kimkat2647e A Welsh Grammar - Historical and Comparative. 1913. John Morris-Jones (1864-1929). Gwefan Cymru-Catalonia.

21-11-2025

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Gwefan Cymru-Catalonia El Web de Gal·les i Catalunya Gramadegau Cymraeg A Welsh Grammar – Historical and Comparative John Morris-Jones (1864-1929) 1913 RHAN 4 TUDALENNAU 100-149

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2644e Rhan 1: Tudalennau i-xxvii

2645e Rhan 2: Tudalennau 1-49 §1- §41

2646e Rhan 3: Tudalennau 50-99 §41- §75

2647e Rhan 4: Tudalennau 100-149 §75- §99

2648e Rhan 5: Tudalennau 150-199 §99- §120

2649e Rhan 6: Tudalennau 200-249 §120- §148

2650e Rhan 7: Tudalennau 250-299 §148- §165

2651e Rhan 8: Tudalennau 300-349 §165- §189

2652e Rhan 9: Tudalennau 350-399 §189- §209

2653e Rhan 10: Tudalennau 400-452 §209- §224

2654e Rhan 11: Tudalennau 453-477 (y mynegai)

Secció 1: Pàgines i-xxvii

Secció 2: Pàgines 1-49 §1- §41

Secció 3: Pàgines 50-99 §41- §75

Secció 4: Pàgines 100-149 §75- §99

Secció 5: Pàgines 150-199 §99- §120

Secció 6: Pàgines 200-249 §120- §148

Secció 7: Pàgines 250-299 §148- §165

Secció 8: Pàgines 300-349 §165- §189

Secció 9: Pàgines 350-399 §189- §209

Secció 10: Pàgines 400-452 §209- §224

Secció 11: Pàgines 453-477 (index)

Part 1: Pages i-xxvii

Part 2: Pages 1-49 §1- §41

Part 3: Pages 50-99 §41- §75

Part 4: Pages 100-149 §75- §99

Part 5: Pages 150-199 §99- §120

Part 6: Pages 200-249 §120- §148

Part 7: Pages 250-299 §148- §165

Part 8: Pages 300-349 §165- §189

Part 9: Pages 350-399 §189- §209

Part 10: Pages 400-452 §209- §224

Part 11: Pages 453-477 (index)

Gweler hefyd / Vegeu també / See also: https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/A_Welsh_Grammar,_Historical_and_Comparative

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thus moroeẟ ‘seas’ < *mórii̯a: Lat. maria;—Ml. W. gw̯ladoeẟ ‘countries’ < *u̯látii̯es;—dannoeẟ fem. m. m. 8 ‘toothache’ < *dántii̯ā;—oeẟ ‘would be, was’ < *´sii̯ēt, § 180 ii (3).

v. Before the accent, in the penult the result varies according to the quality of the accented vowel in the (now lost) ultima; thus:

(1) ii̯é > W. ‑i, as in tri ‘three’ m. < *trii̯és (accented like the f.) < Ar. *tréi̯es (f. *tisorés) see § 103 i (3);—W. trefi ‘towns’ < *trebii̯és.

(2) ii̯ī́ > Ml. W. ‑ei, Mn. W. ‑ai, as in W. r͑ei, rhai ‘some’ § 165 vi, carai ‘would love’ § 180 ii (2); cf. nei, nai vii (2).

(3) ii̯ó > W. ‑yw as in rhyw ‘some’ § 165 vi; cf. gwyw vii (3).

(4) iiá > O. W. ‑ai, Ml. and Mn. W. ‑ae, ‑e, also Ml. W. w͡y; as in O. W. guarai, later gwarae, gware, chwarae, chware ‘to play’, Bret. c’hoari, Corn. hwary < Brit. *(s‑)u̯arii̯ā́ < *u̯ₑrii̯- √*u̯erēi § 63 vii (3); a variant is guarvy b.b. 50 = gw̯arw͡y.

vi. Before the accent in the ante-penult the result varies according as the accent fell on the lost ultima, or on the penult.

(1) In the former case the penult had generally a reduced vowel a (< ə or ₑ) ; the combination ‑ii̯a‑´ gave W. ‑aea- (also written aya), O. Bret, ‑oia‑, Bret. ‑oua‑, ‑oa‑. Thus W. claear ‘lukewarm’, Bret. klouar: Gk. χλιαρός (Ar. alternation k / gh);—W. gaeaf, gayaf, Bret. goañv ‘winter’ < *g̑hii̯əmó‑s: Skr. himáḥ, Lith. žëmà, Gk. χειμών, χεῖμα > Lat. hiems: Gaul. Giamon.., Ir. gem-red (e for ia);—W. traean ‘third part’: Ir. trian;—W. rhaeadr ‘cataract’ < *rii̯ə-tró‑: Ir. riathor: Lat. rīvus, √rei̯ā- ‘flow’;—W. daear ‘earth’, Bret. douar < *g̑hðii̯ₑrā § 98 iii.—‑isa- or ‑esa- gives the same result: Pr. Kelt. *isarno- (*is R-grade of *ais: Lat. aes): Gaul. Ysarno- Iserno‑: W. haearn, hayarn ‘iron’, O. W. Gur-haiernn gen. xxiii, O. Bret. hoiarn.

Before the loss of the accented ending the accent must have shifted to the present penult, which had the next highest stress. In Gwent and part of Dyfed the unaccented a was generally lost; thus daer ‘earth’ now dâr § 29 ii (da’r a nen Wms. 785). The O. W. dair, dayr l.l. 120, gaem b.s.ch. 3 represent this dialect. The reduction is general in claer ‘bright‘ beside claear ‘lukewarm’, with differentiation of meaning. From daer comes daerawl Ỻ.A. 130, 164.

(2) After a labial the above group takes the form ‑w͡ya-

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interchanging with ‑ïa‑; thus W. mw͡yar ‘blackberries’, mïaren ‘bramble’, Ir. smēr ‘blackberry’ < *smii̯ar- < *smii̯oró- (§ 65 vi (2)) : Gk. μόρον (μῶρον, Hes.) (with μ < *smi̯‑?), Lat. mōrum prob. < Gk.;—W. gw͡yal (for *gw̯w͡yal) in morw͡yal ‘laminaria’, gw̯ïal ‘twigs, osiers’ < *u̯ii̯ə‑l‑, √u̯ei̯āˣ- ‘weave’: Lat. vieo, etc.;—W. gw͡yar ‘blood, gore’ < *u̯ii̯ₑr‑: Lat. vīrus;—W. bw͡yall ‘axe’ < *bii̯ald‑, met. for *bii̯adl‑: Ir. biāil, Ml. Bret. bouhazl < *bii̯adl‑: O. N. bilda, O. H. G. bīal < *bīþl *bītl: Lat. findo, √bheied‑?—W. hw͡yad ‘duck’, Gwyn. dial. chw̯ïadan < *s‑u̯ii̯at‑, √a-u̯ei‑: Skr. váya‑ḥ ‘bird’;—W. mw͡yalch ‘ousel’ < *mesₑl‑: Lat. merula < *mesula, O.H.G. amsala, Ger. Amsel.—éso developed similarly (since post-tonic s did not give ẟ); thus *su̯ésores > chwïor-eẟ ‘sisters’, with ‑eẟ added, Bret. choarezed with two additions.

The labial changed the diphthong (Early W. *oi) to wy. Under the new accent wy remained, but became i in the present ante-penult; thus mẃyar: mïáren—*gw̯ẃyal: gw̯ïálen, a new pl. gw̯ḯal being then formed from the latter. Where the sound comes in the present ante-penult in old formations, the form is undecided ; thus O. W. guiannuin ox. ‘Spring’, Early Ml. W. guaiannu(i)n, guayanuhin a.l. i 142, also gwahanwyn do. 308, Ml. and Mn. W. gwannw͡yn, gwanw͡yn < Brit. *u̯esant‑´: Skr. vasantá‑ḥ ‘Spring’, Lat. vēr < *u̯ēsr.

(3) When the following a or o was affected, the diphthong became y or e, liable to be assimilated and lost; thus r͑yeidɏr, r͑eydɏr ‘cataracts’, heyrn ‘irons’ § 69 ii (3), Gwyn. dial. hɥ̂rn for hɥɥrn;—W. tair ‘three’ f., Ml. and O. W. teir for *tyeir (cf. breint, Seint § 103 ii (1)), Ir. teoir < *tisorés: Skr. tisráḥ; so W. pedair ‘four’ f., Ir. cetheoir < *q^u̯etesorés: Skr. cátasraḥ.

Such forms as heiyrn, rheieidr are quite late and artificial. But some old re-formations occur when the diphthong stood in the present ante-penult, as deyeryn (‑yn ≡ ‑in) b.a. 12 ‘earthen’, heyernin ib. ‘of iron’, daeerin r.p. 1281, mïéri, pl. of mïáren.

(4) Secondly, the vowel following the diphthong is accented. In that case the diphthong became e or y liable to be assimilated and lost, as in (3) above. Thus W. ëog ‘salmon’ < *esā́k‑: Ir. ēo, gen. iach;—W. deall, dyall, dallt § 82 ii (3) ‘understanding’, deallt-wriaeth id., N.W. dial. dāllt < *dii̯ált- < *dii̯ā́lt- § 74 iv, met. for *dii̯ā́-tlo‑, √dhei̯ā- ‘appear, perceive’: Skr. dhyā-yati ‘thinks’, dhīraḥ ‘intelligent’; Ml. W. dyat ‘thought’ < *dii̯á‑t- with

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analog. accentuation for original *dhii̯ə-tó‑; Ml. W. gorffywys, later, with y lost, gorffwys ‘rest’ < *u̯er-q^u̯ii̯éi‑st‑, √q^u̯ei̯ēi̯‑: Lat. quiēsco.

(5) Latin pretonic i or e before a vowel is treated as i̯, thus diáb(o)lus gives di̯awl § 100 ii (1).

vii. Except as above, ‑es‑, ‑is- before a vowel developed differently from ‑ii̯‑, chiefly because post-tonic s did not, like i̯, become ẟ.

(1) In the penult after the accent ‑es- > ‑i̯‑ ; thus Ml. W. tei ‘houses’ < *tigi̯a < *tigesa § 104 ii 2;—W. clyw ‘hearing’ < *klou̯i̯- § 76 v (2) < *kléu̯es‑, nom. *kléu̯os: Ir. clū, Gk. κλέος < *kléu̯os, neut. s-stem.—So ‑ep‑: W. ceifn ‘distant cousin’ < *kóm-ni̯ōs < *kóm-nepōt‑s, see § 123 v.

(2) In the penult and ante-penult, when és came before ‑e‑, contraction took place, and ése > ei > W. w͡y; thus W. wy‑t ‘art’ < *ése tū < Ar. *esi ‘art’;—W. neithi̯wyr < *nokti di̯éser- § 98 i (3).—So épe: W. twymn < *tepesm(e)n- § 86 i (3).

In the penult ‑és- before ‑ī- gave oe; thus W. chwaer for *chwoer i (4), Corn. hoer < *su̯ésīr < *suésōr;—W. doe ‘yesterday’ < *désī < *ghði̯esei: Lat. heri, Gk. χθές, Skr. hyaḥ.—Corn. noi ‘nephew’ < *népōts.—‑es- before ī́ prob. gave ei (like ‑ii̯- before ‑ī́‑, see v), and Ml. W. nei, Mn. nai ‘nephew’ may represent *nepṓts (accented like the f. *neptís: Skr naptī́ḥ).—‑es- before ‑i̯´- gave y, as in Ml. W. y ‘his’ < *esi̯ó, y ‘her’ (for e?) < *esi̯ā́s, § 160 iv.

Lat. ‑ai̯i̯- > Ml. W. ei, Mn. W. ai as in Mei, Mai ‘May’ < Mai̯i̯us (Sommer 225); Ml. W. Kei < Caius.

(3) Before lost u or o, ‑es- or ‑is- gives yw (ew); as Ml. W. Ywein, Ewein, later Owein < *Esu-gani̯os: Gaul. Esugen(ios), Ir. Eogan: Gk. Εὐγένιος. So perhaps in the (pretonic) penult: W. gwyw ‘withered’ < *u̯isú‑: Ir. feugud gl. marcor, Icel. visenn: Lith. výstu ‘I wither’, Lat. viēsco.

So īs before lost u or o gives iw, and ais gives oew: W. gwiw ‘good’ < *u̯īsus < *u̯ēsu‑s: Gaul. Visu-rix: Skr. vásu‑ḥ, Gk. εὖ, √eu̯eseu̯‑;—W. gwaew ‘spear’ for *goew § 78 ii (2) < *gaison: Gaul. gaison whence Lat. gaesum: Ir. gae.

Lat. e in the penult gives ew before lost o or u: W. llew

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‘lion’ < leo; pydew ‘pit’ < puteus; olew ‘oil’ < oleum. But Lat. i in the same position gave i̯ which affected the vowel: W. yspeil < spolium; so sometimes e: W. cŷn ‘chisel’ < Lat. cuneus.

viii. (1) In final syllables, lost in W., Ar. ai, oi, ei became ī in Brit. and Gaul.; thus the nom. pl. ending of noun o-stems, which in Pr. Kelt., as in Lat. and Gk., was *‑oi (instead of Ar. *‑ōs), became ‑ī (though ‑oi also survives in a North Italian Kelt. insc.: Tanotaliknoi, Rhys, CIFI. 60); thus Brit. *bardos pl. *bardī > W. bardd, pl. beirdd.

‑āi unaccented > ai > ī, thus Gaul. Βηλησαμι dat. of a name whose nom. occurs as Belisama; ōi > ūi, in Pr. Kelt, later ū, § 60, cf. Ir. dat. fiur ‘to a man’ < dat. *u̯irōi; ‑ēi doubtless gave ‑ī.

(2) But in monosyllables Ar. ‑ai, ‑oi, ‑ei remained in Kelt., and developed as follows in W.:

‑ai > ‑oe, thus Ar. *u̯ai > *gwoe > gwae § 78 ii (2).

‑ei > wy; W. wy ‘they’ < *ei: Ir. ē.

‑oi > wy; W. pwy ‘who?’ < *q^u̯o-i = Lat. quī § 163 vi; when unaccented it became eu (O. W. ou, oi) § 78 iii, thus Ar. *moi, *toi > W. meu, teu § 161 iv.

§ 76. i. The Ar. diphthongs au, eu, ou were distinct in Pr. Kelt., but tended later to become one sound, which is written ou. In Gaul. eu was still written as well as ou in forms having original eu, as in teuto- beside τοουτιους and Neviod… beside Noviodunum; we also find αυ, iii (4). In Brit. we may assume ou for all three. In W. it takes a variety of forms according to its position. The same development is shared by uu̯ whether from Ar. uu̯ § 63 iv or from Lat. u before a vowel.

ii. (1) Before a consonant, except s, the diphthong became u (≡ ü) in W., ūa in Ir. Thus W. tud ‘people, country’, Ir. tūath < *teutā, Gaul. teuto‑: Goth. þiuda, etc.;—W. rhudd ‘red’, Ir. rūad < *roudh-os, Gaul. Roud-ius: Goth. rauþs;—W. cudd ‘hidden’, cuddio ‘to hide’ < *qeudh‑: Gk. κεύθω, O. E. hȳde, E. hide;—W. bugail ‘shepherd’ < *bou-koli̯ós < *ɡ^u̯ou-qoli̯ós: Gk. βουκόλος.

In Brit. it was probably sounded ọ^u̯; and Lat ō (≡ ọ̄) and ū shared its development; thus W. ffurf < Lat. fōrma; mur < Lat. mūrus, etc.

(2) But original eus gives W. ew, as rhew ‘ice’ < *preus‑:

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Lat. pruīna < *prusuīna;—W. trew ‘sneeze’ < *(s)treu‑s‑, √pstereu- § 96 ii (4);—W. blew ‘hair’ < *bleus- § 101 iii (2).

The reason seems to be that *eus became *eh^u̯ before the degradation of the first element of the diphthong.

(3) The diphthong was liable to be simplified by dissimilation when the following syllable contained u̯ or u; thus Ar. *tauros ‘bull’ became Kelt. *tauru̯os (in imitation of *u̯eru̯ā > Ml. Ir. ferb ‘cow’, Vendryes MSL. xii. 40), whence Kelt. *taru̯os > Ir. tarb, W. tarw ‘bull’. Later, when au had become ou in Brit., *ou-tūt- > *o-tūt- > W. odid ‘rarity’, beside Ir. ōthad, uathad < *au-tāt‑, both from *pau‑: Lat. pau-cu‑s, O.H.G. fōh, E. few.

iii. (1) Before a vowel the diphthong became aw when unaffected. Thus W. naw ‘nine’ < Brit. *nou̯an < Ar. *neu̯n̥;—W. baw ‘dirt’ < *bou̯‑, beside budr ‘dirty’ < *bou-tro- √peu̯(āˣ)‑: Lat. pūs, etc. § 101 iii (2);—W. awydd ‘desire’ for *aw̯w͡yẟ (rh. with rhŵyẟ § 38 x) < *au̯eid‑: Lat. avidus < *au̯id‑, √au̯ei̯‑.—So Brit. au for unacc. āu as in Ml. W. andaw ‘listen’, met. for *adnaw < *áti-gnā-u- ‘attend to’ < *g̑n̥̄‑u̯- √g̑enē‑: Lat. nāvus, Ir. aithgne ‘cognitio’. So also uu̯ for Lat. u before a vowel, as W. cystrawen ‘syntax’ < Lat. construenda.

(2) But in the penult (the present ult.) post-tonic ´‑ou- gives Ml. W. ‑eu, Mn. W. ‑au; thus the pl. endings *´‑ou̯es, *´‑ou̯a give W. ‑eu, ‑au, as in cadau ‘armies’ < *kátou̯es, dagrau ‘tears’ < Ar. *dák̑ruu̯ə; similarly angau ‘death’ < *ánkou̯‑; cigleu ‘I have heard’ < *k̑ū́k̑lou̯a § 182 i.

In this case ‑eu does not affect a preceding a as it does when it is itself the result of affection § 69 vi, as in teneu < *tanouís.

The above change may be due to a doubling of u̯, see § 62 i (2), thus *auu̯ > *üu̯ > *üü̯ > *öü > O. W. oü, Ml. W. eü.

(3) i̯ou̯- gives W. ieu (≡ i̯eü). Thus W. ieuanc ‘young’ < Brit. *i̯ou̯ankos < Ar. i̯uu̯n̥k̑os: Lat. juvencus § 100 i (1);—W. Ieuan < *I̯ou̯ánnes for lōánnes;—Mn. W. Iau, Ml. W. Ieu ‘Jove’ < Brit. gen. *I̯ou̯-os for Lat. Jovis;—Mn. W. iau, Ml. W. ieu ‘yoke’ < *i̯ou̯-ón < *juɡ-óm, see vi (1). Here we have the assimilation of u̯ to i̯ by which it becomes ü; cf. the assim. of i̯ to ü in ‑i̯oü in O. W., § 25 i.

