). necklace s. (nseklis). needle s.
(ni'Kl*). neither a. (nadh^r); 284; 467 c. nerve s. (naarv). nesh a. (naarsh,
naish); 208.
nest s. (nses).
net s. (nit, nat).
net a. (n?et).
nettle s. (n«tl, nntl).
nettle 'little' a. (nnl).
never ad. (navijr).
new a. (nvv).
new-fangled a. (nyva^ngl).
news s. (nvvz).
newt s. See eft.
next a. (na3ks).
nib s. (nob).
nice a. (nees).
Nicholas (mieklis. nEklis).
night s. (n^et, nit); 223.
nighttimes 'evenings' s. (neetoimz)*
nine (neen); 271, 498 ff.
nip s. V. (nop).
nipple s. (nopl).
no a. ad. (noo, noi?, nAA); 312
Add. nobodv pr. (noob^ri); 312 Add.,
372." nod s. V. (nAAd). noddle 'head's (nAdl, nAAl); 372. nonplush s. v.
(nAnplish). noose s. (a9z).
northward ad. (nAr^jd); 317, 362. nose s. {novz).
notch s. V. (snatsh, *snAAtsh). note s. (no^t). noted a. (no'etid). notice s.
(nootidzh, *noi3tis); 480a. November (novomb^^r). nuisance s. (nyvshiins);
364. nummit 'luncheon' s. (nAm^t,
namit); 283. nurse s. (nas, *nars); 332. nut s. (n7t).
oar s. (uiir, o^r).
oast s. (otfs) ; 278.
oats s. (wEts, wots); 278, 315.
object V. (idzhEk).
object s. (Abdzhik).
oblige V. (bliidzh); 271, 498 ff.
observe s. (bzaarv)
occasion s. (kzzh^n); 252.
occupv V. (Akipoi).
odd a". (AAd).
odds s. (AAdz).
odious a. (hoodzht?s); 372, 387.
off ad. (oof); 229.
offal s. (AAfl).
offence s. (feens).
offend V. (feen).
office s. (AAfis).
oil s. V. (AAi'Bl, Ai^l).
Glossary.
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165
old a. (ool).
omnibus s (Aml/sfus, Ainligt^s).
ouce adv. ( -'wAAns) ; 240.
one num. (*\vAAii, "^wajn, *w8n,
iiun); 240. onion s. (/ngmi, ing--giJn). only ad. (Anil, S[nij. ooze V. (c>jz).
open a. s. v. (oop). openhcarted a. (oo'pmaaTti?d). opening s. (oopnu.'nt);
481. or conj. (AAr). oracle s. (AArik-el). orange s. (Srindzh); 230. oration
'disturbance' s.
(noorEfshL'n, orE'ersh'en) ; 335. orchard s (AArtshEt, Artshut);
478. ore s. (u'Kr); 285. organ s. (AArgin); 480 e Add. ornament s.
(ArnimiJnt). orts s. (AArtz). other a. (tAdh^'r, tl^dh^r). ought V. (AAf,
oof, *AAt); 522. our pr. (au^jr). out ad. (Eut). oval a. (ooviui); 414. oven
s. (oovni). overplus s. (oovurpk'sh); 366. overwhelm v. (oovi^rwaii^m). owe
v. (AA); 312 and Add. owl s. (Eu-el).
P.
pace s. (pE«s, pE^z). pack s. v. (paak*). paddock s. (parik); 373. pad-lock
s. (tsedlook); 342. page s. (pE'Bdzh). pail s. (paai'Bl). pain s. (paain).
paint s. v. (paaint). pair s. (*pEur)-, 290. palace s. (paaHs). pale a.
(pEvl). paling s. (paailin); 257. palm s. (pEi?m); 201. pan s. (pEiin); 201.
pancake s. (paeng-ki-ek). pank 'pant' v. (psengk); 533. paper s. (pE^pvr).
parable s. (paariibl). parcel s. (paasl). parlour s. (paaldiir). parsnip s.
(paasn^p). parson s. (paasn). part s. V. (pE'Brt); 201. partridge s.
(paatrulzh). passage s. (paasidzh).
I passed p. p. (i^paas*). I past a. (pnas*).
pasture s. (*paastshijr); 3G9, 405. I pate s. (pEiit).
patent a. s. (pEiJtunt).
patient a. (pErshT?nt); 251.
pay s. V. (paai).
payment s. (paainiL'nt).
pea s. (pee).
peace s. (pees).
peach s. (peeish).
peak s. (p?'k); 538.
pearl v. (pardi).
pease s. (peez).
peat s. (peet).
pebble s. (pApl); 534.
pebbly a. (popisli); p. 9.
peck s. (p?ok).
pedigree 'tale, story' s. (pidigri, p9d«gri).
pedlar s. (pidlv.r, podl-Br).
peep V. (pip); 441.
peg s. V. (pseg).
pen "writing-pen' s. (peen).
pen 'cattle-pen' s. (poin); 214.
pencil s. (peensl).
penitent a. (pznztvnt, pmit'ent).
pension s. (pmshin, pinshin, panshi^n, *peenshin).
penthouse s. (peentis); 535.
peony s. (poini) ; 269, 415 b.
pepper s. v. (pi'piJr).
perfect a. v. (p3rfik).
perhaps ad. (bi-ap, *praps); 472b.
perish v. (parish).
perl v. (pardl).
perry s. (pSri).
perseverance s. (pr^z^vi'Br'8nz) ; 530.
persuade v. (p^'rzwAArd).
pert a. (pitirt); 195 c.
pertinence s. (pSrtn^ns).
pet s. V. (pjet).
pew s. (^-^pjyy); 308.
phial s. (v'diBl).
pickle s. V. (pEkl).
pie s. (pai).
piebald a. (psibaal).
piece s. (pis).
pig s. (pEg, peg, peeg); 224.
pigeon s. (pidzhin).
pilchard s. (poltshi/rd).
pile s. V. (poiiil).
pilfer V. (pelfiir).
pilgrimage s, (pQiginmedzh).
pillage V. (poh'dzh
pillar s. (pol«r).
pillow s. (pitil's palur); 406, 413.
pillowed a. ("Bpohird).
pilum 'dust' s. (pohnn).
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16G
Glossary
piu s. V. (piin).
pinch s. V. (pansh).
ping 'push' V. (ping-, pEncr, pang-);
431 1"., 446 f. pinnacle s. (ponikail). pint s. (paint). pip s. (pop),
pit s. (piit, *pot); 220. pitch V. (*p9tsh); 220. pitch s. (piitsh,
"^'potsli); 220. pitchy a. (piitshi); 220. pith s. (pEth). pit-hole
'grave's. C^pat-, '''poti-ool) ;
220, 415b Add. place s. (plEiJs). plague s. V. (plaaig); 257. plain s.
(plaain). plain a. (plaain, Spleen); 292. plaintiff s. (plaainti, '^pleenti)
; 292. plane s. v. (plEt^n). planki) s. (plsentsh)^ 383. plant s. (plsent*).
planted a. (pla^nt^'d). plaster s. v. (plEsti?r); 196, 251. plate s. (plEet).
play s. V. (plaai). plea s. (plee). plead V. (pleed). please v. (pleez).
pleasure s. (^ph'zh'er) ; 405. Cp.
feature etc. plenty (pleenti), plim V. (plom). plinth s. (plant); 362. plot
s. (plaat, plat, plait), plough s. V. (plEu, plou); 281, 389. poach V.
(pAAtsh, proiJtsh); 331. poacher s. (pAAtsh'er, proutshi?r);
331. pocket s. (pAAgiit, pAk-et). pod s. (pAAd). point s. V. (*pwAAint,
*pwAint,
*pAAint), rarel}' (paint); 299. poison s. V. (pwaizn). pole s. (pui?l).
police s. (poo 'lis). Polly (pAli). pond s. V. (pAAn). pook s. (p9k).
pool S. (p9l)
pop s. V. (pAAp).
Pope s, (pop).
poplar s. (papier).
port s. (po'ert).
portmanteau s. (pAA's-mse'nl);
397. post 'letter-' s. (puxjs); 275.
post 'gate-' s. (pAAs); 275.
pot s. V. (pAAt).
potatoe s. (tE^di, t3ti); 251, 466.
poultry s. (paitri).
pound s. V. (pEun).
pour V. (pauta-)-
praise s. v. (praaiz).
prate s. v, (prEL^t).
prater s. (prEt?fBr).
pray v. (praai).
prayers s. (praaiurz).
preach v. (preetsh).
preachment s. (preetshmijnt).
precept s. (pree'ssep).
present s. (pra'ziint).
present v. (p^rzeent).
press, s. V. (praes).
pretence s. (pi^rteens).
pretend v. (p'Brteen).
pretender s. ('^''piJrteend'Br); 474 ff.
prevent v. (p«rveent).
price s. (praiz).
prick V. (prEk).
prickle s. (prEkl).
priest s. (prees); 265.
prim a. (pram).
prince s, (p3rns).
princess s. (parnsae's).
print s. V. (pSrnt).
prize s. v. (praiz praiz).
produce v. (*pi?rdzhyys).
project V, (idzhE'k).
prong" s. (sprAAng); 363.
proof s. (prsaf).
prop s. V. (prAAp).
propagate v. (prApigi^t).
proper a. (prAApiir).
proud a. (prEud).
prove V. (pr99v).
prowl V- (prEuKl).
prythee (pzdthi).
pudding s. (pSdn).
pull s. V. (pal).
pullet s. (pallet).
pully s. (pali).
pulpit s. (palp'Kt).
pump s. V, (piamp).
puncheon s. (piinshin); 301.
puppet s. (pAApiit).
pure a. (po>ar).
purse s. (pas).
push s. V. (pas>sh).
puss s. (paaz).
pussy s. (pjTzi)put V. (pat).
pyramid (parim^nt, palim'unt, parimEt, palimEt); 328, 478, 481.
1) In the wordhst for the Axe-Yarty district (Ellis V) plantsh is defined as
"a flooring, not a single plank*.
Glossary.
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167
Q
quack v. (sw.aki^ti); 363.
quail s. (kwaaiiil).
quaint a. (kwaaint).
quake v. (kNvEuk).
quakcr s, (kwEukfr).
quarrel s. v. (kwAArdI); 204.
quarrelling a. (kwAArlin).
quarry s. v. (kwAAr); 416.
quart s. (kwArt).
quay s, (kee); 292 and Add.
queer a. (kwEur); 26G.
quickness s. (kwikn-nis).
quiet a. (kwaiL't).
quill s. (kwiul*).
quilt s. (kw^lt).
quiver s. (kwavur).
quoin s. (kwaain, kween); 536.
racket s. (raki?t).
rafter s. (rEft^r*); 17, 200.
rage s. v. (rEi^dzh).
rail s. (raaiiil).
railing s. (raailin).
raiment s. (raaimunt).
rain s. v. (hraain).
raise v. (raaiz, raiz); 49, 289.
rake s. v. (rEtik).
ramble v. (rambl).
range s. v. (rEi?ndzli); 202.
rank a. (rAngk); 204 and Add.
rap V. (hrap).
rape s. (lirEup).
rapid a. (raapid).
rare 'underdone' a. (rEiJr); 266.
rash a. s. (raish).
rasp V. (hrEup); 395.
rat s. (raat).
rate s. v. (rEi^t).
rathe 'early, precocious' (rE^dh,
rEBv). raw a. (hrAA). ray s. (hraai). reach v. (reetsh); 441. read v.
fhreed). real a. (lirEKl); 259. realm s. (rSltim). ream s. v. (reern). reap v
(hrip).
reap 'unbound sheaf s. (reep). rear v, (rE^r). reason s. v. (reezn). rebel v.
(reebai). receipt s. (hreeseet). receive v, (reeseev). reckon v. (raikn,
vra^kn); 329.
reckoning s. (raik'n-in, rEklin).
red a. Ord).
redness s. (ardnis).
reed s. (hriid).
reel s. v. (reel); 265.
refreshment s. (frashni'Bnt) ; 211.
refuse s. (reefyyz).
regiment s. (ardzhmi?nt); 415 b
Add. reign s. v. (hraain). reins s. (hraainz). reive 'sift seed or grain' v.
(r9iv). rejoice v. (reedzhAAis). relation s. (reelEiu-shtm). remembrance s.
(momb^rns). rend v. ('^reen); 214. rendezvous s. (ruendivaa). rennet s.
OrnL^t). rent s. v. (reent). repent v. (reepeent). require v. (kwQivr).
reserve s. v. (reesaarv). rest s. V. (raes). reticule s. (r8ed^kl) retinue s.
(rsetn-ni). reverence s. (rzvFrns). reward s. (reewAArd). rheumatic
"rheumatism' s.
(rymat?!k). rib s. (rob). rich a. (riitsh). richness s. (^rtshnis). rid V.
(3rd). riddance s. (arduns). riddle s. (hridl), ride v. (hraid, r9id); 424.
ridge s. (Srdzh). rig' s. V. (hrzg). right a. (*vrait); 223, 329. rim s.
(ram). rime s. v. (hraim). rind s. v. (hrain), ringlet s. (hrznglut). rip s.
V. (rap). ripe a. (hraip). rise V. (roiz); 424. risk s. V. (arsk). roach s.
(hru'ctsh). road s. (hrui^d).
roast s. V. (ru^s, rAAs, rA^s); 275, rob V (rab, r«b); 230, 233. robin s.
(rsebin). rocket s. (rAk^t). rod s. (hraed, rsed, *rAAd). roof s. V. (rav,
*hryyf). rook s. (rak). room s. (raam). root s. v. {Yddt). rooted a.
(raatid). rope s. (hruiip, hrop).
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168
Glossary.
ropy a. (ruupi).
rose s. (hro-Bz).
rot s. V, (hraat, rat, *rAAt).
rotted a. (lira^tiid, ratud).
round a. (rEun).
row 'row or ridge in which grass
falls when cut with a scythe'
s. (ryy); 308. row V. (rou); 312. row-boat s. (roubu'et); 312. rubbish s.
(rab2dzh,*rabish);480a. ruin s. v. (ryyin). rule s. (r9l); 309. rummage s.
(hrAmidzh); 240. run V. (arn, *r^n); 235. runaway a. (ernawee). ruse 'slip,
fall' v. (ryyz). rush s, V. (resh).
rushes s. (vrEksn, hrEksn); 329. russet a. s. (Srs^t). rust s. V. (ars, H'is').
rusted a. {*Tutid). rusty a. (Srsti, *rzsti). rut s. (rEut).
1$,
sack s. (zaak*, zak).
sad a. (zsed).
saddle s. (zsedl).
saddler s. (zsedl^r).
safe a. (zaaf, saaf, *sE'Bf); 304.
safety 'kind of match' s. (*sEBfti);
304. safety s. (saafti); 304. sage s. (zE'Bdzh). sail s. V. (saaixjl). sailor
s. (*zE^ltir); 290. saint s. (saaint).
salad s. (saaint, salist); 376, 479. sale s. (zEijI). saleable a.
(zE'el'Bbl). sallow a. (zal'B); 406. salt s. V. (zaait, zalt). Salter s.
(zaalt^r). sand s. (zsen). sap s. (zE'ep); 201. sapling s. (zE-eplin); 201.
sappy a. (zE-Bpi); 201. sash s. (saarsh, saish). Saturday (zaed'erdi). sauce
s. (saas*, saars); 303. saucy a. (saarsi). savage a. (saebzdzh). save V.
(sE^v); 304. Saviour s. (sE'Bvj'er). saw s. (zaa, saa, zAA); 303. sawpit s.
(zaap'Bt), sawyer s. (zaaj'er).
say V. (zee), savs (zses, zEs); 292 f.,
443. scab 'on a wound' s. See sc2id. scad 'yhower' s. (sksed). scaffold s.
(skjafl). scamble s. (skaml). scandal s. (sksenl). scandalous a. (skajnijl^s)
scar s. V. (skonr, skoor). scarce ad. (skills, skius*) ; 209, 255, scarceness
s. (ski-esnis). scare v. (ski^r). sceptre s. (septL>r). scholar s.
(skAAlurd); 477 a. school s. (sk9l). scissors s. (s^zez). scold s. V.