An alternative form i̯ef‑, if- appears in the penult: iefanc, ifanc; Iefan, Ifan. The latter is attested in the 14th cent: ivanghet c.m. 84. Later it is common: Pawb yn eu rhif yn ifanc S.C., c. i 114 ‘all in their [full] number young’.

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Ifanc, ifanc a ofyn:

Henaint, at henaint y tyn.—S.Ph. br. iv 391.

‘The young seeks the young: old age is drawn to old age.’ The form i̯ef- is probably older, but cannot be verified; Ml. W. ieu- is ambiguous, but doubtless generally meant i̯eü‑. The latter form is seen in

Paham, a minneu ’n ieuanc,

Yr wyf yn rhwym ar fy nhranc?—B.A. Ỻ 133/77.

‘Why, when I am young, am I bound at death’s door?’ The dialects now have if‑, as Ifan, ifanc, but i̯enctid for i̯euenctid ‘youth’.

(4) The ante-vocalic form aw may occur before a consonant where the vowel after it has dropped, as in W. cawr ‘giant’ < Brit. *kou̯arós: Gaul. Καυαρος, Ir. caur (< W.?) √k̑eu̯ā‑. We also have aw regularly for Lat. au, as in awdur < Lat. au(c)tṓrem; llawẟ ‘praise’ < laudem; Ml. W. Pawl < Paulus (the biblical Paul is merely the Eng. form, and is pronounced Pôl).

W. nawn ‘noon’ < *nouna possibly dial. Lat. for nōna ( < *nou̯enā), cf. Pelignian Nounis ‘Nonius’, and Lat. old spelling noundinum. Sir John Rhys suggests the influence of Brit. *nou̯an. See § 81 iii (2).

(5) Except when affected as in iv (4), v (3) (5), Brit. āu̯ gave u in W., as in bu ‘has been’ < *(be)bā́u̯e < Ar. *bhebhōu̯e § 189 iv (3); caru ‘to love’ < *karā́-u- § 202 ii. When unaccented ā was shortened, iii (1), § 74.

iv. The penultimate affection of the diphthong has the forms ew, yw, and eu; thus

(1) Before ĭ or ī remaining as y or i, it appears as ew, as in newyẟ ‘new’, Bret. nevez < *nouíi̯os < *neu̯ii̯os;—W. cnewyll ‘kernels’ < *kneu̯‑: E. nut < *knu‑d‑;—W. ewythr ‘uncle’ < *au̯on-tēr: Lat. avun-culus < *au̯on- (nom. *au̯ō see v (5)); Bret. eontr (eo for eu; i lost), Corn. euitor (‑tor ≡ tr̥?); W. ewyllys ‘will’ < *ou̯i‑, √au̯ei‑. Similarly rhewin ‘ruin’ derived from the Lat. ruīna.

(2) Before i̯ when pretonic it is eu (≡ eü), the i̯ being lost ; thus W. breuan ‘handmill’ for *breuon < *broui̯ón- (: Corn. brou, Bret. breo, Ir. brāu all from nom. *broui̯ō, Ir. gen. broon): Goth. quairnus, E. quern, √ɡ^u̯erā‑.

But when accented it is yw as in ultimate aff. ; thus cyw

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‘young of an animal’ < *kóui̯ō pl. cywi̯on < *kóui̯ones, see v (6);—distrywi̯af < *dī-stróui̯a-mi, v (2);—llywiaf ‘I steer’: llyw ‘rudder’ ib.

In late formations i̯ has no effect: gwrandawi̯ad ‘hearing’ from gwrandaw ‘to listen’.

(3) Where it remained a diphthong before a consonant iii (4), its affected form is eu; thus ceuri p 94/179 r. ‘giants’ now ceiri (in Tre’r Ceiri, etc.) by § 77 ix, pl. of cawr; the usual pl. cewri w. m. 441, Ỻ.a. 44 is a re-formation;—W. beudy < Brit. *bou̯i-tigos, a later formation than *boukoli̯os ii (1) (cf. Lat. nāufragus, later nāvi-fragus);—Ml. W. Meuruc § 77 viii < Mauricius, Ml. W. cyngheussaeth < *con-caus‑i̯‑act‑: cyngaws ‘lawsuit’ < Lat. causa.

(4) ā́u̯i̯ became ā́i̯, giving w͡y § 75 i (3); as andwyo ‘to mar, spoil’ met. for *ad-nwy-o < *ati-nāu̯‑i̯‑, niwed ‘injury’ for *nwyet § 78 iv < nā́u̯-i̯at- < *nōu̯‑i̯‑: Lith. novýti ‘to afflict’ < *nōu̯ī‑.

v. In the present ultima the diphthong, when affected, takes various forms, as follows:

(1) The ordinary affection is Ml. W. eu, Mn. W. au; this occurs:

1 . Before unaccented ‑ī; as dau ‘two’ m., Ml. deu, O. W. dou < *dóu̯ī < Ar. *duu̯ō(u̯): Gk. δύω, δύο, Lat. duo, Skr. duvā́(u);—W. tau ‘is silent’ < *tou̯īt < * (s)tup-ēit, beside taw ‘be silent!’ < *tóu̯e;—W. cenau ‘whelp’ < *kanóuī < *kanóu̯ō: Ir. cana: from *k(u̯)ₑn‑: Lat. canis.

2. Before accented ĭ; as W. teneu ‘thin’ (Corn. tanow, Bret. tanao) < *tanouís < *tₑnuu̯ís: Lat. tenuis, Skr. tanúḥ f. tanvī́.

3. Before a consonant; as W. haul ‘sun’ < Brit. *sau’li̯ós < *sāu̯eli̯ós: Gk. ἠέλιος, ἥλιος, Dor. ᾱ̓έλιος Lith. sáulė, Skr. sū́rya‑ḥ, Lat. sōl < *sāuol < *sāuel. (´‑li̯- would have given W. II; hence we assume Brit. ‑li´‑; see also § 113 i (5).)

Ml. W. eur, Mn. W. aur ‘gold’ cannot be from aurum which gave Ml. aur (≡ awr), and Bret. aour. The Mn. W. aur, Ml. eur represents the adj. *auri̯os for aureus, which spread from expressions like modrwy aur ‘gold(en) ring’, etc. The noun is seen in ef guisgus aur (u ≡ w) b.a. 38 ‘he wore gold’.

¶ The above is the ordinary affected form, which is used e.g. in the

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formation of the 3rd sg. pres. ind. of verbs; thus tereu ‘strikes’: taraw = saif: saf § 173 iv (1). It is seen that when ‑eu is the result of affection as above, an a before it is affected to e; see iii (2).

(2) ‑óu̯i̯- gives ‑yw. Thus W. dilyw ‘flood’ (now generally misspelt diluw) < *dīlóu̯i̯o- < Lat. dīluvium;—distryw ‘destruction’ < *dī-stróu̯i̯‑: Goth. straujan, Lat. destruo ; the vb. is distrywi̯af iv (2);—W. llyw ‘rudder’, < *lóu̯i̯o‑: Ir. lue < *lu-ii̯o‑: Gk. πλόος, √pleu‑;—W. clyw ‘hearing’ < *klou̯i̯- < k̑léu̯es- § 75 vii (1).

There is no reason to suppose that uu̯ became iu̯ in Brit., as stated by Pedersen, Gr. i 61; yw is from óu̯i̯ as above. Clywaf ‘I hear’ is a denominative from clyw, cf. clywẏaf c.m. 32 (the pres. stem of √k̑leu̯- meant ‘to be named’, and clywaf cannot come directly from it; cf. Meillet, MSL. xv 337).

(3) ‑ā́u̯i̯- became ‑ā́i- which gives ‑w͡y § 75 i (3); thus W. wy ‘egg’ < Brit. *ā́u̯i̯on < Ar. *ṓu̯i̯om: Gk. ὤιον, ᾦον, Lat. ōvum;—Cornwy < Cornā́u̯i̯‑(a);—Aethwy r.p. 1419 < *Oethwy § 78 ii (3) < Octā́vius.

Pedersen Gr. i. 66 suggests that Ir. og is borrowed from W., but this is improbable, and does not help to explain the ‑g. Thurneysen IA. xxvi 26 insists upon a Kelt. *ugos, *uges. The fact, however, seems to be that u̯i̯ under certain conditions became in Ir. a spirant written g; thus Ir. ugaire ‘shepherd’ < *ou̯i̯-ārius: ōi, ui ‘sheep’, Lat. ovis; Mn. Ir. ughachd ‘will’ < *ou̯i̯-akt‑, √au̯ei̯‑, iv (1). Eng. egg is from Icel. egg < Pr. Germ. *ajja- < *ōu̯i̯o‑.

(4) ‑ou̯ī́ or ‑ou̯i̯´- was similarly simplified to ‑o-ī́, ‑oi̯´‑, which gives ‑w͡y; thus W. dwy ‘two’ f. < *dou̯ī́ < *duu̯ái: Lat. duae, Skr. duvé < *duu̯ái;—W. aswy ‘left (hand)’ < *at-sou̯i̯-ā́: Skr. savyá‑ḥ ‘left’.

‑wy as in (3) and (4) may be weakened to ‑eu; as Cerneu, asseu; these are not direct affections, as shown by the unaffected a‑; also to w, assw, see § 78 iii, i.

(5) ‑āu̯ī́, ‑āuí- or ‑āu̯i̯´- by the shortening of unacc. ā became ‑au̯ī́, ‑au̯í- or ‑au̯i̯´- simplified to ‑a-ī́, ‑a-í- or ‑ai̯´‑, which gives ‑oe. The simplification here was late, so that ‑au̯ī́ did not, like ‑asī́, give ‑ei. It did not take place in Bret. and Corn., in which the groups appear as ‑ou (‑ow). In W. ‑oe generally becomes ‑o, 78 i (1). Examples: ‑(g)no in proper names; Iud-noe l.l. 176, 187, Balch-noe D. G. 43; Gueithgno l.l. 144, Guiþno

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(wrongly wr. guipno) gen. v, Mn. W. Gwyddno; Mochno b.b. 61, Beuno Ỻ.A. 119, Mn. W. Tudno, Machno, etc., all < *‑gnāu̯i̯ó‑s: Lat. Gnaeus < *gnā-u̯i̯os < *g̑n̥̄‑, √g̑enē- ‘be born’. (With the accent on the ā́ it gave ‑nwy by (3), as Mochnwy b.b. 47, Gronwy § 78 i (2), weakened to ‑neu, see (4), as Guitneu b.b. 98, 106, Iudnou l.l. 73, 77, etc.);—W. clo ‘lock’ < *qlāu̯-ís: Gk. κληίς, Lat. clāvis, √(s)qlāu̯‑;—W. noe ‘large bowl’ < *nāu̯i̯ā́: Lat. nāvia, nāvis, Gk. ναῦς, Ion. νηῦς, Skr. nā́uḥ;—W. athro ‘guardian, teacher’, < *altrāu̯ī́ < *altrāu̯ṓ < *altro-au̯ṓ, § 155 ii (1): *au̯on- iv (1); pl. athrawon, alltrawon < *altrāu̯ónes; f. elltrewyn ‘stepmother’ < *altrāu̯ónī; Bret. aoutrou ‘seigneur’, Corn. altrou ‘fosterfather’.

The mas. sg. is athro in all Ml. W. texts: b.b. 86; a.l. i 338; w.m. 128, 452–3; r.m. 100–1, 202; Ỻ.A. 3, 6, 49, 107, 113; r.p. 1225, 1241, 1255, 1345, 1348; r.b. 975; Io. G. 640, etc.; and in the early edns. of the Bible. The late athraw (Salesbury, Dic.) is an artificial form deduced from the pl. Cae Athro (near Carnarvon) is so named locally; Cae-athraw is a misspelling which came through the Sunday school from late edns. of the Bible. The sg. alltraw is also artificial. (So in late W. cenaw is written for cenau in defiance of the pronunciation in all the dialects, which is cene or cena implying cenau § 6 iii.) Pughe's fem. elltrewen is his own invention; ‑en would not affect the ‑aw- to ‑ew‑.

Other examples of the same development, though the orig. formation is not so clear in these, are—W. glo ‘coal’ for *gw̯loe < Brit. *gu̯lāu̯ís, √g̑u̯el(āˣ)‑: E. coal, Skr. jválati ‘blazes’;—W. gro ‘gravel’ < *grāu̯ís < *ɡhrōu‑, √ghreu̯‑: Lat. rūdus, E. grit;—W. tyno ‘plain, meadow’ for *tno, O. W. tnou l.l. 32, 44, 74, Bret. tnou (: W. teneu, √ten- ‘stretch’?).

(6) Doublets occur for several reasons.—1. Difference of accentuation in Brit.; thus W. gwryw ‘male’, benyw ‘female’ < Brit. *uiróu̯i̯os, *banóu̯i̯os, beside guru, banu a.l. i 272 = Gwyn. dial. gwrw, banw for *gwrwy *banwy < *u̯irou̯i̯ós, *banou̯i̯ós.—2. Difference of ending, as in ceneu ‘whelp’ < *kanóuō, see (1) above, beside cnyw ‘young of an animal’ < *k(a)nóu̯i̯ō, whence, by § 101 ii (2), cyw ‘young of an animal’ pl. cywion < *k(n)óu̯i̯ones.—3. Difference of strong and weak forms; as asswy beside asseu and assw, Gronwy beside Gronw, Cornwy beside Corneu, see § 78.

Note. It is to be observed that ‑ō does not produce i-affection in Bret.; hence W. aff. dau, but Bret. unaff. daou, < *dúu̯ō. On the other hand W. aff. haul, Bret. aff. heol both from *sau’li̯os. The assumption usually made that āu gives W. ‑eu, ‑au based entirely upon these two words (taken as *d(u̯)āu, *sāu’l‑) does not explain the difference in Bret.

vi. (1) ug before a vowel > uu̯ in Brit. and developed like

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ordinary uu̯ or ou̯. Thus W. traw-af ‘I strike’ < *trug-ami < *prug- for *pu̯r̥g‑, √(s)phu̯ereɡ- § 97 v (3);—after i̯‑, iii (3), W. iau ‘yoke’: Lat. jugum, Gk. ζυγόν, Skr. yugám all < Ar. *jugóm;—before i retained as y, W. llewych ‘light’ < *lug-isk‑;—before lost i, O. W. poullor-aur, Ml. W. peullawr b.t. 25 ‘writing tablet’ < Lat. pugillāres;—before ‑ū, W. go-lev ‘light’ < Brit. *u̯o-lugū.—For ug before i̯ see § 104 ii (2).

(2) But oug has the regular development of ou̯ before a consonant, and gives *üᵹ > ü, as W. llu ‘host’, Ir. slūag < *sloug‑, § 95 i;—W. tru, tru-an ‘wretched’, Ir. trūag < *troug-os;—W. bu-arth ‘farmyard’ < *bou-gart‑: Lat. hortus § 99 vi.

vii. In Brit. m between vowels or sonants was already loosened to nasalized v or u̯; after a vowel it is therefore treated partly as a consonant and partly as the second element of a diphthong.

(1) am generally gives af as in the spv. ending ‑haf § 147 iv (2), hafal ‘like, equal’: Ir. samail § 94 i; affected it gives medially ef before a vowel, eif before i̯, ef or eu before n, as in defnydd or deunydd f. 37 ‘material’ < *dam-níi̯o‑: Ir. damnae id., √demā- ‘build’; cyntefig ‘primitive’: cyntaf ‘first’;—finally, eu, as W. edau, edeu ‘thread’ < *etamī, O. W. etem (≡ edɥṽ?), pl. edafeẟ < *etamíi̯ās < *petə‑, √petē‑; so Ml. W. gwelleu ‘shears’, Mn. W. gwellau pl. gwelleifiau; Mn. lit. gwellaif is deduced from the pl.; hynaif is doubtless analogical; so drycheif, dyrchaif, § 188 iii. The variant of ‑eu is ‑yf: crog-edyf ‘dropwort’.

(2) em gives ef finally, as in nef § 100 v; medially ef as in gefell ‘twin’ < Lat. gemellus; or ỿf as in Dyfed < Demeta; or (before w͡y) y(w) as in tywyll § 111 i (2), tywyẟ § 86 i (5); affected, finally, ‑yf or ‑eu; as cleẟyf or cleẟeu ‘sword’ < *klad-emō (cf. Gk. ἀκρεμών), √qolād‑; pl. cleddyfau a new formation; so neẟyf or neẟeu ‘adze’, § 130 i.

(3) om gives of as in dof ‘tame’: Lat. domāre; affected, yf as in Selyf § 69 iv (1); before ‑n- it gives af as in safn ‘mouth’ < *stom‑n‑: Gk. στόμα; affected, eif as in ceifn § 75 vii (1), simplified to ef, § 78 v, in the improper compound cefnderw, O. W. pl. ceintiru § 137 ii.

(4) um before a vowel gives ‑w(f), ‑ỿf‑, as in tw(f) ‘growth’, tyfu ‘to grow’: Lat. tumeo; before n it gives aw, af or w, as in

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Ml. W. ysgawn > S.W. ysgon, also ysgafn, Mn. W. and N. W. ysgafn, Ml. W. ysgwn § 101 iv (3).

viii. (1) After the prefixes *ko‑, *to‑, *do‑, *ro- an initial u̯- was heterosyllabic, and the o of the prefix becomes ỿ regularly § 65 iv (2), as in cỿ-wir ib., tỿ-wysog ‘prince’, dỿ-wedaf § 194 ‘I say’, rhỿ-wynt ‘hurricane’.

(2) The vowel also develops regularly before gu̯, as in tew ‘thick’, Ir. tiug < *tegu̯‑: E. thick; cf. ii (2).

ix. (1) iu̯ and īu̯ occurred as V- and R-grades of ei̯eu̯, ei̯ēu̯, etc.; Kelt. īu̯ also < Ar. ēu̯. The i or ī appears regularly in W. as y or i. Thus byw ‘live’ < ɡ^u̯iu̯- § 63 vii (3);—W. lliw < *līu̯‑: Lat. līvor.

(2) īu̯o gives W. üo or üa (§ 65 v (1)); thus W. buan ‘quick’ < Brit. *bīu̯o-no‑s § 63 vii (3);—W. hual ‘shackle’ for *ffual < *fīu̯ol < Lat. fībula;—original īo > īu̯o > üo as in lluossawc § 75 iii (3).

Later Modifications of Vowels.