(skool). scoop s. V. (sk99p). score s. v. (skoL'r, skoT?r)» scot s. (skAAt).
scrap s. (skrap). scrape s. v. (skrE-ep). scraper s. (skrEiip^Jr). scrawl s.
v. (skraal). scream s. v. (skreem). screech s. v. (skritsh). scribbler s.
(skrabl'Br). scribe v. (skrsib). scripture (skropt^r); 369, 405. scud 'over a
wound' s. (skSd), scud 'a shower' s. (sksed); 241. scurf s. (skr^f). seal s.
V. (sE^l) seam s. v. (zi'em). seaman s. (seemi^n). search s. v. (saartsh).
season s. (seezn). seat s. V. (seet). second a. v. (ssek'en). second-hand a.
(ssek'ense'n). secret a. (seekrit). secure a. v. (seeku^r); 248. sediment s,
(szdim'ent, sadzmijnt). see V. (zii); 436. seed s. (*zi'i?d, z^d). seeding s.
part, (zidiii). seedling s. (zidlm). seek V. (zzk, sik); 441. seem v. (z9m,
zim). segment s. (zEgm-ent). seine v. (seen). seize v (seez). seizure s.
(*seezh'Br). seldom ad. (sild'em, zaldi^m). self pr. (zai). sell V. (zzl,
z9l, sil); 441. send V. (*zeen, *seen); 214. sender s. (*zeend'Br). sense s.
(seens). senseless a. (seenslis).
Gloss.arv.
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 (delwedd B8526)
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1G9
September v^ivptombur).
serge s. (saardzli).
sermon s. (saariinmt); 481.
serpent s. (saarpuiit).
servant s. (saarvvnt).
serve v (saar).
set V. (zn, zat); 436.
setter s. (zretur).
settle 'seat' s. (z/tl, zretl).
settle V. (sa?tl).
seven num. (zrebm, zEbm); 351.
seventeen num. (ziebmtin).
seventh num. (zsebmt, *zEbmth);
362. seventy num. (zaebmti). sever v. (savi?r). several a. (sz'vi?!); 415 b.
sew V. (zoo); 516 ff. shade s. v, (shii^d); 413. shadow s. (shaidu); 413.
shady a. (shiiidi). shake v. (sha^k*. shEt?k); 438 f. shall V. (shaal); 86,
443. shallow a. (shali?r); 406. shambling a. (shaamh'n). shame s. v.
(shii?m). shameless a. (shii?mlis*). shape s. v. (shii^p*)shapeless a.
(shiijplis*). shard s. See shard. share s. v. (zhii?r, shi^r*). shave s. v.
(zliii^v, shi^v*). sheaf s. (zhiiv, shiiv). shear s. v. (zhix?r, shit?r); 434
f. sheath s. (zhiif, shiif). sheep s. (ship, shep). sheet s. (shit). shelf s.
(sh2lf, sholf). shell s. V. (shil, shal). shelter s. (shaltiir, shelt'er).
shepherd (shzp'er); 474. sherry s. (shHri). shield s. (shi-el*). shift s. V.
(sh3f); 220. shift 'a garment' s. (sh^f, shef);
220. shifter s. (shEftt?r); 220. shilling s. (sholin); 220. shin s. (shiin).
shine s. v. (shiin); 271, 498 ff. shingles s. (shniglz); 366. ship s. (shop).
ship 'shepherd's dog' s. (sh^p) ;
474. shiver s. v. (shaver). shoe s. V. (shyy, sha). shoot V. (shat). shord
'broken crockery' s. (shAi3rd,
sho^rd). shore s. (sho'Br).
short a. (shAArt).
shot s. (sliAAt).
shovel s. V. (.sliEuvl, shaut'l, shai?l);
350. showed pret. (^'^sho'ud); 312 Add. shreak s. v. See shriek. shred s. v.
(zhriid, shriid); 493 ff. shrew s. (zhrvv). shriek s. v. (shrzk, zhrik,
zrik). shrill a. (*shr9l); 220. shrimp s. (shremp zhromp). shrink v. (zringk,
zhringk). shrivel v. (zhn'v^l). shroud s. (shrEud, zhraud). Shrove-tide
(zhroovtaid). shrub s. (zhriib). shrug V. (zrtJg). shutter s. (shod'er). sick
a. (z2k).
sickness s. (z?!kn-nis); 336 Add. sieve s. (ziiv); 219, 483 ff. sift V.
(zEf*).
sigh s. V. (zaai, soifi, zaifi); 389. sight 'vision' s. (zeet). sight 'large
number' s. (seet). signature s. (soinmi;nt); 481. silk s. (solk). sill s.
(*zal): 220. silver s. (zolvi^r). simper s. v. (somp^r). simple a. (sampl).
sin s. V. (ziin, siin). since ad. (zinz). sinew a. (z?"ni); 407, 409.
sing V. (zing, z^ng^d) ; 446 f f. single a. (zingl). singly ad. (znigl-lQik).
singular a. (zinglur). sink V. (zaigk, zongk); 431 f. sip s. V. (z9p). sir s.
(z3r).
sister s. (zEstiu-*, zast^r); 219. sit V. (z^t); 436. site s. (zoit).
situation s. (zi'tiEvrsh-Bn,
sotiE'orsh^n). six num. (zzks). sixteen num. (zekstin). sixth num. (sEkst).
size s. (seez, *z9iz, *saiz); 271,
498 ff. size V. (saiz). skeer "graze along* upon the
water' v. (ski'er); 381. skeleton s. (skaiztn). sketch s. (zkitsh); 363.
skewer s. v. (skzvur, skover). skin s. V. (skiin). skit 'diarrhoea' s.
(skiit); 381. skittles s. (skwSrj^lz); 480c Add.
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 (delwedd B8527)
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170
Glossary
skulk s. V. (skElk).
skur 'mow the bents and tiifta in
pasture' v. (skar, skiL^', skjSr);
381. slab s. (slAAb). slack a, (slaak'*^). slap s. V. (slap, zlap). slat 'to
throw, dash down so as
to break' v. (slaat); 225, 226. slate s. (sla^t, slaat, *slKBt); 203. slaver
s. v. (slaavi^r). slay V. (slaai).
sledge 'hammer' s. (zLncdzh). sledge s. (slee, zloid); 536. See
sleek a. (slik); 271, 498 ff.
sleep s. V. (sleep, zliup).
sleet s. (sleet).
sleft 'to slake lime' v. (zlEft*).
sleigh 'part of a loom' s. (slee);
536. sleigh 'sledge' s. See sledge. sleight s. (sleet). slender a.
(sleend^r). slide s. V. (zloid). slight a. (sleeti, sleet); 415b Add. slim a.
(zlom, sl-em). sling V. (zHng, zlmgid); 446 ff. slink V. (zh'ngk). slobber v.
(slAAbiJr, zlAAbijr). slop s. V. (slAAp). slope s. V. (slop). slot s. V.
(slAAt). sloth s. (slAAth). slough s. (slyy, sba, siaf); 281,
389. small a. (smaal).
smaller (smaaldi^r, zmAAlder).
smart a. (sm^rt); 213.
smash s. v. (smaarsh, smaish).
smeech 'dust, smoke' s. (smiitsh, smitsh); 267.
smell s. (smai).
smelter s. (smSltBr).
smite V. (smait, zmeit).
smith s. (zmoth).
smock s. (smAAk).
smoke s. v. (smook).
smoulder v. (moold^r); 363.
snaffle 'to steal' v. (snaafl, snafl).
snap V. (snap).
snarl v, (snaardl).
snead 'handle ot scythe' s. (sniid, zniKd); 495, note.
sneak v. (suEuk); 538.
snip s. V. (snap).
snot s. (snAAt).
snow s. (*znoo, *snoo, *snoo) : 312 and Add.
so ad. (zv).
soap s. (zuT?p, z?«p, zap).
soce s. (sous).
sock s. (zAk).
socket s. (sAkL't).
soft a. (zAAf, sAAf).
soldier s (soodzhur); 229.
sole s. (zool)
solid a. (sAAlid, zAAlid).
some pr. (sAAm, zAAm, sSm,
z3m); 240. somehow ad, (zAAmEu); 240. something «. (sAfin); 240, 357 f.
somewhat 'something' s. (zAmut);
240, 317. son s. (zin). song s. (zAAng). soon a. (zaan). soot s. (sat). sop
s. V. (zAAp). sore a. (zu'er).
sorely ad. (zu-erlaik).
sorrel 'reddish brown' a. (sArj^^l) ; 480c.
sorry a. (sAri).
sort*^s. V. (suTirt, sourt).
sorted a. (soBrtid).
soul s. (sAAl, zAAl, *zool); 305. 312 Add.
sound s. V. (zEun).
sour a. (zauiir).
south s. (zaudh).
sovereign s. (sSvrin).
sow s. (zau, zEu).
sowed p. p. (■••^Bzotjd);
312 Add.
space s. (spEus).
spade s. (spEud).
spaniel s. (spsenl); 480 c.
sparrow s. (sparij); 406.
speak V. (speek); 436.
speaker s. (speek^er).
speaking s. (speekin).
spear s. (spii?r).
spectacles s. (spaartikt^lz) 199.
speculate v. (spaik-clEiit).
speech s. (speetsh).
speed s. (spid).
spell s. V. (spal).
spellfer s. (spSltur).
spend V. (*speen); 214.
spigot s. (spikxjt).
spill V. (spiiil*).
spill 'spindle' s. (spiul*), 537.
spilt a. (spalt).
spin V. (spiin); 431 f. spindle s. (spiiil*). See spill s. spine s. (spain).
spirit s. (spL^rit). spirited a. (spSritud). spit V. (spset, spaat, spat);
22o, 226.
Glossary.
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171
spit 'dig' V. (spot); 220.
spitter s. (spoiur); 220.
spittle s. (spati); 225, 227.
splay a. (splaai\
splendid a. (spleendid).
split s. V. (spliit). *-
splitter s. (^spliitvr).
spoil V. (spwaii;!, spwAiul); 300.
spool s. (sp^l).
spoon s. (spc>9n).
sport s. V. (spuurt).
spot s. V. (spAAt).
spotted a. (spAAted).
sprain s. v. (spraain).
sprat s. (spraat).
sprawl s. V. (sprAAl).
spray s. (spraai).
spread v. (spra3d).
spring- V. (spr^ng) ; 431 f .
sprinkle v. (spraingk); 217, 327.
spruce s. (spryys).
spry 'active, strong' a. (spraai,
sprai). spue V. (spyy). sputter s. V. (spader). squab s. (skwAAb). squall s.
(skwaal). square a. (skw^^r); 213. squat V. (skwAAt). squeak s. v. (skw^k);
538. squib s. (skwob). squint v. (skwont), squirrel s. (skw3rdl). staff s.
(staaf). stage s. (stE^dzh). stager s. (stEiidzln^r). staid a. (staaid).
stair s. (*stEKr); plur. (staai^rz) ;
290. staircase s. C^'stE^rkii?s). stake s. (stE-ek). stale a. (stEiil). stale
'handle' s. (stEi?l). stand s. v. (stien); 438. standing s. (stcenin). stare
v. (stEur). start s. V. (staart). starve v. (staarv). •
state s. (stET3t). staunch a. (stsentsh). stave s. (stE^v). stays s. (staaiz).
steady a. (stidi, stodi). steak s. (stExjk); 538. steal V. (stEKl); 434.
stealer (s. (stEiJiBr). steam s. v. (steem). steel s. (stil, *stiBl). steel
V. (st^i). steelyards s. (stilJBrdz).
steen 'build up the wall of a well'
V. (stiin); 495. steep a. (stinr). steer s. (stiur). steer a. See steep. stem
s. (stam).
stench s. (st2ngk, stiXintsh); 384. step s. V. (stap); 198. stew s. V.
(styy). stick V. (stz'k).
stiff a. (stEf, stof, stuf); 220. stiffen 'stiffen, benumb' v. (stiiv)
498 f f . stiffness s. (stEfnis). stifle V. (stiifl); 271, 498 ff. still a.
ad. (stiiJl). sting V. (sting); 431 f. stink V. (stEngk). stint s. (stEnt*).
stir s. V. (stoor); 285 and Add. stirrup s. (st^Irup). stitch s. (stiitsh).
stomach s. (st3m^k). stone s. (stoo, stoun, stu'Bn); 466. stool s. (st£»l).
stoop s. V. (staap). stop V. (staip). store s. (stu-er).
story s. (stuur, stoor, stoor); 416. stout a. (stout), straight a. (straait).
strain s. v. (straain). strand s. v. (strsen). strange a. (stra?ndzh).
stranger s. (strsen* dzh^r); 202. straw s. (*stroo); 305, 312 Add. stray v.
(straai). streak s. v. (strEL'k); 538. streaky a. (strEuki). stream s. v.
(streem). street s. (street). stretch s. v. (strajtsh); 198. stretcher s.
(straatshiir); 198. strew V. (strAA); 516 ff. strict a. (strik). stride v.
(stroid). strike s. v. (strik, stroik); 271, 424,
427. string V. (strmg) ; 431 f. strip V. (strop). strive v. (stroiv) ; 424 f
. strop s. V. (strap), strut s. V. (strEut, strout). stud s. (st^d).
study s. V. (stid, stod); 416. stun V. (stin). stupid a. (styypid). stupid s.
(styyp, st^ap); 416 Add.' such a. (dzhitsh, dzhis); 363 Add. suck V. (zwk,
zok, Z99k); 287,288,
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172
Glossary.
sucker s. (zi/ki.'r).
suddenly ad. (s^di?ntloik).
Sue (syy).
suffocate s. (sC^fiklt-'t).
sugar 6. (*shygvr); 24GandAdd.
suit s. V. (syj't).
sull 'plough' s. (zui?l, zool); 242.
sultry a. (sEltri).
sun s. {zin).
Sunday s. (znuli).
superb a. (sypaarb).
supper a. (sApiJr); 240.
suppose V. (spu^^z).
sure a. (shoKr); 248.
survey v. (sSrvAAi, s^rvAi); 292,
295^ survey s (s3rvAAi, *s3rve«);292,
295. swab s. V. (zwAAb). swallow V. (zwAlur); 406. swan s. (swseu); 204. swap
V. (swAAp). swarm s. (zwAArm). sway s. V. (zwaai). swear v. (zwEisr; ; 434 f.
sweat s. V. (zwEt). sweep s. V. (zyp, zop, *zwip, *zip);
277, 314. sweet a. (zwit). sweetheart s. (switaart). swell V. (zwHl).
swelling s. (zw31in). swill V. (swixil). swim V. (zw'om)^ 431 f. swing' V.
(zwzng); 431 f. swivel s. (zwovrI). swoon V. (zaani); 314. SAVord s.
(zuT^rd). sycamore s. (szkemoor). syringe s. v. (sSrzndzh).
T.
table s. (tEt?bl).
tackle s. v. (taki).
tail s. (taai-Bl).
tailor s. (taaild^r).
taint s. (taaint).
take V. (tEt?k); 438.
taker s. (tEtJk'er).
tale s. (tEiJl).
tallow s. (taahn*); 406.
tame a. v. (tEiim).
tangle v. (tsengi).
tankard s. (tangkEt, tgsngkt't);
478. tape s. (tEi3p); 253. tare s. (tE^r). task s. (*taas*)', 395. tassel s.
(tAAsl).
taste s. v. (tE^?s); 196.
Taunton (taani^n).
tea s. (tee).
teach v. (teetsh).
tear s. (tii?r).
tear v. (tE^r); 434.
tea-saucer s. (teesaars^r,
teesaasiJr). tease v. (teez). teat s. rtEt, tati"); 416 Add. teen
'kindle' v. (tiin); 193, 263. teeth s. (teeth, teef); 265. tell V. (tgl; 441.
temper s. (tamper, teempisr). temperance s. (*tEmp'Brns). tempt V. (teemp).
ten a. (teen). tenant s. (tEm?t); 479. tend V. (teen). tender a. (teendiu*).
tenon s. (tEn^t); 479. tent s. (teent). terrible a. (t^rbl). terrify v.