§ 77. i. In Late Ml. W. ɥ, when short, became i before g (then written c) or ng. Thus in the unaccented ultima in Late Ml. W. we generally find ic, sometimes ing, as tebic w.m. 122, 129, 142, r.m. 164, 213, etc.; meddic w.m. 141, r.m. 113, 212, 306, r.p. 1298; kyving r.m. 110 (but kyvyng w.m. 46, 465, r.m. 32). Such words are rhymed by the bards with monosyllables having i (not ɥ):

Ond dychmygion dynion dig,

A cham oedd pob dychymig.—D.G. 22; see 246.

‘[They were] but jealous men’s fancies, and every fancy was false.’

Rhinwedd mab Ieuan feddig

Ar dy rudd fal aur a drig.—L.G.C. 348.

‘The virtue of Ab Ieuan the physician will dwell as gold on thy cheek.’

A’i frig yn debig i dân.—D.E., g. 125.

‘And its tips like fire.’—To a woman’s hair. See 133, and D.G., 27, 285. See tebig / diwig / cerrig / llewig / rhyfig, etc. E.P. 283.

In a monosyllable before g the vowel is long, § 51 iii, and therefore remains ɥ, as in plŷg ‘fold’, crŷg ‘hoarse’ see plyc w.m. 89, r.m. 65; but before ng it is short, § 51 ii, hence ing ‘anguish’, which is for ɥng r.p. 1286, 1407; cf. the derivative ỿg̃der r.m. 119.

The only words in which the vowel is sounded ɥ in the unaccented ult. are compounds of plyg, cryg etc., as dyblyg D.G. 258, (g)w͡yrblyg 255, ogryg 244, deuẟyblyc Ỻ.A. 68; also the 3rd sing. pres. ind. of

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verbs with stems ending in ‑og, as ysgyg D.G. 370 ‘shakes’ (though we have ennic c.m. 13 from annoc ‘incite’). In other cases the sound is ig. The late Mn. spellings meddyg, tebyg etc., are purely artificial, deduced from meddỿgon, tebỿgu etc. A few words of this class are still written phonetically, as cerrig.

The sound was ɥ in Early Ml. W. as shown by the rhyme cerryg / plyg C. m.a. i 241, and the assonance metic / bid b.b. 76 (≡ meẟɥg / bɥd); and ỿ the mutation of ɥ remains in the penult. Hence we have two forms: (1) ‑ig for ‑ɥg < ‑ĭc‑, which becomes ‑ỿg- in the penult; (2) ‑ig for ‑ig < ‑īc‑, which is ‑ig- in the penult. Thus (1) meddig < Lat. medĭcus, pl. meddỿgon, (2) lleithig < Lat. lectīca, pl. lleithigeu. In Mn. W. one or two words of the second class have passed over to the first: perigl ‘danger’ < Lat. perīc’lum; cynnig ‘to offer’ < Lat. condīco, though still sounded perigl, cynnig are written perygl, cynnyg because, by false analogy, derived forms have come to be sounded with ỿ as perỿglus, cỿnỿgi̯af. In Ml. W. the penult had i in these, as periglwys r.b.b. 44–5, periglus Ỻ.A. 146, berigleu r.b.b. 121, gynigwyt w.m. 168, gynnigẏwyt r.M. 234, kynnigẏwys do. 144.

ii. ɥ becomes i in the unaccented ult. in some cases after g or ng; thus ergyt w.m. 110, 111 ‘shot’; ergit r.m. 80, 81, r.b.b. 42, now ergid (written ergyd); efengil R.Ỻ., f. 5, E.P. 278 ‘gospel’; so sounded now though written efengyl; megis / dis, D.G. 315; cregin for *cregyn. But as a rule ɥ remain ; egyr ‘opens’, diogyn ‘idler’, negydd ‘denier’, dengys ‘shows’, are so pronounced, owing to the influence of analogical forms without g or ng.

iii. In the same position ɥ frequently becomes i after penultimate i or ei; thus llinɥn w.m. 75 ‘string’, but llinin four lines earlier, also 78, llinin r.m. 54, 56 (each time), dibin c.m. 91 ‘hang’, amẟiffin p 21/1 r. ‘to defend’, gwlithin w.m. 455, r.m. 102 ‘dewdrop’, giliẟ w.m. 9, 134 ‘other’, origin Ỻ.A. 122 ‘a moment’, (double dim. of awr ‘hour’), dilin d.g. 343 ‘to follow’.

Derfel wrth ryfel a thrin

Dewr oedd, a da i wreiddin.—D.I.D., g. 178.

‘He was a brave Derfel in war and encounter, and of good stock.’

Herwydd nas gwnai ddyhirin

Fentri̯o i oes o fewn trin.—S.T., g.r. 369.

‘Because a dastard would not risk his life in battle.’

But analogy has always tended to preserve the termination ‑yn:

Ysbys y dengys y dŷn

O ba radd y bo i wreiddɥn.—T.A., f. 33.

‘Plainly does a man show of what degree his origin is.’

O chyrch dyrfa, deca’ dŷn,

Daw i’w harail dihirɥn.—D.G., 173.

‘If she hies to a gathering, fairest maid, a knave comes to watch her.’

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The sound is now i, as llinin, dibin, amddiffin, giliẟ, gwreiẟin, etc.; the y written is an etymological spelling. Sometimes it is wrongly written, as in ers meityn for ers meitin § 70 v. This may also occur in Ml. W. as in yr meityn w.m. 17, r.m. 11 beside the correct er meitin w.m. 128, 138, yr meitin r.m. 280, cf. meitin/ffin b.a. 18; dilyt beside dilit w.m. 41.

iv. In Mn. W. ɥ followed by i in some common groupings became i; thus cerɥ di ‘thou lovest’ became ceri di, and ceri supplanted cerɥ as the regular form. So wrthɥf i, wrthɥt ti became wrthif i, wrthit ti, and the 1620 Bible has wrthif, wrthit; so gennif, gennit; but later the Ml. forms with y were restored in writing. [The dialects developed new formations.]

v. The diphthong ɥw is now sounded iw after front consonants: after c (≡ k̑) in cyw ≡ k̑iw (but pl. cỿwi̯on ≡ qəui̯on), after r in rhyw and its compounds amryw, cyfryw, etc., in dryw, ystryw, gwryw, after n in benyw, and initially in yw ‘is’, yw ‘to his’ now written i’w. (Gwryw, benyw, yw ‘is’ are not dialectal forms in N. W., but are sounded with ‑iw in reading or quoting.) Ml. W. nywl r.m. 46, w.m. 64 ‘fog’ is now written niwl, § 37 ii. In distryw, dilyw the ‑iw sound is earlier, on account of the preceding i; both are often spelt with ‑iw in Ml. W. After d and ẟ the sound iw is still earlier; thus ydiw, heẟiw are so spelt in Ml. W. in MSS. where i and y are distinguished.

The only words remaining now with ɥw are bɥw, clɥw, llɥw ‘prince’ and llɥw ‘rudder’ (also sounded lliw), gwyw ‘withered’ in addition to Duw which is sounded Dɥw in Late Mn. W.; and compounds of these lledfyw, hyglyw, etc.

vi. In the Mn. language ɥ in the unaccented ult. is sounded i before ll in some words; as cyllyll ‘knives’, gwyntyll ‘fan’; in some, as candryll ‘shattered’ (lit. ‘100 bits’), both ɥ and i are heard; others have ɥ always, as sefyll. This modification sometimes appears in late MSS.; but is not recognized in the rhymes of the bards.

vii. (1) In Ml. W. u (≡ ü) was unrounded to i after the labial in govut ‘pain’; the usual Ml. form is govut w.m. 138 l. 15; 231; but gofit w.m. 138 l. 4; 131, 141, etc.; Mn. W. gofid.

(2) In a few cases ɥ came to be rounded after a labial; thus pump ‘five’ for an earlier pɥmp, O.W. pimp, bustl ‘gall’ for *bɥstl: Bret. bestl (Bret. e = W. y § 16 iv (2)).

viii. As it was difficult to pronounce unrounded i or ɥ and rounded ü in consecutive syllables, assimilation took place: *iẟunt ‘to them’ (cf. iẟaw ‘to him’) became uẟunt and always appears so in Ml. W. see a.l. i 2; p 17/1 r.; Ỻ.A. 7, 8, 11, 21, etc.; w.m. 6, 26; r.m. 4, 7, etc. The natural sound in Gwyn. is uẟun, though the artificial Mn. lit. iddynt and the analogy of iddo may have influenced the pronunciation of some speakers. Similarly ei became eu, as in r͑eudus w.m. 21, r.m. 13, r.p. 1238 for rheidus ‘needy’; teulu ‘household troops’ for teilu, the form implied in the spelling teylu of a.l. i 2, 12, etc.; eulun often later for eilun, and now sounded eulun. In the reverse order we have Ml. W. Meuruc for Meuric.

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ix. In Mn. W. u having come to be sounded ɥ, it becomes i in those positions where ɥ would be so treated: thus barrug, esgus, cynnull are sounded barrig, esgis, cynnill.—D.G. rhymes menig / sarrug 8.—Before i̯ or i it is sounded i. Dr. M. writes iniawn Job i 1; we now say ini̯on ‘straight’ for uni̯on, inig for unig, tostirio for tosturio, etc. Hence carut ti became carit ti, and ‑it in Late Mn. W. replaced ‑ut as the 2nd sg. impf. ending.

x. u being rounded in O. and Ml. W., final ch after it retained its rounding; thus uch ‘higher’ ≡ ü^u̯ch, sometimes written uwch in Late Ml. W.; when the u was unrounded the glide remained, and the sound became ɥw̯ch as implied in ywch r.p. 1295; this is the present sound; it is written uwch in Mn. W. But in the penult we have uch, as in uchel ‘high’. Hence the mutation, uw: u, § 81.

xi. The modern pronunciation cited in this section is that of Gwynedd, where the sound ɥ or u is quite distinct from the sound i.

§ 78. i. (1) The diphthong oe or oy, O. W. oi, remains finally in only two words: noe ‘basin’, doe ‘yesterday’; Ml. W. had moe ‘more’ also. Elsewhere it is regularly reduced to ‑o, as in creto ‘may believe’ for *cred-hoe appearing as cred-doe b.b. 53, a stray survival, § 183 ii; and in ‑no in personal names for ‑noe, clo for *cloe, etc. § 76 v (5); in am-do ‘shroud’ for *am-doe § 104 ii (2); th or ẟ may be lost after it as in heno ‘to-night‘ < O. W. henoid juv. sk. ≡ henoeth r.p. 1040; it became ui by assim. in hunnoid ox. > hunnuid m.c. > Ml. and Mn. W. hwnnw; and hinnoid gave hynny by analogical assimilation (‑d ≡ ‑ẟ in O.W.). A late example is y ddannodd ‘toothache’ < Ml. W. y ẟannoeẟ § 75 iv (2), in which however the final ‑ẟ remains.

Final ‑aeth > ‑a in the same way in yna, etwa for ynaeth, etwaeth.

(2) Similarly w͡y, O. W. ui, may be reduced to w; cf. hwnnw above. Thus llw ‘oath’ § 104 ii (2); Gronwy w.m. 110, 111 > Gronw do. 101, 104, 105; Gronwy, Goronwy for *gw̯ronwy < *u̯(i)ro-gnā́u̯i̯os § 76 v (5); both forms survived: Pont Ronw (Llanedwen) is called Pont Ronwy by some, but whether the latter is of lit. origin is difficult to decide. So assu a.l. i 144 (≡ assw) < asswy ‘left’;—guru, banu < *gwrw͡y, *banw͡y § 76 v (6);—raccw § 210 x (3)^{[W 1]}.—Before a consonant: aor. 3rd sg. ‑w͡ys > ‑ws § 175 i (5); tyngwt b.a. 4 for tyngw͡yt; adeilwt, rannwt g.c. 106, 108; and doubtless impf. 1st sg. ‑wn is for an earlier *‑w͡yn § 180 iii (1); ‑wn for *‑w͡yn § 215 iii (1). So mwrthwl w.m. 46, r.b. 968, D.G. 430, myrthwl r.m. 32 beside mortuyl b.ch. 77, morthwyl, mwrthwyl D.D., morthwyl Bible, spoken lang. mwrthwl pl. mỿrthw͡ylion. Late Mn. W. neithi̯wr ‘last night’ < neithi̯w͡yr § 34 ii, Ml. W. neithẏwyr s.g. 43.

Some cases occur of the late substitution of wy for w: madws ‘high time’ w.m. 22, b.m. 14 (: Sequ. matu.., Lat. mātūrus) is given by Wm.S. and D.D. s.v. as madwys, which is not attested;—cyfarws, w.m. 454, 459–60, later cyfarwys, see Silvan Evans s.v.

ii. (1) In some words oe in the ultima was reduced to e, and w͡y to y; thus *nammoen ‘not more [than]’ became namen b.a. 15, 16 ‘only’,

1.  On p. xxvii the author says to delete “;—raccw § 210 x (3)”

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and namwyn r.p. 1056 gave Ml. and Mn. W. namyn ‘but, except’, § 222 iii (3);—*mahar-oin (variant maharuin, b.s.ch. 3), Early Ml. W. maharaen a.l. i 278, Ml. and Mn. W. maharen ‘ram’, pl. *meheruin > meheryn; mahar- < *mas-ₑro- ‘male’: Lat. mās, suff. § 153 (5), + oen § 65 ii (2);—*adwoen (written adwaen but rh. with hoen, poen b.b. 70) > adwaen, adwen ‘I know’;—brenhinoet b.b. 53 > brenhineẟ, but ‑oeẟ remains in N. W. and Mn. Lit. W.;—so cefnderweẟ, ewythreẟ. The change seems to be due to unrounding by dissimilation with a labial in the word (teyrneẟ followed the synonymous brenhineẟ). Later examples are Cawlw͡yd, Mawddw͡y now sounded Cowlɥd, Mowddɥ; cf. also a(w)w͡yr > aw̯ɥr, etc. § 38 x.

(2) After a labial O. W. oi > Ml. W. ae; as O. W. guoilaut b.s.ch. 6 > Ml. gw̯aelawt, Mn. gw̯aelod;—W. gw̯ae ‘woe’ for *gw̯oe < *u̯ai: Lat. vae, Goth. wai;—W. gwaeẟ ‘cry’ for *gw̯oeẟ, Ir. fāed < *u̯aid‑: Lith. waidi ‘lamentation’;—baeẟ ‘boar’ < *boeẟ (written baeẟ but rh. with oeẟ b.t. 26, l. 17).

After g‑, oi (oe, oy) became w̯ay, w̯ae as in gw̯ayw̯ ‘spear’ for *goyw̯ § 75 vii (3) written gvaev but rhyming with gloev (gloyw̯) b.b. 72;—gwaed ‘blood’ for *goed = Bret. goad, Leon he c’hoad ‘his blood’ (c’h < g); see gwaet rh. with coet, eirẏoet r.p. 1046.

(3) In the penult oi (oe) became ae before w͡y in aelwyd ‘hearth’: Corn. oilet, Bret. oaled § 104 iv (3);—Aethw͡y< *Oethwy § 76 v (3).

iii. ‑w͡y, or rather Early W. ‑ui, was liable when unaccented to be weakened to oü > Ml. W. eu; thus eu ‘their’ for *wy from *eisṓm § 160 iv;—meu, teu § 75 viii (2), § 161 iv;—pi-eu ‘whose is?’ with eu for *wy < *eset § 179 ix (3), § 192;—asseu, Corneu, Guitneu, Iudnou 76 v (4), (5); neu § 219 i (2).

iv. (1) ui (w͡y) finally or before a vowel was liable to be metathesized to yw; as in yw ‘is’ for *wy § 179 ix (3);—yw ‘to his, to her’ for *w͡y § 160 iv (2);—nyw ‘who…not…him’ for earlier nuy § 160 ii (2).—After a dental it became iw, § 77 v, as in Ml. W. ydiw ‘is’ for *yd-wy;—W. niwed ‘harm’ for *nw͡yet § 76 iv (4).—In Bret. and Corn. this metathesis was carried further: Bret. piou, Corn. pyw, pew: W. pwy ‘who’, etc.

(2) This might happen before a consonant also; but in that case *yw became ü; thus *dw͡yw̯ ‘god’ > *dyw‑w̯ > duw; the form *dwyw is attested in b.t. 10, where, though spelt duw, it rhymes with plwyw (= plwyf?); and it remained in all derivatives, as O. W. duiutit ‘divinity’, Ml. W. dwywes ‘goddess’, dwywawl, Mn. W. dwyfol ‘divine’; the forms duwies ‘goddess’, duwiol ‘pious’ etc. are late deductions from duw;—similarly Early Ml.W. verbal noun deweduyt a.l. i 146, 152, etc. gwedy dywedwyd w. 15a ‘after saying’ > Ml. W. dywedut ‘to say’; the w͡y remains in dywedwydat w.m. 63, r.m. 45 ‘saying’, dywedwydẏat s.g. 171 ‘babbler’.

v. In the penult oe, ae, ei tend to become o, a, e respectively before two consonants, more especially in Mn. W.; thus otva r.p. 1208, s.g. 303,

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Mn. W. odfa for oedfa ‘appointment, meeting’; Mn. W. addfed ‘ripe’ for aeddfed, Ml. W. aeẟvet w.m. 73, Ỻ.A. 166, r.b.b. 175; Mn. W. glendid for Ml. W. gleindit ‘cleanliness, beauty’. (Dial. gwergloẟ for gweirgloẟ, cosnoth sgernoth for coesnoeth esgeirnoeth.)

ae > a in aeth- § 108 iv (2).

vi. In the ult. ae sometimes became e § 31.

§ 79. i. (1) Old and Ml. W. ei appears as ai and ei in Mn. W. With some exceptions, § 81 iii (1), ai appears in the ultima and in monosyllables, and ei (pronounced əi § 29 iii) in other syllables. Thus Mn. W. ai stands in the syllable generally accented in O. W., and ei in the syllable then unaccented. The natural inference is that the Mn. mutation ei/ai is an exaggeration of a difference in the pronunciation of ei going back to O. W.