(t^rifoi). test s. v. (taes). text s. (taiks). than ad. (n, m). thank s. v.
(dhsengk). that pron. (dhat, dhik); 467 a and
Add. that conj. (dhat, dhi3t, vt). thatch s. V. (dhatsh, vatsh); 358,
thatcher s. (dhaatsh'Br). thaw V. active (AAndhAA). thaw V. neut. (dhAA,
dhAA-i); 73
and Add. themselves pr. (dhi^rzHIz). then ad. (dho, *dheen) 274. there ad.
(dhEnr). these pr. (dheez, dhaaz); 224, 262. they pr. (dhee); 292. thick a.
(*th2k); 356. thicket s. (*th^■k^?t)•,
356. thief s. (*thif); 356. thigh s. (dha^). thimble s. (dhoml). thin a.
(dhiin, *thiin, *thin); 356. thing" s. (dheng). think V. (dhingk) ; 441.
thinly ad. C^lhiinlGik). third (dh3rd, =Hhr9d); 356, 391. thirst s. (*th3s);
356. thirsty a. (*th3sti, *iasti, *farsti);
356 f f. thirteen num. (dhartin). thirty num. (*tharti); 356. thispr.
(dhlT^z); 130, 132, 359 and
Add. thistle s. (daisl, daishl, dseshl);
196, 225.
Glossary
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173
thong s. (dhAng).
thornen "a thornen (hedge)' a.
(dh3rnin): 230. thorns s. (dharnz); 230. thoroughbred a. (dli3n{b3rd). those
pr. (dhc>az); 277, 512 ff. though conj. (AAf, thAAf); 356,
358. thousand num. (dhauzT^n). thread s. v. (dried), threat s. (driBt).
threaten v. (drgetn). three a. (drii). threshold s. (drashl); 198. throat s.
(dro'Bt). throne s. (droiJu). through ad. ^dryv, drv, draa);
389. throw V. (*droo); 312 Add. thrush s. (dresh). thumb s. (dhMin). Thursday
(dh'J/.U). th^vart y. (dhan); 213, 317. tib 'small beer' s. (tob). tile s. V.
(tdii;l). tiling s, (toih'n). till s. (*t9l); 220. till V. (tiBl, *tol); 220.
tillage s. (talidzh); 220. tilt s. V. (tolt); 220. tilth s. (t9lth). timber
s. (tamer). timid a. (tamid), tin V, (tiin). tin s. (tiin, latin). tind
'tooth of a rake' s. (tain), tip s. V. (top); 220. tippet s. (l3p^n); 220.
tithe s. V. (teidh). titter s. V. (tatxjr). to prep. emph. (tyy); unemph.
(te, t). toad s. (tu-Bd, toi3d). toast s. V. (tuiis, tAAs). toker 'money,
wherewith' s.
(tookL'r). tone s. (to'Bn).
tongued a. (tSngiid). *
too ad. (tyy, tv).
tools S, (t9lz).
tooth s. (taath, *tuf). See teeth.
top s. (tAAp).
torture s. v. (*tAArtsh'Br); 369,
405. toss s. V, (tAAs). touch s. V. (titsh, tatsh). touchy a. (titshi,
tEtshi) ; 235 and
Add. tough a. (tSf); 281, 389. tour s. (tau'Br).
trat'o s. V. (^rEvs).
track s. y. (^traak*).
tract s. (traak*).
traction s. (traksliun).
trade s. y, (trKud).
train s. y. (traain).
transport y. (transpu'ert).
trap s. V. (trap).
trape v. (trEvps).
trash s. (traarsli, traish).
trayel v. (travl); 350.
traverse v. (trayis); 350.
treacle s. (trEukl).
tread v. (treed) ; 436.
treadle s. (tridl, tradl).
treason s. (treezn).
treasure s. (*tr2zher); 405. Cp.
feature etc. treat s. v. (treet). treble a. (tr?"bl). trefoil s.
(triifAAi, trifAi). trench s. y. (tra^ntsh). tribe s. (troib). trickle v.
(trEkl). trim a. v. (tram). trinket s. (tr2ngki3t). trip s. V. (trap). tripe
s. (traip). troop s. V. (tr99p). trot s. V. (traat, trat). trough s. (troo);
389. trowel s. (tral, *trEuel); 246, 325. trudge V. (trzdzh). trust s. V,
{tvis, tros); 196. tube s. (*tsbyyb). Tuesday (*tshyyzdi). tumble V. (tSml).
tumbler s. (tSml-ler). tun V. (tin). tune s. (*tshyyn). turf s. (tSri?).
turnip s. (tarmiJt). tusk s. (tSk); 367, 395. tweak V. (tw^k); 538. twelfth
num. (twSlth). tvyelfth-day s. (twSlfi dee); 415b
Add. twelye num. (tw31v). twin s. (twiin). twinge s. v. (taandzh); 222. twirl
V. (tw3rdl). two num. (tyy, taa).
U.
ugly a. (h^gli).
un- neg. prefix (A An, AA*n); 240. uncle s. (nangkl) ; 335. unmixed a.
(AAnniEks). unprofitable a. (AAnprAAfztBbl).
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174
Glossary.
unsound a. (AAnsEun).
unto prep. (AAuty).
up ad. prefix (AAp); 240.
uphold V. (AApool).
upland a. s. (AApl-en).
upperhand s. (AApTJraj'n).
upsidedown ad. (AApmdEun).
upward ad. (AApurd); 317.
urn s. (r'^n).
use V. (*jyys, *jyyz); 244.
usual a. (*jyyzhl).
V.
vagabond s {vsegihoMn).
vain a. (vaain).
vale s. (vEiil).
valet s. (valBt).
value s. v. (vali, fall).
valve s. (vaalb, valb).
van s. i^vsen).
vane s. (vE'Bn).
varth 'litter of pigs' s. (vaarth);
482 b. vase s. (*vA'Bz) ; 207. vast a. (vaas*). vat s. (vEut); 201. veal s.
(vEid), oce. (dhEi^l). vegetables s. (vidzhit'elz); 415 b
Add. vent s. V. (veent). venture s. v. (veent^r); 369, 405. veil V.
(vaaiiJl). veil s. (vaaiul, ^^vE^l); 290. vein s. (vaain). verb s. (vaarb).
verdict s. (vjirdfk). verdigris s. (vaardigrees.
faar degrees); 271, 503. verge s. (vaardzh). verjuice s. (vaardzhis,
vaardzhaz) ;
5j0 and Add. vermin s. (vaarmiint). very ad. (dh^ri). vest s. (vaes).
vetches s. (dhatshez); 198. vex V. (vseks). vicarage s. (v^k'Br^dzh).
victuals s. (fEtlz). view s. (byy). ^ village (folidzh, voh'dzh). villain s.
(fSlvn). villainy s.(fai'eni). viol s. (vai'Bl). violent a. (voili^nt); 415
b. violet s. (vQilunt); 415 b, 473. voice s. (vAAis). void a. (vAAid). volume
s. (vAl'em). vote s. V. (vu^t).
voth s. (vovth, vutJth); 482 b. vouch V. (dhoutsh). vowel s. (v9ui?l).
a. (vElgBr).
vulgar
wad s. (wAAd).
wade V. (wE'ed).
wagon s. (wagin).
wail s. V. (waaiiil).
waist s. (*wEi3s); 196.
wait V. (wAAit, wAit); 295.
wake V. (wEi^k); 438 f.
wall s. V. (waal).
wallet s. (wAlut).
wallow V. (wAAlvi); 318, 411.
wamble v. (wAAml).
wamlocks 'wool from the belly*
s. (wAAmlooks, -lAAks); 195 b. wan a. (ween); 204. want V. (waent); 204. ward
s. v. (wAArd). ware v. (wAAr). warm a. (waarm). wart s. (wAArt); 204. wash V.
(wAArsh). wasp s. (wAAps, wAApsi); 4151>
Add. waste s. V. (wEi^s); 196. water s. (wAAdr). wave V. (wE'Bv). Not the s.
wax s. V. (wEks); 216. waxen a. (wEksiJn); 216. way s. (waai, wee); 292. weak
a. (week); 538. wealth s. (w31th). wean v. (ween). wear v. (wEiir) ; 434 f.
weather s. (waedhL'r). weave v. (weev); 436 f. web s. {wuh, w3b). wed V.
(weed). wedding s. (weedin). wedge s. v. (wAAdzh); 204. Wednesday s.
(weenzdi). week s. (w^k). we^ly a, ad. (w^kli). weigh V. (wAAi, wAi); 295.
weigher s. (wAAiBr). weight s. (wAAit, wAit); 295 and
Add. well a. ad. s. (w31). well-bred a. (wSlb^rd). welter s. (wSlti^r. wen s.
(ween).
wench s. (wAAntsh, wAntsh); 204. west s. (wses). wet a. V. (waet). whale s.
(wE'el).
Glossary
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175
^vhat pr. (wAAt, hAt); 314.
wheat s. (weet).
wheel s. v. (w/l).
when ad. (hAn, *wecn); 204,314.
where ad. (w^Tr, wE«r).
wherret v. (wa[ri?t).
wherrv s. (w'Jriy
whet V. (wa^t).
whether couj. (wE'er, w^^r); 259.
which pr. (wiitsh).
while conj. (waiul).
whim s. (worn).
whip s. V. (wi/p, w9p).
whirl V. (w3rdl).
whisper s. v. (wospi?r).
w^hist s. (was).
white a. (wit); 271, 498 ff.
who pr. (yy); 314.
whole a. (wol), emph. (wool): 278,
315. whoop V. (99p, *wz/p); 315. whose pr. (yyz. aaz). why ad. (woi, wai,
waai). wickedness s. (w^k^dnis). wicket s. (wikut). widow s. (wiidij); 406.
width s. (wEtth). wife s. (vvaiv). wild a. (*wait?l, wi^l); 272. wild duck s.
(w9iBld3k). will s. V. (w8l); 86, 220, 314, 443. will 'testament' s. (wii?!).
Will (wi^l). willow s. (w8l^); 406. wimble s. (w9ml). wimple s. (wampl).
wince v. (wmgk); 384. winch s. (wmgk); 384. wind s. (wiin). wind V. (w9in).
wind-fall s. (winvAAl). window s. (wiinder); 406. winnow v. (w8m); 413.
winter s. (wint'Br, wiint'cr). wish s. V. (wiish). wisp 'bundle of brushwood;
a
blow' s. (w9ip); 395. wit s. (wiit). ®
witch s. (wiitsh). with prep, (wee); 224, 362. withe s. (widhi, wadhi); 415 b
Add. wither v. (wEdh'er). without prep. (iJdhEut, ^dhEutn);
317. witness s. v. (wiitn-nis) ; 336 Add. wo interj. to horses (wee, ^oo).
woman s. (3mBn); 314.
womb s. (c>o>ni, yyni); 277, 314. wood s, {ddi\, vvd, n^ad, nvyd);
314. woodbine s. (adboin). woodcock s. (aadkAAk). woody a. (aadi); 314. wool
s. {9d\, 9\, ytJl, w31); 314. woolly a. (aali); 314. word s. (wyrd). M'orld
s. w3rdl). worse a. (w2s, wos). worst a. (wEs*, was). worsted s. (\vzstT?rd);
477a. wort s. (h^rt); 314. worth a. (wEth). worthless a. (wethlis). wound s.
V. (wEun). woven a. (woovm). wrap s. V. (vrap). wreath s. (vrEth, frath).
wreath v. (vreedh, frath); 361. wreck s. v. (vriek, ra3k). wrench s. v.
(vra^ntsh). wrestle v. (*vraesl, vraasl, rAAsl);
198 and Add., 204, 211, 547
Add. wretched a. (vratshid); 198. wrexen 'rushes' s. (vraksn). Wright s.
(*vrait, *rait); 223. wring s. v. (vrmg); 431 f. wrist s. (a'nrE's). writ s.
(vriit). write V. (vrait); 424. writer s. (vrait^r). writing s. (vraitin).
wrong a. (vrAng, vrAAng).
Y.
yard s. v. (jaard).
ye pr. (i); 320.
year s. (j3r).
yearling a. (jaarlin).
yelp V. (jap).
yes ad. (iis, ees. *J9es); 320.
yet conj. (iit); 320.
yield v. (iiJl); 320.
voke s. (jwk, jook).
yolk s. (*jwk, *jook, jElk); 229.
yon ad. 03", jan, jEn); 230.
you pr. (j9a, jyy); 313.
youngest a. (jSngis).
your pr. (j3r) ; emph. (jo^r).
youth s. (J9adh).
Z.
zealous a. (z2lis).
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Additions.
p. 10. Carstens = Carstens Zur dialektbestimmung- des ME Sir Firumbras. Diss.
Kiel. 1884.
Heuser = Heuser Die ME. legenden von St. Editha und St. Ethelreda. Diss.
Gottingen. 1887.
p. 11. Stodtc = Stodtc Ueber die sprache der „KatharineGruppe". Diss.
Gotting-en. 1896.
§ 73. Also hurl has no (-i) in WSD., but the Wdb. gives (b2[rdli). See also
Gloss, s. v. craicl, sigh. The verb to cypher is pronounced (soif^r); but it
is a loanword from standard English: the dialectal word is {Ugvvi) 'figure'
with the regular z-ending.
Another argument showing that the omission of (-i) is due to a mistake
(unless, of course, the word is not really dialectal, like to cypher) is the
fact that blare 'to bellow' is transcribed by Mr. Elworthy with (blE'Br),
although we find bleary in Barnes's poems (see NED. s. v. bla7^e v. 1).
§ 155, 8. Add quay.
§ 155, 9. Add bag (beeg), which I am unable to account for.
§ 160, 3. Add groove, explained by NED. as an adoption from Dutch.
§ 160, 6. Add (tshoor) 'char', on which see § 285 Add.
§ 193. Note (bleen) 'blind'; see § 272.
§ 198. In Pewsej'', where ME. e has become (e), ivrestle is pronounced
(rsesl), with (a3) pointing to ME. a.
§ 202. With (AA) in changeable (tshAAndzla) cp. the spelling chonge in one of
the Kildare poems (Fall and Passion 1. 52, in Heuser's edition).
§ 203. On gape see § 545 Add.
§ 204. On the pronunciation of r in Pewsey cp. § 547 Add. Probably also (A)
in W. Somerset (rAngk) 'rank' owes its rounding to the labiovelar
pronunciation of r.
§ 225. Cp. also rackety for 7nckety in Washington Irving (see NED. s. V.
rickety a. 3.).
§ 235. Perhaps it is open to doubt whether (titshi) 'touchy' is due to the
influence of standard English. For we find both (E) and (a) in teat, oats,
where neither (9) nor (E) can be due to standard English. So that (t2tshi)
and (tEtshi) may both be genuine.
§ 241. Note (^majng) in Tilshead, (ismeng) in Pewsey, both pointing to ME.
amang.
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§ 246. (j'^) in hnmour as well as (sh) in sugar are ])robabIy due to standard
Kn.i>'Iisii; cp. (yydzl), oadzh) 'luig'e*. — (I'^'Invl) 'funeral* may owe its
(3) to short ME. //.
§ 285. Some forms in Pewsey: (stuao) 'stir' (Pewsey p. 15) and (tshuoo)
'char' (Pewsey § 72, 3) also seem to point to ME. p, as well as W. Somerset
(stoor) 'stir', (tshoor) 'char'. But cp. Pewsey (shnaot) 'shirf (Pewsey § 72,
2 c) and (diiaot) 'dirt^ (Pewsey § 74, 1).
§ 292. If (kee) 'quay' is due to standard English, it must have been borrowed
in the 18th century, when the word was so pronounced in standard English
(NED. s. v. key s. 2).
§ 295. The influence of tueigh on the pronunciation of weight also shows
itself in Chippenham (wajit) and Pewsey (waeet); the latter certainlj^ points
to ME. ai, for ME. -iht has resulted in (-3it) in Pewsey (Pewsey § 73, 4).
§ 312. It seems most likely that {oo) by the side of (AA) is due to standard
English. But if (AA) is the regular dialectal sound it is difficult to
account for {oof) by the side of (AAf) 'ought'; {noo) may be a borrowing from
standard English for genuine (nAA), but (noo) might also be the regular
correspondent of ME. no.