(2) O. W. ei was originally e̦i with open e̦, § 69 vii. But in unaccented syllables it came to be sounded ẹi to avoid lowering the tongue to e̦ and raising it again to i in the short time available. The same thing took place in accented syllables ending in a group of consonants, as beirẟ, since the time required to pronounce the consonants left less time to sound the diphthong. But in accented syllables with a simple or no consonantal ending the e̦i remained. Ml. W. ei therefore represented ẹi and e̦i; the former gave Mn. W. ei, sounded əi; the latter gave ai. The old distinction is reflected in the Gwynedd pronunciation of a preceding guttural: ceiniog, ceirch are sounded k̑əini̯og k̑əirch; but caib, cais are qaib, qais; the velar and palatal alternate in the same word: qaib, k̑əibio; it may be added that before ordinary ỿ (≡ ə) the consonant is the velar, thus cybyẟ, cynnar are qəbɥẟ, qənnar. It is seen therefore that the first element of əi must be from close ẹ, for it differed from that of ai which comes from open e̦, and also from the old ỿ (≡ ə). The present sound əi seems to be as old as the 16th cent., for rhəir contracted for rhỿ-hir (rhə-hir) is written rheir in g.r. 101. The present sound ai is at least as old as the 14th cent.: gwnai (< gwnaei) is rhymed with delei in r.p. 1271 by M.D., and with divei r.p. 1293 by G.V. The oldest appearance of the spelling ai seems to occur in the Red Book: benn r͑aith r.p. 1194, diwair do. 1200, kain 1205, arynaic 1227, kain, main 1318; but Norman scribes heard the e̦i as ai much earlier, to judge by such a form as Trefwalkemay in the Extent of Anglesey dated 1294 (Seebohm, Trib. Sys. ¹App. 10), Ml. W. Gwalchmei, Mn. W. Gwalchmai.

ii. O. W. ou (≡ oü) has a somewhat similar history. The o was probably close in unaccented and open in accented syllables. In Ml. W. it was unrounded in both cases, giving a close ə and an open ə, both written e, so that the two sounds of the diphthong were written eu. The close ə remains in Mn. W. eu, sounded əu; the open ə gave a in Mn. W. au. That the former was a close ə and not a close e̦ is shown by the fact that in Gwynedd ceunant, ceulo are sounded qəunant qəulo. The two sounds eu and au occur in the same positions in the word as ei and ai respectively; see § 81.

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Vowel variation in Modern Welsh

§ 80. The above are the changes that have taken place in vowel sounds. Many of them depend upon accentuation or the influence of neighbouring sounds; hence in the Mn. language a vowel may have its original sound in one form of a word, and a changed sound in another, or two different changes of an original vowel may appear in two different forms of a word. It will be convenient now to bring together the more important variations of the same originals that occur in Mn. W.

Vowel Mutation.

§ 81. i. Vowel mutation is the regular alternation of vowels and diphthongs according to their position in a word. Certain sounds occurring in the ultima and in monosyllables are regularly modified in other positions.

The following is a table of the vowel mutations (numbered for reference). The numbers in the last column indicate the sections where the changes resulting in the mutation are dealt with.

No.	In final, and mono-, syllables.	In other syllables.	Examples.	§
1	ai	ei	adail, adeilad; caib, ceibio	79 i.
2	au	eu	haul, heulog; aur euraid	79 ii.
3	aw	o	tlawd, tlodion, tlodi, tlotaf	71 i.
4	w	ỿ	trwm, trỿmnion, trỿmach	66 i.
5	ɥ	ỿ	bɥr, bỿrion, bỿrder	66 i.
6	uw	u	buwch, buchod, buches	77 x.

As a general rule the respective forms appear only in the positions indicated. The exceptions are noted below.

ii. There is no exception to the rule that ai and au appear as ei and eu in the penult. Such forms as daiar, graian, haiarn, rhaiadr, traian, cauad, cauodd, gauaf, cynhauaf are not exceptions but misspellings of daear, graean, haearn, rhaeadr, traean, caead t caeodd, gaeaf, cynhaeaf, the diphthong ae (also written ay § 29 ii) being one which does not undergo mutation in Lit. W., but re-

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mains the same in all positions (unless affected § 70 iii). See dayar r.m. 4, 5, 73, 78, etc., w.m. 100, 456, 459, daear b.b. 70, w.m. 107, r.m. 97, gaeaf r.b.b. 277, r.p. 1269, kynhaeaf w.m. 73, r.m. 53, r.b.b. 271, p 14/11 r., kynhayaf b.t. 8, haearn r.m. 118, hayarn 119, r͑aeadɏr r.p. 1255. The sound is attested in cynghanedd lusg:

Cyfled i chae â daear.—D.G. 205.

‘Her demesne is as wide as the earth.’

Ba le mae’r gorsied gaead?—L.G.C. 372; cf. 28, l. 1.

‘Where is the closed gorget?’

The spelling ai, as in daiar, used by Salesbury and in the early Bibles, is a mistranscription of Ml. W. ay, due to the fact that Ml. W. y sometimes represents i̯, § 25 iii. (Salesbury has dayar also, and gayaf always.) gauaf is phonetically correct now that u has come to be sounded ɥ, so that the error is only an orthographic one exactly similar to writing dun for dɥn ‘man’. In cauodd etc. the error was suggested by the fact that the verbal noun is cau ‘to shut’, a contraction of cay|u or cae|u § 33 iv. Such spellings as the latter-day traithawd for the usual and correct traethawd are due to bungling etymological theories. Pedersen, Gr. i 67, imagines from these false spellings that the difference between aɥ and ai is small in diphthongs and vanishes where the second element is heterosyllabic. It is not heterosyllabic in these diphthongs, see § 54 iv; and ɥ and i are perfectly distinct wherever the dialect distinguishes between ɥ and i as vowels. The possible forms in the penult are ae, eu, ei, now sounded in Powys aɥ, əɥ, əi, and in Gwynedd əɥ, əɥ, əi. No one in Powys or Gwynedd sounds an i in daear.

iii. The exceptions to the general rule are the following (‘ultima’ being understood to include ‘monosyllable’):

(1) ei occurs in the ultima when followed by two consonants, or by l for lᵹ, r for rr, thus beirdd ‘bards’, teifl ‘throws’, eithr ‘except’, gweheirdd D.G. 20 ‘forbids’, meirw̯ pl. of marw ‘dead’, deil ‘holds’ for *deilᵹ, ceir ‘cars’, pl. of carr. Before l usage varies: lleill ‘others’, y naill ‘the one’, ereill or eraill ‘others’. In polysyllables it sometimes occurs before m or ch; dychleim Gr.O. 90 ‘leaps up’, myneich ‘monks’. But ai appears before nc, nt, sg, as cainc ‘branch’, maint ‘size’, henaint ‘old age’, braisg ‘thick’; also in Aifft, enghraifft, aillt.

As a contraction of e-i the diphthong is now written and spoken ei (that is əi̯), as ceir, gwneir; but ai was common formerly, as cair, gwnair.

eu is now commonly written, when absolutely final, in polysyllables, except when it is a plural or pronominal ending; as goreu, goleu, dechreu for gorau, golau, dechrau. It survived from Ml. W. under the

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influence of dialectal ‑e, and its use was extended in the 19th cent. because of an idea that ‑au suggested the pl. ending.

In Ml. W. ei and eu appear in all positions, so that the mutation is not represented in writing, § 79. But ‑é-u, ‑á-u were distinct, as are contracted ‑éu, ‑áu now: diléu, parháu, § 33 iv.

(2) The mutation aw: o is not of general application. The penultimate o does not come from the ultimate aw, but both come from ɔ; see § 71 i. Hence when aw is an original diphthong < Brit. or Lat. ou or au, it remains aw in the penult, as in awdur < Lat. au(c)tōrem; so cawgiau pl. of cawg < late Lat. caucus; awydd, etc. § 76 iii; canawon, athrawon, § 36 iii. This shows nawn which gives prynhawnol, prynhawngweith, etc., to be from *nouna § 76 iii as opposed to awr which gives oriau, oriog, etc., and is from *(h)ō̦ra § 71 ii (3). In late formations aw < ā is unmutated as in mawrion § 144 iii (1), ardderchawgrwydd beside ardderchogrwydd. Before a consonant, penultimate aw is sounded əw, and sometimes written ow, as cowgiau D. 40, ardderchowgrwydd.

Where Ml. W. aw in the unaccented ult. has become o, § 71, the mutation of course disappears; thus it appears in Ml. W. pechawt, pechodeu, but is lost in Mn. W. pechod, pechodau. Where at the same time the aw represents a Brit. diphthong, as in gwrando, gwrandawaf, the rule of mutation is reversed. So in final ‑o for affected au, in athro, athrawon § 76 v (5).

(3) w appears in the penult in some words; see § 66 ii, iii. For other exceptions to mutations 4 and 5 see § 82.

(4) The mutation uw: u occurs only before ch, § 77 x. In late formations it is neglected; thus beside lluwch ‘(snow)drift’, we have the old lluchio ‘to hurl’, and the new lluwchio ‘to drive (dust or snow)’. For the derivatives of duw see § 78 iv (2).

(5) On unmutated forms in loose compounds see § 45 ii (2).

82. i. From the table in the above section it is seen that the use of the two sounds of y is regulated by the law of vowel mutation. The general rule in its special application to these sounds may be stated as follows:

y has the ɥ sound in monosyllables and final syllables, and the ỿ sound in all syllables not final; as edrɥch, edrỿchwch, brɥn, brỿniau, mỿnɥdd, wỿnỿddoedd, bỿrddau, prɥd, prỿdferth, dỿfod, cỿfỿngder.

ii. The exceptions to the rule are—

(1) A few proclitics, which, though monosyllabic, have the ỿ sound. These are ỿr, ỿ ‘the’, ỿn ‘in’, fỿ ‘my’, dỿ ‘thy’, ỿn ‘our’, ỿch ‘your’, mỿn, ỿm ‘by’ (in oaths).

Pre-verbal yẟ, yr, y (whether the relative, § 162, the affirmative particle, § 219 ii, or the conjunction, § 222 x) is now always sounded

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huawdɏl r.p. 1301.) It is probable that the misspelling boreu for bore § 31 ii 2 sprang from boreuach the debased form of boryach.

(4) yw follows the rule, as bɥw, bỿwɥd, bỿwi̯og; clɥw, clỿwed; llɥw, llỿwɥdd, llỿwi̯o, etc., except in late formations, especially from forms in which ɥw became iw § 77 v, as in amrɥwi̯o (sounded amriwi̯o), distrɥwi̯af (distriwi̯af), etc. J.D.R. writes amrywio (y ≡ ɥ) [xvi], distriwiaw [xix]. So niwli̯og, niwloedd § 37 ii.

(5) The rising diphthong w̯y follows the rule: gw̯ɥrdd, gw̯ỿrddi̯on, etc.; but w̯ỿ generally becomes w § 66 ii. Such a pronunciation as gw̯ɥntoedd is recent; but gw̯ɥwo ‘to wither’ may be old, as the ɥ may have resisted mutation between two w̯’s.

(6) The rule does not apply to the falling diphthong w͡y, in which the y is consonantal. In this y must necessarily be ɥ always, as mŵyn, mw͡ynach, mw͡yni̯on; and the ɥ remains when the w͡y is mispronounced as w̯ɥ § 38 iii, as Gw̯ɥ́nedd for Gw͡ynedd.

iii. (1) In the words sylw, gw̯yry, the final w and y were non-syllabic § 42, § 110 ii; hence the y is ɥ; thus sɥlw (but sỿlw̯i), gw̯ɥrỿ.

(2) With the exceptions mentioned in ii, the sound which is now common to y and u, if it occurs in the penult, is to be written u. Thus we write munud, munudau, papur, papurau. Following this rule the translators of the Bible were misled by the late disyllabic pronunciation of sylw to write it sulw; in late editions this error is corrected.

(3) In a few cases u in the ultima has come to be mistaken for y and mutated to ỿ in the penult; as in ysgrythyrau in the Bible (but ysgrythurau correctly in the 1727 edn.) pl. of ysgrythur (< Lat. scriptūra) regarded as ysgrythyr on the analogy of llythyr ‘letter’. So testynau for testunau, Early Mn. W. testunion, pl. of testun (<Lat. testimōnium) treated as testyn; corynau ‘crowns’, corynfoel b.cw. 33 ‘bald-headed’, from corun r.b.b. 171 (< Lat. corōna) treated as coryn.

Vowel Affection.

§ 83. The following tables show the affected and unaffected forms of vowels as they alternate in Mn. W.

i. Ultimate a-affection, § 68.

No.	Unaffected.	Affected.	Examples.
1	ɥ	e	gwɥ̆n, f. gwĕn; crȳf, f. crēf
2	w	o	trw̆m, f. trŏm; tlw̄s, f. tlōs

The affected sound occurs in the ultima. It is occasionally found in the penult in compounds, as in cromlech (crwm ‘arched’); and in superlatives, as gwennaf, tromaf § 147 iii. In bychan, f. bechan, the e

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seems to be a variant of y, chosen for the f. on the analogy of the usual f. e caused by affection.

ii. Ultimate i-affection, § 69, § 76 v.

No.	Unaffected.		Affected.		Examples.
1	a		ai or	ei		brân, brain; bardd, beirdd; dal, deil
				ɥ		tafarn, tefeirn or tefɥrn
2	ae		ai			draen, drain; cỿrraedd, cỿrraidd
3	e		ɥ			angel, engɥl; ateb, etɥb; seren, sŷr
4	o					agor, egɥr; ffon, ffɥn
5	w					asgwrn, esgɥrn; swrth, sɥrth
6	oe		w͡y			oen, ŵɥn; croen, crŵɥn
7	aw		au or	eu		taw, tau; taraw, Ml. W. tereu
				ɥ		taraw, Mn. W. terɥ

The change occurs only in the ultima. a or o in the penult becomes e § 69 vi. Final w, being originally consonantal, does not count as a syllable for the purposes of affection: marw ‘dead’, pl. meirw.

As to the forms ai and ei of No. 1, see § 81 iii (1); the form ɥ occurs only in the unaccented ultima, § 69 ii (3).

The form ɥ of No. 7 is not a phonetic development of eu, but is due to false analogy; when taraw had become taro the 3rd sing. pres. ind. terɥ was formed from the latter on the model of agor: egɥr. See § 173 iv (3).

iii. Penultimate affection, § 70. The affecting sound is usually preserved in the ultima, but has in some cases disappeared, § 70 iv.

No.	Unaffected	before	is affected to	Examples.
1	a	i̥	ei	mab, meibion; cym-ar, ‑heiri̯aid
2	e	i̥	ei	gorwedd, gorweiddi̯og
3	a	i or ɥ	e	truan, trueni; plant, plentɥn
4	ae	i or i̯	ei	gwaedd, gweiddi; draen, dreini̯og
5	ae	ɥ	eɥ	caer, ceɥrɥdd; saeth, seɥthɥdd
6	ae	u	eu	aeth, euthum
7	aw	i or ɥ	ew	taw, tewi, tewɥch; cawr, cewri

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Note 1.—No. 1 occurs only in old formations; ‑i̯ad denoting the agent affects, ‑i̯ad abstract does not, § 143 iii (18), iv (5).—No. 2, though common as a fixed affection, is comparatively rare in inflexion. No. 3 is usual in inflexion, but rare in composition, e.g. rhán-dir ‘allotment’, háf-ddɥdd ‘summer’s day’, cán-ddrɥll ‘shattered’, á-dɥn ‘wretch’, ád-fyd ‘adversity’, tán-llɥd ‘fiery’, hád-ɥd ‘seed’ (had + ɥd, but héd-ɥn ‘a seed’).—No. 4 is only written in old combinations, as gweiẟi r.m. 174, seiri; it is rare before i̯, see § 144 iii (2).—Nos. 5 and 6 also occur only in set forms, and eɥ is now wrongly written eu, as meusydd.

Note 2.—In Ml. W. a in preceding syllables had become e before ỿ, or before one of the above affections; in Mn. W. the a is generally restored, § 70 i, as enr͑ydeẟ now anrhydedd ‘honour’, gwerendewɥch, now gw̯randewɥch. It occasionally remains as in lleferɥdd ‘speech’ (: llafar id.), and even spreads, as in llefaru for llafaru.

Note 3.—ɥ in the falling diphthong w͡y does not affect: arw͡ydd etc. § 38 vi.

Note 4.—u does not affect a: canu, parchu, etc. But crededun occurs r.p. 1368, 1424, beside credadun do. 1298, 1235.

The Aryan consonants in Keltic and British

§ 84. The Aryan parent language had the following consonant system:

	Labial.	Dental.	Palatal.	Velar.	Labio- velar.
Explosives:
Tenues	p	t	k̑	q	q^u^̯
Tenues aspiratae	ph	th	k̑h	qh	q^u^̯h
Mediae	b	d	g̑	ɡ	ɡ^u^̯
Mediae aspiratae	bh	dh	g̑h	ɡh	ɡh^u^̯
Spirants:
Voiceless		s, þ
Voiced		z, ð	j
Sonants:
Nasals	m	n
Liquids		l, r
Semivowels			i̯	[ə̯]	u̯

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Note 1.—In the aspirated tenues the breath was allowed to escape after the explosion; thus th was probably sounded somewhat like the t in W. tad, or like t before an accented vowel in Eng. or N. German, in all of which breath is heard as an off-glide. Aryan t on the other hand was sounded like French or South German t with no escape of breath between the explosion and the vowel.

The exact pronunciation of the aspirated mediae bh, etc., is not known. The conventional European pronunciation is b + h, etc., as in Eng. abhor, adhere. In India the element represented by h is a voiced throat spirant. But the sounds were undoubtedly simple like the aspirated tenues, and were probably voiced forms of the latter.

Note 2.—It is generally held that there were as above three series of gutturals. The palatals were sounded on the hard palate like W. c in ci or E. k in king. The labiovelars were sounded between the root of the tongue and the soft palate, so far back that the lips were naturally rounded, as in the formation of the vowel u, W. w, E. u in full. These two series are established by such equations as Skr. s̑ = Lat. c < Ar. k̑, and Skr. k, c = Lat. qu < Ar. q^u̯. But another equation often occurs: Skr. k, c = Lat. c, which points to Ar. q intermediate between the two others, too far back to give Skr. s̑ and too far forward to give the labialized Lat. qu. In the Western languages Kelt., Ital., Germanic, Greek, there is no difference between Ar. k̑ and q; both give k which is generally accommodated to the following vowel; thus Ar. k̑m̥tom gives W. cant pronounced qant, not *k̑ant. Where a guttural occurs in a form only found in Western languages, we can only write it k, g, etc., with no diacritic mark. In the Eastern languages (except Tocharish) the palatals became sibilants, thus k̑ > Skr. s̑ (an sh sound); but the velars remain, or became tch sounds (as in fetch) before front vowels, thus q > Skr. k, or c (a tch sound), the latter before an Ar. front vowel.—Meillet, Intr.² 63 ff., admits only two series, k̑ and q^u̯, and regards Skr. k = Lat. c as a special treatment of Ar. k̑ in Skr. and the Eastern group. He points out that the supposed q occurs chiefly before r, before a, and after s.

The frequent alternation of k̑ and q § 101 iv (1) makes it probable that originally, at any rate, the two are the same. A recent advance from q to k̑ has taken place in Eng. before ă, now sounded æ̆; thus old borrowings in W. have q, as in the Anglesey dial. qap ‘cap’, qaban ‘cabin’, qari̯o ‘to carry’, but later borrowings have k̑ as k̑ab ‘cab’, k̑ábinet ‘cabinet’, k̑arej ‘carriage’, the a being the same, but the k̑ with a perceptible i̯ glide. The example shows how q may become k̑ before a forward vowel, and how the k̑, once introduced, may remain before a back vowel. The same processes might have taken place in Ar., and it is quite possible that k̑ and q represent an original neutral k.

Note 3.—The “sonants” play a special part in Ar. phonology; they occupy an intermediate position between consonants and vowels, and in R-grades become vocalic; see § 63.

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It is usual to include in the Ar. nasals ŋ̑, occurring only before k̑, g̑, k̑h, g̑h, and ŋ occurring only before q ɡ, etc. These are secondary sounds due to the assimilation of m, n to gutturals; and it is not certain that such assimilation had taken place in Ar. We find e.g. mt in *k̑m̥tóm still remaining in Lith. szim̃tas, § 62 i.

The Explosives.

§ 85. In Pr. Kelt. the aspirated explosives fell together with the unaspirated, thus th and dh are treated as t and d respectively; there is one exception § 92 iii. The velars fell together with the palatals, thus q, like k̑, gave k. Hence, g̑, g̑h, ɡ, ɡh all appear as g in Kelt.

§ 86. i. Ar. p (Lat. p; Gk. π; Germ. f; Skr. p) and Ar. ph (Skr. ph; Gk. φ) disappeared in Kelt. (1) initially before a vowel, (2) initially before a sonant, (3) between vowels, (4) between a vowel and a sonant, (5) between a sonant and a vowel, (6) between sonants.

Examples: (1) Ar. *pib- > Skr. píbāmi ‘I drink’, Lat. bibo (< *pibō): Ir. ibim ‘I drink’, O. W. iben juv. sk. ‘we drink’, W. yfaf ‘I drink’.—Ar. √pet- ‘fly’ > Lat. penna < *petsnā: O. W. etn, Mn. W. edn ‘bird’ < *petno‑.—Ir. athir ‘father’ < *pətēr, W. edryd ‘parentage, descent’ < *pətr̥‑t‑, edrydd ‘patrimony’ (e.g. m.a. i 247) < *pətrii̯o‑, edryf id. < *pətr̥‑m‑: Lat. pater, Gk. πατήρ, etc., Skr. pitr̥tvá‑m ‘paternity’, pítriyaḥ ‘paternal, ancestral’, Gk. πάτριος, etc.—Ir. air‑, W. ar- ‘fore‑’, Gaul. are- < *pₑri‑: Gk. παρά.—Ar. *pr̥t- > Lat. portus: O. W. rit, W. rhyd ‘ford’, § 61 i.—Ar. *pl̥̄n- > W. llawn, § 63 vii (2).

(2) Ar. *pro > Lat. pro‑, Gk. πρό, Skr. prá: Ir. ro‑, O. W. ro‑, W. rhy‑.—Ar. *plār- > O. E. flōr: Ir. lār, W. llawr ‘floor’, § 63 vii (2).—Ar. *prii̯os > Goth. freis, O. E. frēo, E. free: W. rhydd ‘free’.—W. lliaws § 75 ii (2).—W. llydan § 63 viii (1).

(3) Ar. *nepōt- > Skr. nápāt‑, Lat. nepōs: Ir. niæ, Ml. W. nei ‘nephew’, § 75 vii (2).—Ar. *upo- > Pr. Kelt. *u̯o- > Gaul. u̯o‑, Ir. fo‑, W. gw̯o‑, go‑.—W. twymn ‘hot’, twymyn ‘fever’ < *tepes-men‑, § 75 vii (2).

(4) Ir. tene ‘fire’ < *tepnet‑, W. tân id. < *tₑp‑n‑: Lat. tepeo, Skr. tápas ‘heat’.—Ir. solam, W. hylaw ‘handy’ < Pr. Kelt. *su-lām-os < Ar. *pl̥̄‑, § 63 vii (2).—W. dyro ‘give’ <

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*do-pro‑d‑, *√dō‑, § 63 vi (1).—*mpl- *mpr- > *aml‑, *amr- > W. af‑l‑, af‑r‑, as af-les ‘harm’, Ir. am-less thus af- spread for an- < *n̥- (neg. prefix) before l and r, see § 156 i (5).

(5) Ir. col, Bret. col, W. cŵl ‘fault’: Lat. culpa, O. Lat. colpa.—Ir. cilornn gl. urceus, O. W. cilurnn (≡ cỿlwrnn) gl. urnam, W. celwrn, Bret. kelorn: Lat. calpar, Calpurnius, Gk. κάλπη, Skr. karpara‑ḥ ‘shell’ (Kelt. ĭ or ĕ in first syll. unexplained).—W. crydd ‘shoemaker’ (for *cerydd § 40 iii (3)), Bret. kere < *karpíi̯ō, Ir. cairem < *karpimo‑: Lat. carpisculum, Gk. κρηπίς: √qerāˣp- ‘shoe’. *mp > *m > W. f or w: W. tywydd ‘weather’ for *tyw̯w͡yẟ < *tempes-edō: Lat. tempestas.

The view that rp, contrary to every analogy, gives rr is based upon one or two examples in which the group may have been rps or even rs, as Ir. serr, W. serr ‘bill-hook’ (: Lat. sarpo), which may be < *serp‑s- or *ser‑s- (cf., without p, Skr. sr̥ṇī́ ‘sickle’), and upon such an equation as W. gwarr ‘the back between the shoulders’ and Lith. várpa ‘ear of corn’.

(6) *mpl, *mpr gave *ml, *mr, W. fl, fr, as cyflawn ‘full’ < *kom-pl̥̄n‑, cyfran ‘share’ < *kom-prət-snā § 63 vii (2).

ii. (1) Before t, Ar. p became q^u̯ > k (§ 89 ii) in Pr. Kelt. Thus Ar. *septm̥ > Pr. Kelt. *sektm̥ > Ir. secht n‑, W. saith: Lat. septem, Gk. ἑπτά, etc.—Ar. *qap-tos > Pr. Kelt. *kaktos > Ir. cacht, W. caeth ‘serf’: Lat. captus.—Ar. *neptís > Pr. Kelt. *nektís > Ir. necht, W. nith ‘niece’: Lat. neptis.—W. llithro ‘to slip’ < *sliktr- < *slip‑tr‑, *√slei‑b- extension of √slei‑: E. slip, etc., § 95 i.

Before or after s also, p was liable to become q^u̯ in Kelt., § 96 iv; also before n, see iv below.

(2) Initially in anticipation of medial q^u̯, Ar. p became q^u̯ in Italo-Keltic; as Ar. *penq^u̯e ‘five’ > Skr. pañca, Gk. πέντε: Lat. quinque, Pr. Kelt. *q^u̯eŋq^u̯e > O. W. pimp, Ml. W. pymp, pump, Ir. cōic, Gaul. πεμπε‑.—Ar. *peq^u̯‑, *poq^u̯- > Gk. πέπων, πόπανον: Lat. coquo (< *quequō), coctus, Bret. pibi, W. pobi ‘to bake’ (< *q^u̯oq^u̯‑), poeth ‘hot’ (< *q^u̯oq^u̯‑t‑).

(3) In anticipation of k or q, Ar. p- seems in some cases to have become t‑; thus Ir. torc (beside orc), W. twrch ‘boar’: Lat. porcus; see turio § 101 iii (1);—W. tanc ‘peace’: Lat. pax, pango, √pāk̑/g̑‑;—W. teg ‘fair’, Gaul. Tecos: O. E. fægr, E. fair, √pē̆k‑;—W. gwar-

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theg ‘cattle’: Lat. pecus, Lith. pėkus, Skr. pás̑u ‘cattle’; W. talch ‘flake’: Lat. plancus, E. flag-stone, flake, √pelāq‑;—W. twll ‘hole’ < *tuk-slo‑s, tyllu ‘to pierce’: Lat. pungo, punctum, √peuk̑/g̑‑. It seems also as if p at the end of a root or stem beginning with a guttural sometimes became t, as W. pryd ‘personal appearance’, Ir. cruth: Lat. corpus, Skr. kr̥p- ‘aspect’ < *q^u̯r̥p‑;—W. cawad ‘shower’: Ar. *qeuēp- § 63 vii (3);—W. caled ‘hard’, as a noun ‘difficulty’ b.b. 65: ? Gk. χαλεπός (χ- < qh‑).

iii. Ar. p, before disappearing in Kelt., doubtless first became a bilabial f, then h. When the stop of the p was beginning to be loosened, any reaction in favour of the explosive articulation would naturally take the form of transferring the stop, that is, of substituting for the loosening labial p, the labiovelar q^u̯; or, where the word had a guttural already, the dental t. Before s, both the substitution and the regular development took place; the former, ‑q^u̯s‑, attested later as ‑x- in Gaul. Crixos, gives W. ‑ch‑; the latter, ‑fs‑, gives W. ‑ff‑. Before t, I have assumed the former, as the substitution of q^u̯ for p, known to occur, seems more likely than that of χ for f, so that pt > q^u̯t > χt is more probable than pt > ft > χt.

iv. Before s, p > q^u̯ > ^u̯k after a rounded vowel; thus *upsel- > *u^u̯ksel- > *ouksel- > W. uchel, Ir. ūasal; *lopsq- > *lo^u̯ksk- > W. llusgo § 96 iii (5);—similarly before n; *supn- > *supn- > W. hun ‘sleep’, Ir. sūan, § 63 viii (1); *n̥-u̯o-dup‑n- > W. an-o-ẟun ‘bottomless’, cf. annwfn § 102 iv (2), √dheup/b‑; so possibly before t; W. tuth ‘trot’ < *tupt‑: O. Bulg. tŭpati ‘palpitare’, tŭpŭtati ‘palpitare, calcare’, Gk. τύπτω. Original q^u̯ before t had become k earlier (in It.-Kelt.), and develops as k, as in poeth above. m before p prevents the diphthongization: W. llost < *lompst- § 96 ii (3).

§ 87. i. Ar. t (Lat. t; Gk. τ; Germ. þ, ð; Lith. t; Skr. t) and Ar. th (Gk. θ; Skr. th) appear in Pr. Kelt, as t. Thus Ar. *tauros > Lat. taurus, Gk. ταῦρος: Ir. tarb, W. tarw;—Ar. *tep‑: W. tes, twymn, tân § 86;—Ar. *trei̯es > Skr. tráyas, Gk. τρεῖς, Lat. trēs: W. tri, Ir. trī, ‘three’.—Ar. *arətrom > W. aradr ‘plough’: Gk. ἅροτρον.—Ar. *pl̥thə- > Gk. πλάτανος, Gaul. ‑λιτανος, O. W. litan, W. llydan ‘broad’, § 63 viii (1).

ii. In Ar. the first t in the group tt had become an affricative; this stage is represented thus tˢt; in Skr. it went back to tt (just as tst, with original s, gave tt in Skr.), in Gk. it became στ, in Germ. ss, in Lat. ss, in Pr. Kelt. ss, appearing in W. generally as s. Example: base meleit- ‘honey’: FR *melit-tos ‘honeyed’

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> W. melys ‘sweet’, Ir. milis. As dt became tt, § 93 i, the same result followed; thus Ar. √u̯eid- ‘see, know’, gave *u̯id‑t- > *u̯itt- > *u̯itˢt- > W. gwŷs ‘it is known’ § 63 iv: Skr. vitta‑ḥ ‘known’;—Ar. √(s)k̑heid‑/(s)qheid‑: R-grade nasalized > Lat. scindo, F-grade *keid‑t- > *keitˢt- > W. cŵys ‘furrow’, Ir. cēis.—So W. cas ‘hate’ < *k̑əd‑t‑, √k̑ād‑: E. hate; F-grade, W. cawdd ‘insult’: Gk. κῆδος. Similarly Ar. dd > dᶻd > zd, § 91 ii.

§ 88. Ar. k̑ (Lat. c; Gk. κ; Germ. h, ‑g‑; Lith. sz; Skr. s̑), Ar. k̑h (Gk. χ), Ar. q (Lat. c; Gk. κ; Germ. h, ‑g‑; Lith. k; Skr. k, c), Ar. qh (Gk. χ, Skr. kh) appear in Kelt. as k. Examples: Ar. *k̑m̥tóm ‘100’ > Lat. centum, Gk. ἑ-κατόν, O. E. hund, Lith. szim̃tas. Skr. s̑atá‑m: Ir. cēt, W. cant < Pr. Kelt. *kn̥tom.—Ar. √qā‑, F-grade Lat. cārus, Skr. kā́yamāna‑ḥ ‘fond’, R-grade W. caraf ‘I love’.—Ar. *qap- > Lat. capio: W. cael § 188 iv—Ar. *qrek̑t > Ir. crecht, W. craith ‘scar’ < Pr. Kelt. *krekt‑: Skr. karjati ‘injures’ < *qerg̑‑, √qereg̑‑.—Ar. *ₑreqt- > Pr. Kelt. *arekt- > W. araith ‘speech’ § 63 iii.

§ 89. i. Ar. q^u̯ (Lat. qu; Gk. π, but τ before ε or η, and κ before or after υ; Germ. hw, ‑f‑, ‑w‑, ‑g‑; Lith. k; Skr. k, c) and probably Ar. q^u̯h (Skr. kh; Gk. φ, θ?) were q^u̯ in Pr. Kelt. This remains as q^u̯ in the ogam inscriptions, but became c in Ir.; in Gaul. and Brit. it appears as p.—Examples: Ar. *q^u̯etu̯er- (in various grades § 63 vii (4)) > Lat. quattuor, Skr. catvā́raḥ: W. pedwar, Ir. cethir.—Ar. √q^u̯elāˣ‑/q^u̯ēl- > W. pell ‘far’ (< *q^u̯el-s-o‑): Gk. τῆλε.—Ar. √seq^u̯‑: Lat. inquam < *insquām: Ml. W. hep, heb ‘says’.—W. prynaf < I buy § 201 i (4); Ar. √leiq^u̯- > Gk. λείπω: W. llwyb‑r ‘track’: Lat. linquo (n-infix).

ii. (1) Before t, s and prob. n, Ar. q^u̯ became k in Kelt. Thus Ar. *poq^u̯t- > *q^u̯oq^u̯t- > *q^u̯okt- > W. poeth, § 86 ii (2).—Ar. *noq^u̯t- (√noɡ^u̯‑) > Kelt. *nokt- > Ir. nocht, W. noeth ‘naked’: Lat. nūdus < *noɡ^u̯edhos.—W. gw̯lyb, O. W. gulip ‘wet’ < *u̯liq^u̯‑: Lat. liqueo; W. gw̯lith ‘dew’ < *u̯likt- < *u̯liq^u̯t‑; gw̯lych ‘liquid’ (such as gravy, etc.) < *u̯lik‑n- or u̯lik‑s‑: *√u̯eleiq^u̯‑.

For Ar. sq^u̯, q^u̯s, see § 96 iii.

(2) After l or r also (but not l̥, r̥), we have k for Ar. q^u̯; thus W. golch ‘slops’, golchi ‘to wash’ (Ir. folcaim) < *u̯olk- < *u̯olq^u̯- § 100 ii (2): *u̯liq^u̯‑, as above.—W. cynnyrch ‘crop, produce’ <

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*kon-derq^u̯‑, √dereq^u̯‑: Gk. δρέπω ‘I mow, reap’, δρεπάνη ‘sickle’. Except in compounds, where the initial of the second element is treated as an initial, as gorffwys, § 75 vi (4).

(3) Before u it appears as k, as in Ml. W. cw ‘where?’ < the Ar. interrog. stem *q^u̯u‑, § 163 i (7), vi.

iii. Ar. k̑u̯ or qu̯, like q^u̯, gives p in Brit. and Gaul.: W. prys ‘brushwood’ < k̑u̯rist‑: O. H. G. hrīs ‘twig’, hurst, E. hurst, O. Bulg. chvrastŭ ‘brushwood’, √k̑u̯ereis‑.—W. pair ‘caldron’ < *qu̯ori̯ó‑) Ir. coire id.: O. N. hverna (‘pot’ < *qu̯er‑: Lat. scrīnium.—Ar. *ek̑u̯o‑s > Lat. equus, Gk. ἵππος (ι < ₑ?), Skr. ás̑vaḥ: Ir. ech, Gaul. Epo‑, W. ebol ‘colt’.—W. penn ‘head’, Gaul. Πεννο‑, Ir. cenn < *qu̯enno- < *qu̯ept-sno‑: Goth. haubiþ, E. head, Germ. Haupt, base *qau̯epet- met. for *qapeu̯et- (Sütterlin IF. xxix 123) whence Lat. caput (< *qapu̯et‑).—In later formations: Ar. √māk̑- ‘grow’: R *mək̑- > Gk. μακρός: W. mag-u ‘to nurture’; *mak-u̯o‑s > W. mab ‘son, youth’, Ir. macc, ogam gen. maq^u̯q^u̯i.—W. epil ‘offspring’ < *eb-hil < *ek-u̯o-sīl‑, √sē- § 63 vi (1), cf. W. gwe-hil-i̯on 1 Bren. xiii 33 < *u̯o-sīl‑.

But before u it gives k, as in W. ci ‘dog’ < *kū < *ku̯ū< *k̑u̯ō = Skr. s̑vā́; cf. ii (3) above.

In the Roman period, therefore, there was no Brit. q^u̯ or qu̯, and Lat. qu gives k; as in carawys, garawys ‘lent’ < quadragēsima; W. cegin ‘kitchen’ < coquīna.

iv. It was clearly possible to distinguish in Ar. between q^u̯ and qu̯; probably the rounding in the latter was much more pronounced. But qu̯ was also felt as a double consonant, and gives ‑ππ- in Gk., whereas q^u̯ gives ‑π- only.

§ 90. Ar. bh (Lat. f, ‑b‑; Gk. φ; Germ. b; Lith. b; Skr. bh) and the rarer Ar. b (Lat. b; Gk. β; Germ. p; Lith. b; Skr. b) both appear as b in Pr. Kelt. Examples: bh: Ar. √bher- > Lat. fero, Gk. φέρω, E. bear, Skr. bhárati ‘bears’: Ir. berimm ‘I bear’, W. cymeraf ‘I take’ < *kom-ber‑.—Ar. *bhrātēr, *bhrāter- > Lat. frāter, Gk. φρᾱ́τωρ ‘member of a clan’, E. brother, Skr. bhrā́tar‑: Ir. brāthir, W. brawd ‘brother’.—Ar. √bhereu̯- > Lat. ferveo: W. berwi § 63 vii (4).—Ar. *bhu- > W. bod, § 63 vii (3).—Ar. √enebh‑: VF *nebh- > Gk. νέφος, νεφέλη, Lat. nebula: Ir. nēl ‘cloud’ < *neblo‑, Ml. W. nywl ‘fog’ < *nebli̯o‑; see § 37 ii.— — b: Ar. √breg̑h- ‘short’: Lat. brevis, Gk. βραχύς: Ir.