§ 317. Loss of unstressed (w) occurs in the Juliana legend: uppart (Stodte §
47, 2). On the loss of unstressed (w) in OE. cp. Element. § 562.
§ 327. I have also noted (fAAt) in Ellis's lists for Stanhoe (Norfolk) and
Mid-Shropshire. Pewsey has (faeset).
§ 329. The labial or labiovelar articulation of r also explains why initial r
is often heard as (vr) ; see § 204, note 2. In one place Elworthy transcribes
rushes with initial (vr-)^ in another with (r^); see §§ 101, 547 Add.
§ 336. Medial n is sometimes written double by Mr. Elworthy, but only after
voiceless stops: hackney (akn-ni), quickness (kw^knnis), retinue (rsetn-ni),
sickness (z^kn-nis), tvitness (wiitn-nis). That greatness is transcribed
(gUrtnis), with a single n, may be due to an oversight and proves nothing.
But after other consonants than voiceless stops Elworthy never writes (n-n)
e.g. in the transcriptions of business, deafness, illness, redness,
stiffness, ivickedness. As the two n's are separated by a hyphen it would
seem that Mr. Elworthy heard something different from a long n. Moreover it
would be strange that the n should be long only after voiceless stops.
Perhaps the real sound is a glottal catch between the voiceless stop and the
(-n). Such a consonant is heard e.g. between voiceless stops and the nasal
ending of the infinitive in the dialect ofNW.Groningen: (loup'm) 'Dutch
loopen', (dEngk'ng) 'Dutch denken' (the ' denotes the glottal catch).
§ 337. See also H. A. 113 p. 31 ff., where 0. Ritter gives many additional
instances of insertion (and also of loss) of unstressed n in English. He
points out that the phenomenon is found in many languages, Dutch, French,
German^ Greek. Dr. Salverda de Grave (Handelingen van het Tweede
Nederlandsche I^hilologenCongres, Bonner Beitr. z. Anglistik. Heft 18. 12
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Leiden 1900 p. 95 If.) has treated of n- insertion hi Dutch. He thinks it is
due to the difference of stress between Dutch and French. The unstressed
syllal)le in French has a secondary, in Dutch a very weak stress. The attempt
to pronounce the foreign word more 'correctly' leads to the insertion of ?i,
which gives more weight to the unstressed syllable. See de Grave's defence of
his explanation in Taal en Letteren, August 1904. It is also principally
found in foreign words, where de Grave's explanation is possible only. But
now that Ritter has shown that n is sometimes inserted in native words in
German, Greek, and in French itself, de Grave's theory seems hardly tenable.
§ 350. The change of medial v to (w) occurs in the English dialects 'along
the East of England from Kent through Essex and Suffolk to Norfolk inclusive'
(Ellis V p. 132). Cp. (dEu) Move' in Cambridgeshire (Ellis V p. 251),
(dEU'-es) 'dove-house' in Norfolk (Ellis p. 270), (shSul) 'shovel' in Suffolk
(Ellis p. 286), and Scotch brawlie 'bravely' (in Burns).
The same twofold development of medial v as in our dialect (change to w and
disappearance) is found in South African Dutch : begrawe for Dutch hegraven,
seuweY)ViiQ\\ zeven; aand Dutch avond, boo Dutch boven, blij Dutch blijven.
Note that medial tv in these cases denotes a semivowel, not the Dutch w (on
the latter see V. Hamel, La Parole, July 1903).
§ 357. Pewsey has (v) in scythe, (f) in twelfth, sevetith. Cp. also OE.
fcecele and pcecele.
§ 359. Initial th is also sometimes lost in the pronunciation of this: (Bz);
see § 132.
§ 362. That the change of final (th) to (t) may be phonetic seems to be shown
by Pewsey and East-Sussex (m3nt) 'month'.
§ 363. A few more cases of this variation are treated by Holthausen, H. A.
113 p. 36 (MnE. lap, lithe, and lump). Cp. also English trunk, Dutch tronk
and stro7ik.
The pronunciations (dzhitsh, dz2s) 'such' are probably due to the
assimilation of the initial to the final consonant. A similar form is
occasionally heard in Pewsey: (tslios) instead of the regular (sitsh), Cp.
Pewsey p. 21, note.
§ 364. Medial voiced conson^.nts may be original in buskin, cp. NED. s. V.
buskin, and Ned. Woordenboek s. v. broos I.
§ 371. (mask) is probably connected with muxy.
§ 376. The Katharine-group show instances of final (t) for d, not only in
unstressed syllables but also in stressed {feont, ort; Stodte § 52). The
unvoicing of final stressed consonants is occasionally^ found in other
dialects too (Horn, Beitrage p. 38ff.); cp. also behint, beyont in Burns.
Note, however, that the change seems to be limited to d after I, n. Cp. also
the preterites built, bent etc.
§ 381. Note also (sk) in (Esk) 'hearse', (m9sk) 'mist' (§ 371 and Add.),
bisky-mllk (see § 415b Add.).
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§ 389. More iiistances of final (k) for OE. -(j alter liquids and vowels, in
Ml*', and IMnI']., have been collected by 0. Kilter in ji note, Anglia
Beiblatt 15 p. .'501 — 304.
§ 400. Note also (savi"ul) 'civir if it means polite\ eo'titrad v. as
well as s., si'tuation.
§ 406, note. Down to the earlv 19tl» century belloivs was pronounced (belus).
G. Russel gives yaller as the polite 18th century pronunciation of yellow
(Collections and Recoil. Tauchnitz ed. 1, 12). That (-ou) is a
spelling'-pronunciation is further shown by harroiv, a word that was obsolete
as early as the 14th century, and was re-introduced into literary Eng-lish
from the Southern dialects. But its standard pronunciation cannot be due to
these dialects, for they pronounce and, no doubt, have pronounced for a long
time, (bSr'e).
§ 414. The strong secondary stress of the ending -el : angel etc. is also
found in the (18th century) dialect of the Baronies of Forth and Bargy (cp.
Heuser, Kildare Gedichte, p. 60). Many of the W.Somerset words are given with
a weak ending: bushel (bsashl), devil (dEvl), morsel (mAAs'Bl), pencil
(peensl), threshold (drashl); this pronunciation may be due to standard
English in some cases, but hardly in threshold e. g., where literary English
pronounces (ould).
§ 415. How thoroughly the first part of the word has been forgotten is shown
by (vuurd) 'afford', where initial (v) has been substituted for regular (f).
See p. 182.
§ 415 b. Other instances of the loss of a syllable are (kAmfubl)
'comfortable', (kAAntri) 'contrary', (fob^ri) 'February', (vulzhzt^lz)
'vegetables', (Srdzhm^nt) 'regiment'.
(korstin) 'Christian' probably represents earlier Christen, which has been
refashioned in standard English to Christian, but that does not explain the
clear (i) of the ending. It seems that the endings -en, -ion (or with syncope
-in) etc. have been taken for the suffix 'ing\ this seems the best way to
account for (-in) in chamjnon (tshampin), fashion (faarshin), perhaps also
for (-in) in beacon, pension etc. (see §§ 404, 480 e Add.).
Note that diamond is given as a dissyllabic word, as late as Smart, who adds
that this pronunciation is 'colloquial'.
For no apparent reason medial (i) is sometimes added; cp. (flapidAk)
'flap-dock (fox-glovx)', (pati-ool) 'pit-hole (grave)', (tw^lfidee)
'twelfth-day' (dh^■kidhETJr) 'that', (volivE^r)
'field-fare', (f2gip:^dn) 'figgy-puddiug', also probably in bisky-milk (from
*bisty-milk?; cp. § 380 and Gloss, s. v. base) ; cp. also Foxydoicn for
Foxdoicn (the name of Mr. Elworthv's house). In nearlv all these cases the
forms without medial i are also heard. The explanation seems difficult, but
may perhaps be found in the large number of words which have medial (i), for
unstressed vowels of all origins e.g. in occi^py, ornament, oracle, sediment,
suffocate, carrowa?/-seed, character; (^) in pinnacle, sycamore, vagabond,
cred/tor, extravagance etc. See also § 401, 416 Add.