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berr, W. byrr ‘short’, see § 101 ii (2).—Ar. √dheub- > Goth. diups ‘deep’: R *dhub- > Gaul. Dubno-, W. dwfn ‘deep’, Gaul. dubron, W. dwfr ‘water’.

§ 91. i. Ar. dh (Lat. f-, -d-, -b-; Gk. θ; Germ. d; Lith. d; Skr. dh) and Ar. d (Lat. d; Gk. δ; Germ. t; Lith. d; Skr. d) appear as d in Kelt. Examples: dh: Ar. *dhu̯or-: *dhur- > Lat. foris, Gk. θύρᾱ, E. door: W. dôr < *dhur-ā, drws ‘door’ < *dhru-st- < *dhu̯r̥- § 63 viii (1), Ir. dorus (intrusive o?).—Ar. *dhub- > W. dwfn § 90.—Ar. √ereudh- > Lat. ruber, Gk. ἐρυθρός: W. rhudd ‘red’ < Kelt. *roud-. — — d: Ar. √demā-: F°R *domə- > Lat. domi-tus: W. dof ‘tame’; RR *dₑmə- > Gk. ἀ-δάματος: W. dafad ‘sheep’.—Ar. *dék̑m̥ > Lat. decem, Gk. δέκα, Goth. taíhun, Lith. dẽszimt, Skr. dás̑a: Ir. deich n-, W. deg ‘ten’.—Ar. √dei̯eu̯- > W. duw, dydd, § 63 vii (4).—Ar. √u̯erō̆d-: R² u̯r̥̄d- > Lat. rādīx; VR *u̯r̥d- > Gk. ῥάδαμνος, Lat. rădius: W. gw̯raidd ‘roots’; RV *u̯r̥d- > Ir. frēm ‘root’ < *u̯r̥d-mā, W. greddf ‘instinct’ for *gw̯reẟf § 102 iii (2) < *u̯r̥d-mā, § 63 vii (3).

ii. Ar. d or t + d(h) became dᶻd(h), which gave zd in Kelt., and fell together with Ar. zd, giving Ir. t (tt), and W. th § 97 ii. Thus W. peth ‘some, a certain quantity of, something, thing’, beth ‘what?’, Ir. cuit ‘part, share’ < *q^u̯id-dm̥: cf. Lat. quid-dam.—W. rhathu ‘to scrape, smooth’ < *rəd-dh- (or *rəd-zdh-): Lat. rādo, § 63 ix.—W. meth ‘miss, failure’ < *mit-dh-: Ir. mis-, mith- ‘miss-’, E. miss, √meit-: Lat. mūto.

§ 92. i. Ar. g̑ (Lat. g; Gk. γ; Germ. k; Lith. ž; Skr. j), Ar. g̑h (Lat. h; Gk. χ; Germ. g; Lith. ž; Skr. h), Ar. ɡ (Lat. g; Gk. γ; Germ. k; Lith. g; Skr. g, j), Ar. ɡh (Lat. h; Gk. χ; Germ. g; Lith. g; Skr. gh, h) all appear in Kelt. as g. Examples: g̑: Ar. g̑r̯̄n- > Lat. grānum, Goth. kaúrn, Lith. žírnis, Skr. jīrṇá-ḥ: Ir. grān, W. grawn § 61 ii.—Ar. √g̑enē- > Lat. genitor, Gk. γένεσις, Skr. jánati ‘begets’: W. geni ‘give birth’.—Ar. √areg̑- > Lat. argentum, Gk. ἅργυρος, Skr. rajatá-m ‘silver’: W. ariant, Ir. airget ‘silver’ < Pr. Kelt. *argn̥t-. — — g̑h: Ar. *g̑hei-em- > Lat. hiems, Gk. χεῖμα: W. gaeaf, § 75 vi (1).—Ar. √seg̑h- > Gk. ἕχω (< *seg̑hō), Skr. sáhate ‘vanquishes’: W. hy ‘bold’ < *seg-os, Gaul. Sego-; hael ‘generous’ < *sag-lo- < *sₑg̑h-lo-; haer ‘impor-

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tunate’ < *sag-ro‑. – – ɡ: Ar. √ɡlei̯- ‘sticky, liquid’: Lat. glūs *< gloi‑s, Gk. γλοιός < *γλοιϝος: O.W. gloiu gl. liquidum, W. gloyw̯ ‘shiny’, gloyw̯-ẟu ‘glossy black’ < *ɡloi-u̯o‑s § 75 ii (1), Ir. glē, glae ‘bright’ < *ɡlei-uos, *ɡloi-uos, O. Corn. digluiuhit ox. 2 gl. eliqua, W. gloywi ‘to drain (after boiling), to clarify, to polish’; R *ɡli- > Lat. gli‑s, Gk. γλί-νη, Lith. gli-tùs ‘smooth, sticky’, Ir. glenim, W. glynaf ‘I adhere’.—Ar. √(s)theɡ- > Lat. tego, Gk. στέγος, τέγος, Skr. sthágati ‘covers’: Ir. tech, teg, O. W. tig, W. ty ‘house’ < *tegos; F° *(s)thoɡ- > Lat. toga, W. to ‘roof’, § 104 ii (2). – – ɡh: Ar. √ɡhabh- > Lat. habeo, Lith. gabanà ‘armful’: W. gafael ‘to take hold’, Ir. gabim ‘I take’. Ar. √leɡh- ‘lie’ > Lat. lectus, Gk. λέχος: W. lle ‘place’, Ir. lige ‘bed’, W. gwe-ly ‘bed’; L *lēɡh- > Lith. pãlėgis ‘confinement to bed’; F° *loɡh- § 58 v.

ii. Ar. ɡ^u̯ (Lat. v, gu after n, g before cons. and u; Gk. β, δ before ε or η, γ before or after ν; Germ. kw; Lith. g; Skr. g, j) gave Pr. Kelt. b. Thus Ar. √ɡ^u̯ei̯ē- > Lat. vīvo, Gk. βίος: W. byw, etc., § 63 vii (3).—Ar. *ɡ^u̯ōus > Lat. bōs (Umbr.-Samn. form for true Lat. *vōs), Gk. βοῦς: Ir. bō, W. biw, pl. bu.

iii. But Ar. ɡ^u̯h (Lat. f‑, ‑v‑, ‑b‑, gu after n; Gk. φ, θ; Germ. w, g; Lith. g; Skr. gh, h) forms an exception to the general rule, § 85, and does not fall together with the unaspirated consonant. It remained a rounded guttural in Pr. Kelt., and gave g in Ir. with loss of rounding; but the rounding was retained in Brit., and we have in W. initially gw̯, medially f (≡ v) between vowels. Thus Ar. √ɡ^u̯hen- > Gk. θείνω, φόνος, Lat. dē-fen-do: Ir. gonim ‘I wound’, W. gwanu ‘to stab’ < *gw̯on- § 65 v, gw̯anaf ‘swathe’ (hay cut at one sweep).—Ar. √g^u̯her- > Lat. formus, Gk. θερμός, E. warm: Ir. gorim ‘I warm’, W. gori (< *gw̯ori § 36 iii), Bret. gori, gwiri ‘to incubate’, W. gori ‘to suppurate’, gôr ‘pus’, W. gw̯rēs ‘heat’, § 95 iii (1).—Ar. √ɡ^u̯helē- ‘green, yellow’ > Lat. flāvus: W. gw̯elw̯ ‘pale’, gw̯ellt ‘straw, grass’, Ir. gelim ‘I graze’, gelt- ‘fodder’; the doublet *g̑helē- > Skr. hári‑ḥ ‘yellow, greenish’, Gk. χλόη ‘verdure, grass’, χλόος ‘green’: W. gledd ‘turf’, glas ‘green’, glas-wellt ‘grass’, § 101 iv (1).—Ar. √ɡ^u̯hedh- > Gk. ποθέω, θέσσασθαι: Ir. guidim ‘I pray’, W. gw̯eddi ‘prayer’.—Medially: Ar. √sneiɡ^u̯h- > Lat. ninguit, nix, nivis, Gk. νίφα: Ir. snigid ‘rains’, snechta ‘snow’, W. nyf

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‘snow’.—Ar. √dheɡ^u̯h- > Lat. foveo, Gk. τέφρα: Ml. Ir. daig ‘fire’, W. deifio ‘to singe’.

iv. Unlike ku̯, which is treated as q^u̯ in Kelt., Ar. gu̯ (g̑u̯, ɡu̯) does not fall together with ɡ^u̯. The change q^u̯ > p is Gaul.-Brit. but not Goidelic, while the change ɡ^u̯ > b is Pankeltic, and therefore much earlier. The double consonant gu̯ remained, and gives medially W. w, Ir. g, as in W. tew ‘thick’ < *tegu̯os, Ir. tiug: E. thick § 76 viii.—Ar. ghu̯ develops like g^u̯h, giving initially W. gw̯‑, Ir. g‑; thus Ar. *g̑hu̯el‑t- > W. gw̯yllt, Ir. geilt ‘wild’: Goth. wilþeis, E. wild, parallel to Ar. ^{[W 1]}g̑hu̯er- > Lat. ferus, Gk. θήρ.

v. When the guttural follows a nasal we have the following results:

nɡ^u̯ > W. m (for mm), Ir. mb; as Ar. *n̥ɡ^u̯en- > Ir. imb, W. ymen-yn ‘butter’: Lat. unguen.

nɡ^u̯h > W. ng (≡ ŋŋ), Ir. ng; as W. llyngyr ‘lumbrici’: Lat. lumbrīcus.—W. angerdd ‘heat’ < *n̥-ɡ^u̯her‑d‑; angar ‘heat’ < *n̥-ɡ^u̯hₑr‑, √ɡ^u̯her‑, see iii; ager ‘steam’ § 99 vi (1).

nɡhu̯ > W. w, Ir. ng; as W. ewin ‘nail’, Ir. ingen < *n̥ɡhu̯‑, √onoqh/gh‑: Skr. nakhá‑ḥ ‘nail’, Gk. ὄνυξ, Lat. unguis.

ng̑hu̯ > W. f, Ir. ng; as W. tafod ‘tongue’, Ir. tenge: O. Lat. dingua (Lat. lingua), E. tongue < Ar. *dn̥g̑hu̯ā.—W. llyfu ‘to lick’ < *ling̑h‑u̯‑: Ir. līgim, Gk. λείχω, λιχνεύω Lat. lingo, √leig̑h‑.

The first two groups contain two consonants each; ɡ^u̯ > b, and consequently the nasal became m; but ɡ^u̯h remained a guttural so that the nasal became ŋ, and the group became ŋŋ^u̯, which was unrounded in W. as in Ir. The other groups contain three consonants; in Ir. the u̯ dropped as usual, leaving ŋŋ; but in W. the u̯ remained, ŋŋ > ŋ before a consonant, and ŋ dropped, § 106 ii (1).

§ 93. i. In Ar., when two explosives came together, a tenuis before a media became a media, and a media before a tenuis became a tenuis; thus p + d > bd, and b + t > pt. Only the second could be aspirated, and the aspiration, if any, of the first was transferred to it; thus bh + d > bdh. In this case if the second was a tenuis it became an aspirated media, thus bh + t > bdh; this however only survives in Indo-Iran.; elsewhere we have two tenues; thus Gk. has κτ from gh + t, as in εὐκτός: εὔχομαι, Meillet, Intr.² 106. So in Italic and

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Keltic; thus Lat. lectus, Ir. lecht ‘grave’, √leɡh‑; W. gwaith, Ir. fecht < Pr. Kelt. *u̯ekt‑, √u̯eg̑h- § 100 i (2).

ii. (1) Ar. ‑pt‑, ‑kt‑, ‑qt‑, ‑q^u̯t‑, all gave ‑kt- in Pr. Kelt., §§ 86 ii, 88, 89 ii; this appears in Ir. as ‑cht, in W. as ‑i̯th, etc. § 108 iv (1).

(2) In other groups of dissimilar explosives the first was assimilated to the second in Pr. Kelt.; thus tk > kk > Ir. cc, W. ch; as W. achas ‘hated’, Ir. accais ‘curse’ < *akkass- <*ad-kəd‑t- § 87 ii.—W. achar ‘loves’ < *akkar- < *ad-qər‑: Lat. cārus § 88. Lat. ‑pt- was introduced too late to become ‑kt- as above, and so became tt, as the habit of assimilation persisted in Brit.; this gives W. th; as pregeth ‘sermon’ < pre̦ceptum, ysgrythur < scriptūra.

(3) When the group consisted of mediae, the double media became a single tenuis in Brit., giving a media in W.; thus dg > gg > Brit. c > W. g; it gives Ir. c or cc sounded gg, Mn. Ir. g. Examples: Ir. acarb, W. agarw̯ ‘rough, rocky, unfertile’ w.m. 180 < *aggaru̯- < *ad-g̑hₑr’su̯‑: Ir. garb, W. garw ‘rough’ < *g̑hₑr’su̯‑: Gk. χέρσος, Skr. hr̥ṣitáḥ ‘bristling’, Av. zarštva- ‘stone’, Lat. horreo, hirsūtus, √g̑heres‑, § 95 iv (3).—W. aber, O. W. aper ‘confluence’, aberth ‘sacrifice’ < *abber- < *ad-bher‑, √bher‑.

There seems no good reason to suppose that gd, db could give ᵹẟ, ẟf in W.  W. gŵydd ‘goose’ cannot come from Stokes’s *gegda (if g were not assimilated, eg would give ei, not w͡y, in W.), and Pedersen’s breuddwyd < *brogd- (Gr. i 109) is not convincing. W. ẟf can only come from zb, or zg § 97 iii, iv, or from dm; words like addfwyn, addfain come from ad‑m- (mwyn ‘gentle’, main ‘slender’), not from *ad‑b‑. ¶ Two soft spirants coming together, where no vowel has fallen out between them, can only occur when the first was already the spirant ẟ < z in Brit., or when the second was the sonant m.

iii. (1) Ar. tt became tˢt, and Ar. dd(h) became dᶻd(h), § 87 ii, § 91 ii, giving W. s (ss) and th respectively. But when d + t or t + t came together in Kelt., they became tt, which, like Lat. tt, appears in W. as th; thus W. athech ‘skulking’ < *ad-teg‑s‑: W. techu ‘to skulk, lie hidden’, √(s)theg- § 92 i.—W. saeth ‘arrow’ < Lat. sagitta.—For tt + liquid see § 99 v (4).

Similarly d‑d when they came together in Kelt. > Brit. t > W. d; as in edifar ‘repentant’ < *ad-dī-bar‑: W. bâr ‘indigna-

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tion’, Ir. bara: Lat. ferio.—W. credaf ‘I believe’, Ir. cretim (t ≡ d‑d) < *kred d‑: Skr. s̑rad dhā- ‘confide, believe’.

Ar. *k̑red dhē- lit. ‘set (one’s) heart (on)’ was not a fast compound (cf. Skr. s̑rád asmāi dhatta ‘believe in him’); thus the W. credaf is explained by the d‑d coming permanently together in Kelt. (for Ar. d‑dh > W. th § 91 ii), Brugmann² I 670, 691. Lat. crēdo is also irregular, as if *dō ‘give’ had been substituted for *dhē ‘put’, Sommer 251.

When d‑d came together later in Brit., they seem to have been simplified to d giving W. ẟ, as in aẟysg ‘education’ < Lat. addisc‑; so W. aẟef ‘home’ < *ad-dem‑, √demā- § 91 i.

(2) The change of the first t in tt to the affricative tˢ was perhaps due to the tendency in Ar. to avoid double consonants, which in other cases seem to have been simplified. Gemination however was a special characteristic of diminutives and hypocoristic or pet names, and of child-language, which was in a sense a language apart ; and in these even tt remained unchanged. Thus Gk. Νικοττώ (for Νικοτέλεια), Δικκώ, Θεοκκώ, Φίλλιος, Κρίττις, Σθέννις, O. H. G. Sicco (for Sigerīch or Sigbertus), Lat. Varrō (beside Vārus), Brit. Commios (beside Comux, Gaul. Comus), W. Iol-lo (with double l in Ml. W. § 22 ii, for Iorwerth), Gutto (for Gruffuẟ);—Gk. ἄττα, Lat. atta ‘papa’; Skr. akkā ‘mama’, Gk. Ἀκκώ, Lat. Acca Lārentia (: W. y nawfed ach ‘the ninth degree of consanguinity’, lit. ‘the ninth *mother’, cf. “the 4^th mother” § 123 v; ach ac edryd ‘descent’, lit. ‘*mat- and pat-ernity’; achoedd, achau ‘lineage’). As the above examples show, the habit of doubling in such forms persisted in new creations, and may account for the q^u̯q^u̯ in the ogam maq^u̯q^u̯i, and for the tt in Brit. *genettā > W. geneth r.p. 1359 ‘girl’. So in tribal names: Brittones beside Britannī; Gallī beside Γαλάται. Also in names of animals: Lat. vacca; W. bwch ‘buck’ (ch < kk), Skr. bukkas id.; Gaul. cattos, W. cath; Ml. W. buch ‘cow’ < *boukkā; W. mochyn ‘pig’, Ir. mucc, Germ. dial. mocke ‘sow’; Ir. socc, W. hwch ‘pig, sow’; O. E. dogga ‘dog’; Persson, IP. xxvi 68.

The Spirants.

§ 94. i. Ar. s was of very frequent occurrence. It remained generally in Pr. Kelt. Initially Ar. s before a vowel (Lat. s, Gk. ῾, Germ. s, Lith. s, Skr. s) appears in Ir. as s‑, in W. gene-

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rally as h‑, sometimes as s‑. Examples: Ir. samail ‘likeness’, W. hafal ‘like’ < *sₑmₑl‑: Lat. similis, Gk. ὁμαλός, √sem- ‘one’.—Ir. sam, W. haf ‘summer’: O. H. G. sumar, E. summer, Skr. sámā ‘year’.—Ir. sen, W. hên ‘old’: Lat. senex, Gk. ἕνος, Skr. sána‑ḥ ‘old’, Lith. sẽnas ‘old’.—W. had: Lat. satus § 63 vi (1).—W. hun ‘sleep’: Lat. somnus, Gk. ὕπνος, § 63 viii (1).—W. hynt ‘way’, Ir. sēt, § 65 iii.—W. hîr ‘long’, Ir. sīr: Lat. sērus, § 72.— — Ir. secht n‑, W. saith ‘seven’: Lat. septem, Gk. ἑπτά, etc. < Ar. *septm̥ § 86 ii (1).—W. sīl ‘progeny, seed’, beside hīl < *sē‑l‑, √sē- § 63 vi (1).—W. serr, Ir. serr, § 86 i (5).—W. saer, Ir. sāer < *sapero‑?: Lat. sapio.—W. sugnaf, Ir. sūgim ‘I suck’: Lat. sūcus, sūgo, O. E. sūgan, sūcan ‘suck’.

ii. Medially between vowels Ar. s remained after the separation of the P and Q divisions; and is found in Gaulish, as in Isarno‑. In Ir. and W. it became h, and generally disappeared, except where it became initial by metathesis, as in W. haearn, though it is in some cases still written in Ml. W.; thus W. eog, Ml. W. ehawc, Ir. eo, gen. iach < Kelt. *esāk- < *esōk‑, Lat. esox < Kelt. The reduction of vowel-flanked s gave rise to new diphthongs in Brit., which developed largely like original diphthongs; see § 75 i, ii, vi, vii, § 76 ii (3).

iii. The change of s to h differs from the soft mutation; in the latter a voiceless consonant becomes voiced, thus t > d; the corresponding change of s would be to z. But s did not become voiced; it remained voiceless, but was pronounced loosely, and ultimately became h. It must have been loosened already in the Roman period, for Lat. intervocalic s introduced at that period remains, as in caws < cāseus. Now Lat. explosives undergo the soft mutation; the loosening of Brit. s is therefore earlier, and so the interchange s/h does not enter into that system. Before such a system of interchanges was organized it was natural to choose one or the other sound for the same word; and the postvocalic reduced s was chosen for most in Brit., the postconsonantal full s for others. It is quite possible that the two forms persisted in many words for a considerable period, so that we have e.g. W. Hafren beside Brit. (‑Lat.) Sabrĭna. There is only one certain example of Lat. initial s- giving h‑; that is hestawr < sextarius; this either was a trade term borrowed early, or has followed the analogy of words like Hafren. Possibly a transition stage is represented by Ixarninus, Isxarninus beside Isarninus Rhys LWPh.² 418. (The Ir. reduction of s is independent, and is included in the Ir. system of initial mutation.)

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iv. Ar. su̯- remained in Pr. Kelt., and gives s in Ir., chw̯‑, hw̯- in W., § 26 vi. Thus Ar. *s̯uesōr > Ir. siur, W. chw̯aer ‘sister’ § 75 vii (2).—Ar. *su̯id‑t- > *su̯itˢt- > W. chw̯ŷs ‘sweat’: Skr. svídyati ‘sweats’: Lat. sūdor < *su̯oid‑: E. sweat.—Ar. *su̯ek̑s > W. chw̯ech, Ir. sē: Gk. ῾ϝέξ, § 101 ii (2).—Ar. *su̯ek̑(u)r- > W. chw̯egrwn ‘father-in-law’, chw̯egr ‘mother-in-law’: Lat. socer, socrus, Gk. ἑκυρός, ἑκυρᾱ́, Skr. s̑vás̑uraḥ, s̑vas̑rū́ḥ.—W. chwi ‘you’ < *s‑u̯es: Lat. vōs § 159 iv. Before ɔ from ā it was unrounded to h, as in hawdd < *su̯ād- § 148 i (6).

Medial ‑u̯s- > h^u̯ > W. w̯ § 76 ii (3).

§ 95. i. Ar. sm‑, sn‑, sl‑, sr- remained in Pr. Kelt, and appear in Ir. unchanged, in W. as m‑, n‑, ll‑, rh‑. Thus, sm‑: Ir. smēr ‘blackberry’, W. mwyar ‘blackberries’ § 75 vi (2).—Ir. smir gen. smera ‘marrow’, W. mêr id.: Gk. σμυρίζω, μυρίζω ‘I anoint’, E. smear, Lith. smarsas ‘fat’.—sn‑: Ir. snechta, W. nyf ‘snow’: Lat. ninguit, O. H. G. snēo, E. snow § 92 iii.—Ir. snāim ‘I swim’, W. nawf ‘swimming’: Lat. nāre, Skr. snā́ti ‘bathes’.—Ar. √senē(i̯)- ‘thread’: Ir. snīim, W. nyddaf ‘I spin’, Ir. snāthat, W. nodwydd ‘needle’: Lat. nēre, E. snare, Skt. snā́yu ‘bowstring’.—sl‑: Ir. slemun, W. llyfn ‘smooth’: Lat. lūbricus < *sloibricos, E. slip.—Ir. slūag, W. llu ‘retinue’: O. Bulg. sluga ‘servant’.—sr‑: Ar. *sreu̯‑: Ir. sruth ‘stream’, W. rhwd ‘dung-water’ (rhwd tomydd I.G. 238), rhewyn ‘gutter’: Lith. srutà ‘dung-water’, Gk. ῥυτός, ῥεῦμα, etc. § 58 vi, § 76 iv (1).—Ir. srōn ‘nose’ < *srokn‑, W. rhoch ‘snore’ < *srokn- § 99 vi (3): Gk. ῥέγχω, ῥέγκω ‘I snore’, ῥόγχος ‘snoring’, ῥύγχος ‘pig’s snout’, § 97 v (3).

As s- before a vowel sometimes remains in W., so a few examples occur of s- before a sonant, as (y)snoden ‘band, lace’, Ir. snāthe gl. filum < *sn̥̄t‑, √senē(i̯)‑;—(y)slath beside llath ‘lath’, Ir. slat: E. ‘lath’, O. H.G. latta without s‑. The N.W. dial. slyw̯en ‘eel’ is prob. for *sỿllỿwen: Corn. selyas, syllyes ‘eels’, Bret. silienn (stlaoñenn) ‘eel’; the Mn. lit. W. llỿsỿwen, S. W. dial. llỿsw̄́en, seems to be a metathesized form; prob. √selei‑: Lat. līmax. The second element is perhaps ‑onɡhu̯‑: Ir. esc-ung ‘eel’: Gk. ἔγχελυς ‘eel’ (the root has many forms, see Walde² s.v. anguis).

ii. (1) Medial ‑sm‑, ‑sn‑, ‑sl‑, ‑sr- probably remained in Pr. Kelt., but became ‑mm‑, ‑nn‑, ‑ll‑, ‑rr- in both Ir. and W. (In W. ‑mm- is written ‑m-, and ll is now the voiceless ƚƚ,

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properly double ƚƚ § 54 i (2)). Examples: sm: W. twymyn ‘fever’ < *tepes-men- § 86 i (3).—W. ym ‘we are’, Ir. ammi < Kelt. *ésmesi § 179 ix (3).—sn: W. onn-en ‘ash’, Ir. huinn-ius < *os‑n‑: Lat. ornus < *osinus, O. H. G. as‑k, E. ash.—W. bronn ‘breast’, Ir. bruinne id. < *brus‑n‑: O. H. G. brus‑t ‘breast’.—sl: W. coll ‘hazel’, Ir. coll < *qos‑l‑: Lat. corulus < *cosulus, O. H. G. hasal, E. hazel, Lith. kasulas ‘spear’.—sr: W. fferru ‘to congeal’ < *spis‑r‑: Lat. spissus ‘thick’. After a long vowel or diphthong n or r is simplified, as in ffūn ‘breath’ < *spois‑n- § 96 iv (1);—gw̯awr ‘dawn’ < *u̯ōs‑r‑: Lat. vēr ‘spring’ < *u̯ēs‑r, √eu̯es‑. But the simplification took place too late to give *f, *l for m, ll in twymyn, pwyll, etc.; and ‑m, ‑ll remained double after simple vowels and shortened them, as in drŭm § 100 v, dŭll (2) below.

(2) An explosive before one of the above groups simply disappears; thus *prə-t-snā > W. rhann § 63 vii (2);—*tuk-slo‑s > W. twll § 86 ii (3);—*dr̥k-smā > W. drem ‘sight’, √derk̑- § 61 i;—W. rhwym ‘band’ < *reig-smen > √reig̑‑: Lat. corrigia;—W. pwyll, Ir. cīall ‘thought’ < *q^u̯eit‑sl‑: Skr. cit-tá‑m ‘thought’, caityaḥ ‘soul’;—W. dull ‘manner, appearance’ < *doik‑sl‑, √deik̑‑: Gk. δείκνυμι.

(3) But a sonant in the above position remains. Examples: W. garm ‘shout’, Ir. gairm < *g̑ar-smn̥, √g̑ā̆r‑: Lat. garrio;—W. telm ‘snare’, Ir. tailm, gen. telma < *tel‑sm‑: Gk. τελαμών ‘thong’;—Ml. W. anmyneẟ (now amynedd), Ir. ainmne ‘patience’ < *n̥-smenii̯ā, √menēi̯ ‘thought’, pref. n̥- ‘in’;—W. mymryn ‘a little bit’, Ir. mīr ‘a bit of flesh’ < *mēmsro‑m (ī shortened in Brit., m lost in Ir.): Lat. membrum < *mēmsrom, Gk. μηρός < *mēmsros or *mēsros, Skr. mās ‘flesh’;—W. cern ‘back of cheek’ < *k̑ersn‑: Lat. cernuus < *k̑ersn‑, Gk. κάρηνον < *k̑ₑrasnom) Lat. cerebrum < *k̑erasrom; W. carr yr ên ‘jawbone’ either < *k̑ₑr’s‑r- (: cf. Lat. cerebrum) or simply *k̑ₑr’s‑;—W. amnaid ‘nod’ (for *anmeid), O. W. pl. enmeituou, O. Bret. enmetiam gl. innuo < *en-smet‑: Ir. smētim ‘I nod’ < *sment‑. It is to be observed that m in these groups = mm, and is not mutated to f.

iii. (1) Ar. ‑ms‑, ‑ns- became ‑ss- in Pr. Kelt., and appear so in Gaul., Ir., and W. Thus Gaul. esseda ‘war-chariot’ < *en-sed-ā § 63 ii; and acc. pl. ‑ass in artuass (like Lat. ‑ās) < *‑āns. In

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W., where ‑ss- became final by loss of the ending, it became ‑s early; but medially it is still double, though now written ‑s- § 54 i (2). Examples: W. crasu, Ml. W. crassu ‘to bake’, crās ‘baked’ < *krams- < *qrm̥‑s‑, √qerem‑: Lat. cremo, Gk. κέραμος, W. cramwyth ‘pancake’ < *kram-pok-tī;—W. mīs ‘month’, Ir. mī gen. mīs < *mēnsis: Lat. mensis, Gk. μήν, Lith. mė́nů, mė́nesis ‘moon, month’;—W. gw̯rēs ‘heat’ < *ɡ^u̯hrens-os) √ɡ^u̯her‑, § 92 iii: Skr. ghrąsáḥ ‘heat of the sun’ < *ɡ^u̯hrens-ós;—Ml. W. cysseẟ ‘sitting together’ < *kon-sed‑.

(2) The same change takes place before an explosive; thus nst > st; nsq^u̯ > sp; as W. cystadl, cystal ‘as good’ § 96 ii (3); cosp < *konsq^u̯- § 96 iii (5).

(3) The nasal also disappears when an explosive came between it and the s, as in W. cysefin ‘primitive’, Ml. W. cyssefin < *kint’samīnos, beside cyntaf ‘first’ § 106 iii (3), cyntefin ‘Spring’ < *kintu-samīno‑.

iv. (1) Ar. ‑ls‑, ‑rs- probably became ‑ll‑, ‑rr- in Pr. Kelt. Examples of the former are uncertain in W., because ‑ln‑, ´‑li̯- also give W. ll; perhaps W. pell ‘far’ < *q^u̯el‑s‑: Gk. τέλος.—W. carr, Ir. carr, Gaul. carr-(us) < *qₑr’sos § 63 iii; W. twrr ‘crowd’ (b. b. 44, 45), ‘heap’ < *tur’‑s‑, ur < u̯ₑr § 63 viii, √tu̯er‑: Lat. turba, turma (W. torf < Lat.).

(2) An explosive between the two sounds disappears, giving the same result; probably the majority of W. rr’s come from such groups as ‑rks‑, ‑rts‑. Examples: W. gyrr ‘a drove’ (of cattle) < *gerks- < *gerg‑s‑: Gk. γέργερα· πολλά Hes., Lat. grex, W. gre;—W. torri ‘to break, cut’ < *torq‑s‑, √tereq‑: Lat. truncus< *tronqos, W. trwch ‘broken, cut’ < *tronqos;—W. carreg ‘stone’ < *k̑ₑr’q-s-ikā, √k̑ereq‑: Skr. s̑árkaraḥ ‘pebble’, Gk. κροκάλη ‘pebble’, W. crogen ‘shell’, craig ‘rock’ < *k̑roqi̯‑;—W. torr ‘belly’ (generally of an animal), torrog ‘pregnant’, Ir. torrach ‘pregnant’ < *torks‑: Lat. tergus ‘body of an animal, hide’;—W. gwarr ‘upper part of back’, gwarr hëol g. 300 ‘ridge of the roadway’ < *u̯ort‑s‑: Lat. vortex, W. gwarthaf ‘summit’ < *u̯ortₑmo‑;—W. corr ‘dwarf’ < *qort‑s‑: Lat. curtus, Ir. cert ‘little’, √(s)qer‑.—Possibly we have ll from ‑lks- in W. callestr ‘flint’ < *qel’qs‑: Lat. calx, Gk. χάλιξ, √q(h)eleiq- parallel to √k̑ereq- above.

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(3) An explosive following the group remains, and the s disappears; thus W. torth ‘loaf’, Ir. tort < *torst- ‘baked’: Lat. tostus < *tors(i)tos: torreo < *torseiō; W. tarth ‘vapour, mist’ (tarth mwg Act. ii 19 ‘vapour of smoke’, tan twym tarth b.t. 38 ‘hot scorching fire’) < *tₑr’s‑t‑: Gk. τερσαίνω, √teres- ‘dry up’;—W. garth ‘promontory, hill’, Ir. gart < *g̑hₑr’st‑: Gk. χέρσος, √g̑heres- § 93 ii (3) (not to be confused with garth ‘enclosure’: Lat. hortus § 99 vi (1), § 76 vi (2)).

§ 96. i. Ar. s + tenuis remained in Pr. Kelt. In Brit. the group either remained or became a double spirant; thus sk gave either (1) sk or (2) χχ; and st gave either (1) st or (2) a sound between þþ and ss, which became ss. It is probable that form (1) occurred after a consonant, and form (2) after a vowel, being caused by a loose pronunciation of the s. Both forms occur initially and medially, and in the latter case form (1) can be shown in a large number of cases to have followed a consonant now vanished. In Ir. st gave ss, initially s‑, and the other groups remained unchanged.

Tenuis + s also became a double spirant in Brit. A media before s had become a tenuis in Ar., and gives the same result. An aspirated media before s changed it to z in Ar., thus dhs > dhz (dzh); the group became tenuis + s in Kelt., with the same result.

When s is combined with two explosives in any order it is the first explosive that drops: thus llost < *lompst- ii (3); asgwrn < *ast-korn- ii (4); nos < *nots< *noq^u̯ts ii (5). The same simplification took place later in words borrowed from Lat.: W. estron ‘stranger’ < extrāneus, astrus < abstrūsus, etc., § 103 i (5).

ii. (1) Ar. st- became s- in Ir., st- or s- in Bret., Corn., and W. Examples: Ir. sāl, W. sawdl, Bret. seul ‘heel’ < *stā‑tl- 63 vi (1); Bret. steren, Corn. steren, W. seren ‘star’: Lat. stella < *ster-lā, Gk. ἀστήρ, O. H. G. sterno, E. star: Ar. *stē̆r‑;—Bret. staon ‘palate’, W. safn ‘mouth’: Gk. στόμα;—Ir. sere, W. serch ‘love’, Bret. serc’h ‘concubine’: Gk. στέργω: Ar. *sterk/g‑;—W. (y)starn, Bret. starn, stern ‘harness’ beside W. sarn ‘causeway’ 63 vii (2), √sterō- ‘spread out’. It is not to be supposed that st- became s- in W. in seren etc. after the separation of W. and Corn., since Lat. st- generally remains (not always; swmbwl

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§ 66 ii (1)); but rather that st- and s- existed side by side, and one form or the other prevailed; cf. § 94 iii. The lisped form þ- is attested in Gaul. in the name Đirona, also spelt Sirona (? star-goddess, < *stēr‑).

(2) Medial ‑st- gave Ir. ss, Bret., Corn., W. ss. When ss became final in W. it was simplified early; but it remained double medially, and is still double after the accent, though now written s § 54 i (2). Examples: Ir. ross ‘promontory, forest’, W. rhos ‘mountain meadow’ (Richards), ‘moor’ < *pro‑sth‑: Skr. prasthaḥ ‘table-land on a mountain, plain’, √sthā- ‘stand’;—Ir. cas-achtach ‘cough’, W. pas ‘whooping-cough’, Bret. pas ‘cough’ < *q^u̯əst‑: O. E. hwōsta, Germ. Husten ‘cough’: Lith. kósėti ‘to cough’, Skr. kā́sate ‘coughs’;—Ir. foss ‘servant’, W. gwas ‘servant’, gwasanaeth ‘service’ < *upo-sthā-n-ā́kt- § 203 i (4): Skr. upa-sthā́-na‑m ‘attendance, service’;—W. gwas b.t. 4 ‘abode’, Ir. foss ‘rest, stay’ < *u̯ost‑: Gk. ἄστυ < ϝάστυ, Skr. vā́stu ‘dwelling-place, homestead’.—The alternative lisped form þþ is attested in Brit. Aθθedomaros beside gen. Assedomari CIL. iii 5291 (Rhys CB.² 277), W. Gwynn-assed b.b. 67, with aθθ‑, ass- perhaps < *ast‑: Gk. ὀστέον, Skr. ásthi ‘bone’, W. asen ‘rib’, ais ‘breast’.

(3) When ‑st- is preceded by a nasal or explosive or both, the whole group gives W. st. Examples: W. cystal, older cystadl ‘as good’ < *kom-sthə-dhlo- ‘standing together’: Lat. stabulum < *sthə-dhlo‑m;—W. trwst ‘tumult’ < *trum‑st- (ru < u̯r̥ § 63 viii (1)), √tu̯er‑: Lat. turma, turba, Gk. σύρβη, Att. τύρβη;—Ir. loss, los (i. erball) ‘tail’, Bret. lost ‘tail’, lostenn ‘petticoat’, lostek ‘tailed, trailing’, W. llost ‘tail’ in llost-lydan ‘beaver’, arllost ‘the butt end of a spear’ < *lomp‑st‑, √leb- ‘hang down’: Skr. lámbate ‘hangs down’, Lat. limbus ‘hem of a garment’ < *lembos, E. lop in lop-eared, lop-sided: W. llusgo ‘to trail, drag behind’ < *lop‑sq‑;—W. cynllwst ‘kennel’ < *kuno-loq‑st‑, √leɡh- ‘lie’;—W. gast ‘bitch’ < *ganst- for *kan‑st- § 101 iii (2) < *k̑(u̯)ₑn- ‘dog’ § 76 v (1);—W. clust ‘ear’, Ir. cluass < *kleut‑st‑, a Kelt. formation < Ar. *k̑léutom ‘hearing’: Av. sraotə‑m, Goth. hliuþ.—(For the group after a liquid, see § 95 iv (3).)