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i> 410. Bury is transcribed with (b!?Iri), but burying is (b3rin) as ir
l!ii' i!;::nitivo were (*b3r). Perliaps (b^ri) is an adaptation from standard
English, whilst (^blir) is the real dialectal form.
A notable case of apocope is (styyp) 'stupid s.'.
Besides the cases of apocope we have a few instances where final -i has been
added: (sleeti) 'slight', (tati) 'teat', (wAApsi) 'wasp', (widlii) 'withe';
see the analogous insertion of medialZ; § 415b Add.
§ 418. Cp. colloquial English He can't seem to shake off his cold\ I shall
hope to see him ivhen I (jo\ also I only have to help make my bed.
§ 421, note 1. Where the Authorized Version has the regular forms, the
Prayer-Book Version of the Psalms sometimes preserves the old forms e.g. Ps.
93. The floods have lift up their voice, where the A. V. has lifted.
§ 448. The present tense (nAAd) 'know' is another example of back-formation
from the preterite; perhaps also (l9d) 'lead'.
§ 451. For other ME. examples cp. strupped by the side of struped in the
'Katharine-group' (Stodte § 47, 2 Anm. 1) and Morsbach §§ 54 Anm. 5, 64 Anm.
3).
§ 452. The intransitive function of the suffix causes transitive verbs in
(-i) to lose the ending. This accounts for the apocope of -y in carry, argue,
see § 416. And verbs undoubtedly^ borrowed from standard English adopt the
ending if they are intransitive, e.g. (f^uri) 'to figure, cypher'.
§ 455. Sievers (Ag's. gr. § 404 Anm. 1) shows that also verbs of the first
class ending in a consonant -f- ?? Wj ^ or r, which in Southern English had
preterites in -ede, soon adopted the endings with i. Hence these also passed
into the second conjugation in Southern English.
§ 460. Ellis's materials show instances of singular nouns of measure after
numerals in the specimen from Pulverbach (near Shrewsbury): eighteen year
(Ellis V p. 184); and in a specimen from Norfolk : ivhy don't you pay me that
two pound you oive me ? (Ellis V p. 277).
§ 467 a. We should expect the Southern form to be Hhilch, or Hhich, cp.
ivhich, each. But a Southern ME. text like Sir Firumbras has thilk, and the
legends of the 'Katharine-group' show ilke^ by the side of hivuch^ stvuch,
euch (Stodte §§ 40 f.). It may be that the k owes its origin to the masculine
form in OE. ilea, for the pronoun w^as always used with the ending of weak
adjectives.
§ 480c. For (skw3rji?lz) 'skittles' w^e may perhaps refer to (skw3r)
'square', though the connection of meaning is not clear.
§ 480 e. The ending (-in), which seems to stand for older -m^,
has been substituted in (vlaenin) 'flannel', and added in (vlsegin)
'flag'; (fSrin) by the side of (fSr^nt 'foreign' also seems to be due
to such a substitution. For (-in) in champion a. o. see §415b Add.
§ 489. Cp. also (reep) 'reap, sheaf (OE. ripa^ inopa).
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§ 496. (i) in heap is, of course, worthless as evidence of a ME. f ; it may very
well be due to standard English. But (ii) in beam is probably dialectal, for
the word means 'the beam of a plough'.
§ 498. Cp. also standard (ii) in peep, shriek^ sneer, peer a. o. (Heuser,
Beibkitt zur Anglia 10 p. 367) and East Sussex (diiv) 'dive', (hiiv)
'bee-hive', although ME. I has, as a rule, been diphthongized in this
dialect.
§ 515. There is no formal identity between (dhaaz) and standard those, for
the latter points to ME. pqs, and (dha^z) corresponds to a ME. *7?os (see §
262). ME. *pos might be the result of earlier />eos, the regular plural
for 'these'; for the change of eo>d cp. W. Somerset (myyz) 'moss' (§ 280)
and (r3\vz) 'ruse'. The final (z) in (dh99z), as also in standard those, is
due to the final consonant being" taken for the sign of the plural, an
explanation that is also necessary to account for the blending of ME. pq and
pqs under pqs with the meaning 'those' (see also § 530).
§ 519. Note that the modern dialectal forms (tsliAA, tshau) may represent a
single ME. chowen. For in Chippenham (Wiltshire) Ellis's lists give (nau)
'know', (zau) 'sew', (kr3u) 'crow'; and in Pewsey cheiv is pronounced
(tshao), which corresponds to ME. chotcen, whilst ME. u in Pewsey produces
modern (seo). In W. Somerset, however, (tsh9u) cannot correspond to ME.
chowen. We must either assume a ME. form with u, as in the case of fouVf or
the word must be a loanword. The latter explanation is quite possible, for
the real dialectal word seems to be champ, but if it is adopted we still have
to account for (ou) in o-oiv v., claw (§ 286, note 1).
§ 524. Heuser (Beiblatt zur Anglia 10, p, 364) has pointed out that we find
rhymes -ought : aught as early as Spenser, although Spenser only once rhymes
ou : au in other combinations. This makes it probable that -ought had a
different development from ou in other positions in the standard language as
well as in many dialects and independently from them. See also §§ 550, 560.
§ 530. If verjuice, besides (vaardzhes), is also pronounced (vaardzhoz) there
is no doubt that the z is due to the final syllable being taken for the
suffix of the plural.
§ 544. Both W. Somerset and Pewsey have the first elements of diphthongs long
or half-long (cp. here § 7 and Pewsey § 3).
In the dialect of the Baronies of Forth and Bargy (see Heuser, Kildare
Gedichte p. 57) speen 'spend', een 'end', zeend 'send' also point to ME.
-end.
§ 545. Pewsej^ has (gei) in ash-tree, mash, rasher, smash, splash, also in
wash-, the last form shows that the influence of -sh preceded that of w- so
that we may confidently trace (aii) back to ME. ai. We may therefore also
discard the theory that (-aish) in W. Somerset is due to a dialectal
adaptation of the standard pronunciation, as I still thought possible in §
208.
sSlio^
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Pewsey (gEEp) 'g*ape' points to ME. a with a later lengthening ust as
Walker's (gaap); see §203, note, and cp. (aa) in standard father^ rather.
Cp. also Pewsey (jekao)'acre', (jed)'head'; (w3ts) 'oats', (w3m) home',
(tw.^d) 'toad'.
§ 546. Pewsey also has developed a (w) in poison (piiAizn), also in spoil,
hoy (Pewsey § 144, 1).
§ 547. Medial r has become d in Pewsey in contra7'y.
Both W. Somerset and Pewsey have a velar I (see § 64). On the interesting
history of Pewsey I see Pewsey §§ 12, 204, and Museum vol. 12.
Also r in Pewsey has a velar and even a labial articulation which is so
strong that Kjederqvist hesitates whether words beginning with r- are
pronounced with (wr-) or 'the lip-articulation of a w together with tlie
tongue-articulation of an r' (Pewsey § 40). Cp. here p. 58 note 2.
§ 548. Pewsey also shows some back-formations from the preterites: (med)
'may', (klem) 'climb'. Note (k^md) 'came'.
§ 549. Note the substitution of (-m'ent) in vermin in Pewsey, the addition of
-er to mason (mesnao).
§ 567. Cp. in Burns's dialect (jee) 'ae', (jel) 'ale', (jins) 'ance', (jen)
'ane'; in this dialect the development seems to be limited to the diphthong
corresponding to ME. a.
§ 575, note 3. Pewsey (bu3itl) 'beetle, hammer', an undoubtedly dialectal
word, shows that the ME. Wiltshire dialect pronounced I for Oldws. le.
§ 415. Prof. Biilbring suggests: '(vuiird) 'afford' ma}^ be the same voicing
of a voiceless continuant (as in Verner's Law), as is found in examine,
resort, without, tvithin etc, after that had taken place, the first sj'^Uable
was lost: afforcf^ avord, vord.
There is a chronological difficulty, however. The procope took place in ME.,
whilst we find no authority for the unvoicing before the MnE. period. If
Biilbring's explanation is correct, we should be able to prove that such
forms as (feen) 'offend' are due to standard English.
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