After a prefix both forms occur: W. gwa-sarn ‘litter’, √sterō‑; gwa-stad ‘level’, √sthā- ‘stand’; di-serch ‘unlovely’, √sterk/g- (1)

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above; di-stadl ‘insignificant’, lit. ‘without standing’, cf. cystadl above.

We have perhaps to assume *u̯os- (cf. Lat. sus‑) beside u̯o- and *dēs- beside *dē‑, giving *‑sst- beside *‑st‑, resulting in ‑st- beside ‑s‑. It is however to be borne in mind that forms with prefixes were not originally fast compounds; and thus the form after a prefix may represent the old initial.

(4) Before r or l, Ar. st remains in all positions in W. Thus W. ystrad < *strə‑t‑, √sterō- § 63 vii (2);—W. ystrew, trew ‘sneeze’ < *streus- § 76 ii (2), √pstereu‑: Lat. sternuo, Gk. πτάρνυμι;—W. ystlys ‘side’, Ir. sliss ‘side’ < *stl̥t‑s‑: Lat. latus < *stlət-os, √stel(ā)‑;—W. arwestr ‘band, (apron‑)string’ < *are-u̯est-rā: Gk. Dor. ϝέστρᾱ (γέστρα· στολή Hes.), Lat. vestis;—W. rhwystr ‘obstacle’ < *reig-s-tro- ‘*snare’: W. rhwym § 95 ii (2);—W. bustl ‘gall’ (u for y § 77 vii (2)), Corn. bistel, Bret. bestl < *bis‑tl‑: Lat. bīlis < *bis-lis (different suffixes ‑tl‑: ‑l‑);—W. destl ‘neat, trim’, di-ddestl ‘clumsy, unskilful’ D.G. 196, 240 < *deks‑tl‑: Lat. dexter, Gk. δεξιός, W. dehau ‘right’, etc. It is seen that a consonant before the group drops.

On the other hand when st came before an explosive the t dropped; thus stk > sk, as in W. asgwrn, Ml. ascwrn ‘bone’ < *ast-korn: Gk. ὀστέον, see (2) above (initial a/o altern. § 63 v (2)); and llosgwrn ‘tail’ similarly formed from *lompst‑, see (3);—W. gwisg ‘dress’ < *u̯ēst‑q‑, di-osg ‘to undress’ < *dē-u̯ost‑q‑, √u̯es‑: Lat. vestis, etc.

(5) Ar. ts gives ss in Ir. and W. Original ds and dhz became ts, giving the same result.—W. blys ‘strong desire’ < *mlit‑s‑, noun in ‑s- beside melys ‘sweet’ participle in ‑t- § 87 ii, base *meleit‑;—W. llys ‘court’, Ml. Bret. les, Ir. liss, less < *(p)l̥t‑’s‑. with an ‑s- suffix which lost its vowel, added to *pl̥th- § 63 viii (1);—W. aswy, Ml.W. asswy, asseu ‘left (hand)’ < *at-soui̯ó‑s < *ad-seu̯i̯ós: Skr. savyáḥ ‘left’.—An explosive before the group drops; thus W. nos ‘night’ < nom. *not‑s < *noq^u̯t‑s beside noeth in trannoeth ‘the following day’, heno, O. W. henoid (≡ henoyth) ‘to-night’ from oblique cases *nokt‑; so glas- ‘milk’ < *gləkt‑s § 63 vii (3); tes ‘heat’ < *tekts < *tep‑t‑s: Lat. tepeo, etc. A nasal before the group drops, § 95 iii (3); but a liquid remains, and the group becomes ll or rr, § 95 iv (2).

iii. (1) Ar. sk̑- appears as sc- in Ir., as sc- or h- (< χ) in W.

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In W. sc has become sg, and initially ysg‑, § 23 ii. Thus W. ysgḯen, Ir. scīan ‘knife’, √sk̑hē(i̯)‑: Skr. chyáti ‘cuts off’;—Ml. W. isgaud b.b. 35 ‘darkness’, Ir. scāth ‘shadow’ < *skāt‑: Goth. skadus, E. shade, Gk. σκότος, Skr. chādáyati ‘covers’;—W. hegl ‘shank’ < *skek‑l‑: E. shank √sk̑eq/ɡ‑: W. ysgogi ‘stir, shake’, E. shake, Lith. szókti ‘to leap, dance’.

After a prefix: W. cysgod, gwasgod ‘shade’ < *skāt‑, as above.

(2) Ar. sq- gives Ir. sc‑, W. sc- (ysg‑) or chw̯- (or before a round vowel h‑). Thus W. ysgwyd ‘shield’, Ir. scīath < *sqeit-om: Lat. scūtum < *sqoit-om, O. Bulg. štitŭ ‘shield’ < *sqeit-om;—W. ysgar ‘to separate’, Ir. scaraim, √sqer‑: Lith. skìrti ‘to separate’;—W. chwith ‘left (hand)’ < *sqī‑tn‑, chwidr ‘perverse, fickle’ < *sqī‑tr‑, Mn. Ir. ciotach ‘left-handed’ <*sqi‑tn‑, W. ysgoewan f. ‘fickle one’ < *sqai‑u̯‑, all R-grades of *sqēi̯- ‘left, oblique’: Lat. scaevus, Gk. σκαι(ϝ)ός, E. shy;—W. chwalu ‘to scatter’, Bret. skula, Ir. scāilim ‘I scatter’, √sqel- § 101 iv (2): hollt ‘split’ iv (1) (β).

With a prefix: W. gwa-sgar-af ‘I scatter’, √sqer- § 101 iv (2);—cy-chw̯ynn-af ‘I rise, start’, Ir. scendim: Lat. scando, Skr. skándati ‘leaps, bounds’, √sqend‑;—W. osgo ‘slant’, nyt osco-es b.t. 25 ‘he swerved not’ < *op-sqaiu̯‑; Ml. W. amry-scoyw̯, Mn. W. amrosgo ‘diagonal, awkward’ < *sqaiu̯‑: Lat. scaevus, see above;—W. cy-huddo ‘to accuse’: Icel. skúta ‘a taunt’, § 156 i (9).

skl‑, skr‑, where they remained in Brit., survived in W., now ysgl- ysgr‑, as ysglyfaeth § 101 iv (2), ysgrafell ‘rasp’: E. scrape, iv (3). But these were mostly reduced early to *sl‑, sr‑, § 101 ii (3). Medially we may have ‑chl‑, ‑chr‑, § 156 i (11), (13).

(3) Ar. sq^u̯- gives Ir. sc‑, W. chw̯‑. Thus Ir. scēl, W. chw̯edl, Corn. whethl ‘news, a tale’ < *sq^u̯-e-tlo- > √seq^u̯- ‘say’. With a prefix: Ml. W. ky-chwedɏl b.t. 38 ‘news’ = Ml. Bret. quehezl, Bret. kel;—W. dym-chwel-af ‘I overthrow’: Gk. σφάλλω, Skr. skhálati ‘stumbles’, √sq^u̯hel‑;—W. dy-chwel-af ‘I return’ < *do-sq^u̯el‑, √q^u̯el- ‘turn’, § 101 iv (2).—sp in the old compound cosp, see (5).

(4) Medially between vowels Ar. ‑sk̑- > W. ch, but is hardly to be found except in old compounds like gochel ‘to guard (against)’, ym-ochel ‘to take shelter’ < *upo-s-k̑el‑, √k̑el- § 63 iii.—Ar. ‑sq‑, ‑sq^u̯- gave χ^u̯, generally unrounded to ch; in Ir. all appear as ss.

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Thus Ar. verbal suffix *‑sqe- (: Skr. ‑ccha‑, Gk. ‑σκω, Lat. ‑sco), appears as ch in W. chwenychaf; finally ‑wch < *‑y^u̯χ < *‑i‑sq- (: Gk. ‑ι-σκω) § 201 iii (2);—Ml. W. amkawẟ w.m. 453 ‘replied’ < *am-χ^u̯‑awẟ § 156 i (4) < *m̥bi‑sq^u̯‑, √seq^u̯‑ ‘say’; suffix § 182 iii.

(5) After an explosive or nasal, however, Ar. ‑sk̑‑, ‑sq‑ > W. ‑sc‑ (‑sg‑), and Ar. ‑sq^u̯‑ > W. ‑sp‑; in Ir. ‑sc‑. Thus W. mysgu, cymysgu ‘to mix’, Ir. mescaim ‘I mix’ < *mik̑‑sq‑: Lat. misceo, Gk. μίγνυμι, Skr. mis̑rá‑ḥ ‘mixed’, √meik̑/g̑‑;—W. llusgo ‘to drag’ < *lop‑sq- ii (3) above;—W. hesg ‘sedges’, Ir. sescenn ‘swamp’ < *seq‑sq‑: E. sedge, O. E. secg √seq/ɡ- ‘cut’: Lat. seco etc.;—W. llesg ‘languid, infirm, sluggish’, Ir. lesc ‘slothful’ < *leq‑sq‑, √(s)lē̆g‑: Skr. laŋga‑ḥ ‘lame’ < *lenɡ‑, Lat. langueo < *lənɡ‑, Gk. λαγαρός;—W. gw̯rysg ‘twigs’ < *u̯r̥d‑sq‑: Lat. rāmus < *u̯r̥̄d-mo‑s, √u̯erō̆d- § 91;—W. diaspad f. ‘a cry’ < *dē-ad-sq^u̯‑ətā, √seq^u̯‑, suff. § 143 iii (18); W. cosp ‘punishment’, Ir. cosc ‘correction, reprimand’ < *kon‑sq^u̯‑ ‘talk with’.

As the group ‑sku̯- or ‑squ̯- contains three distinct consonants, it gives ‑sp- in W. (not ‑ch‑); thus W. hysp ‘dry’ (without milk), di-hysb-yddu ‘to bail’ (a boat, a well, etc.), di-hysb-ydd ‘inexhaustible’ < *sisq-u̯o- redupl. of √seiq- ‘dry’: Avest. hišku- f. hiškvī‑, Lat. siccus < *sīcos (W. sych, Ir. secc < Lat. ?).

(6) Ar. ‑ks‑, ‑qs‑, ‑q^u̯s‑ give Ir. ss, W. Bret. Corn. ‑ch- or ‑h‑. Thus Ir. dess ‘right (hand)’ < *dek̑s‑, W. deheu ‘right, south’ < *deksou̯i̯os, Gaul. Dexsiva dea: Lat. dexter, Gk. δεξιός, Goth. taihswa, O. H. G. zësawa;—Ir. ess‑, W. eh‑, ech- § 156 i (15): Lat. ex, Gk. ἐξ;—W. ych ‘ox’ (Ml. Ir. oss) < *uqsō: Skr. ukṣā, O. H. G. ohso, § 69 v.—So finally: W. chw̯ech ‘six’, Ir. sē, sess- < *su̯eks: Av. xšvaš, Gk. ἕξ (῾ϝεξ), Lat. sex, Goth. saihs, E. six < Ar. *su̯ek̑s, *sek̑s § 101 ii (2).

As before ts, an explosive or nasal before the group dropped; but in that case ‑ks- probably, like ‑sk‑, did not become χ, but remained and developed like Lat. ‑x‑; so perhaps trais ‘oppression’ < *treks- < *trenk‑s‑: W. trenn, Ger. streng § 148 i (13). A liquid before the group remains, § 95 iv (2); ‑ksl‑, ‑ksm‑ etc., § 95 ii (2).

iv. After s, Ar. p in Kelt. either (α) became *f as usual; or (β) was altered to q^u̯ and developed accordingly.

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(1) (α) Ar. sp(h)‑ > W. ff‑, Ir. s- (mutated to f‑). Thus W. ffun ‘breath’ < *spois‑n‑: Lat. spīro < *speis-ō;—W. ffêr ‘ankle’, Ir. seir ‘heel’ (acc. du. di pherid) < *sper‑: Gk. σφυρόν ‘ankle, heel’ < *sphu̯ₑr‑: Lat. perna, Gk. πτέρνα < *pu̯er‑n- (Jacobsohn, KZ. xlii 275), √sphu̯erē- see (2) below;—W. ffonn ‘stick’, Ir. sonn ‘stake’ < *spondh‑: E. spoon, O. E. spōn ‘chip of wood’, Icel. spānn, spōnn ‘chip’, Gk. σπάθη ‘spatula’, σφήν ‘wedge’, √sp(h)ē-, spend- ‘hew’. — — Similarly before a liquid: W. ffraeth ‘eloquent, witty’ < *sphrəkt‑, √spherē̆ɡ‑: Germ. sprechen, O. E. sprecan; E. speak, see § 97 v (3);—W. ffrwst ‘haste’ < *sprut-st-: Goth. sprautō ‘quickly’, W. ffrwd § 101 ii (3);—W. fflochen ‘splinter’ < *sphloq‑n‑: Skr. phálakam ‘board, plank’, √sp(h)el‑: Germ. spalten, E. split, cf. W. talch § 86 ii (3).

(β) sp(h)- > Kelt. sq^u̯ > W. chw̯- (h‑) or sp‑, Ir. sc‑. Thus W. chw̯ynn ‘weeds’ (prob. originally ‘furze’, as E. whin which comes from it) < *sq^u̯inn- < *spid‑sn-: Lat. pinna < *pid-snā; Ir. scē gen. pl. sciad, W. yspyddad ‘hawthorn’ < *sq^u̯íi̯-at‑: Lat. spīna, spīca, √spei‑;—W. chw̯ydu ‘to vomit’, chw̯ŷd ‘vomit’ § 100 ii (3), √spei̯eu̯‑: Lat. spuo, E. spew, etc.;—W. hollt ‘split’, hollti ‘to split’, beside (α) Bret. faouta ‘to split’ < *spol‑t‑, √spel- § 101 iv (2);—W. yspar ‘spear’, Bret. sparr: Lat. sparus, O. H. G. spër, E. spear, √sphu̯erē- § 97 v (3);—W. chw̯yrn ‘swift’ < *sphern‑, hwrẟ ‘a violent push’ < *sphuri̯- § 100 iii (2).

(2) Medially, Ar. ‑sp- gives (α) W. ‑ff‑, or (β) W. ‑ch‑, Ir. ‑sc‑. Thus W. dual (α) uffarnau (β) ucharnau ‘ankles’ < *u̯i-sp(u̯)ₑr‑n‑: sg. ffêr, Lat. perna above;—(β) W. ucher ‘evening’, Ir. fescor: Lat. vesper, Gk. ἕσπερος § 66 iii.

After a consonant (α) ‑sp- > W. ff; unlike ‑st‑, ‑sk‑, which preserve the explosive, sp had become ‑sf‑, and there was no explosive to preserve. Thus W. effro ‘awake’ < *eksprog- dissim. from *eks-pro‑gr‑: Lat. expergiscor for *ex-pro-grīscor (Walde, s. v.): Av. fra-γrisəmnō ‘waking’, Skr. járate ‘wakes’, Gk. ἐγείρω, √ɡer‑, ɡerēi̯‑.

(3) Ar. ‑ps- also gives (α) W. ‑ff‑, or (β) W. ‑ch‑, but Ir. ‑ss‑. Thus (α) W. craff ‘sharp, keen’ < *qrap‑s- < *qrab‑s‑: Icel. skarpr, O. E. scearp, E. sharp, E. scrape, W. crafu ‘to scratch’;—W. praff ‘burly’ < q^u̯rₑp‑s‑: Lat. corpus, etc.;—(β) W. uwch ‘higher’, uchel ‘high’, Ir. ūasal, uassal, Gaul.

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Uxello-dunum < *ups‑, *upsel‑: Lat. sus‑, Gk. ὕψι, ὑψηλός ‘high’, ὑψίων ‘higher’;—W. crych ‘curly’, Gaul. Crixus, Crixsus: Lat. crispus (prob. < *cripsos): Lith. kreĩpti ‘to turn’, √qer- ‘turn’, extd. *qreip‑;—W. llachar ‘bright’, Ir. lassair < *lapsₑr‑: Gk. λάμπω;—W. crach ‘scabs’ < *qrap‑s‑: craff above, see § 101 ii (2). As in the case of ‑ks‑, see iii (6), the *‑ch- may become ‑h‑, as in cah-el beside caff-el < *qap‑s- § 188 iv.

§ 97. i. Before a media or aspirated media, s had become z medially in Pr. Ar. Thus the V-grade of √sed- was ‑zd‑. Ar. z became ẟ in Pr. Kelt. This remained in Brit., and the media following it was reduced later to the corresponding voiced spirant.

ii. Ar. ‑zd- > Kelt. ẟd. In W. this became th, through ẟẟ; in Ir. it appears as t, tt (≡ d‑d), Mn. Ir. d. Thus Ar. *nizdos ‘nest’ > Ir. net, nett, Mn. Ir. nead, W. nyth: Lat. nīdus, O. H. G. nest, E. nest, Skr. nīḍá‑ḥ, √sed- § 63 ii;—W. syth 'upright', sythu ‘set erect’, Ir. seta ‘tall’ < *sizd‑: Lat. sīdo < *sizdō, Skr. sī́dati ‘sits’ for *sīḍati < *sizd‑, Gk. ἵζω < *sizdō, √sed‑, redupl. *sizd‑;—W. gŵyth ‘anger’, ad-wyth ‘hurt, mischief, misfortune’ < *g̑heizd‑, Ml. Ir. goet ‘wound’ < *g̑hoizd‑: Skr. héḍa‑ḥ ‘anger’ < *g̑heizd-os, héḍati ‘angers, vexes, hurts’, Lith. žáizda ‘wound’, žeidžiù ‘I wound’, Av. zōižda- ‘hateful’;—W. brathu ‘to stab, bite’, brath ‘a stab, a bite’ < *bhrazd(h)‑: Russ. brozdá ‘bit, bridle’ < *bhrazd(h)‑, O. Bulg. brŭzda id. < *bhr̥zd(h)‑: with ‑st‑, Skr. bhr̥ṣṭí‑ḥ ‘tooth, point’, Lat. fastīgium for *farsti- (< *frasti‑?), √bhera‑s‑? Walde² 275, extension of √bher- ‘prick’: W. bêr ‘spear, spit’;—‑d- presents: W. chw̯ythaf ‘I blow’ < *su̯iz‑d‑, Ir. sētim id. < *su̯eiz‑d‑: Skr. kṣveḍati ‘utters an inarticulate sound, hisses, hums’ < *ksu̯eiz‑d‑: with ‑t‑, O. Bulg. svistati ‘sibilare’.

After a consonant the result is the same, for the consonant had dropped in Brit., and though st of that period remains (e.g. Lat. ‑st‑), the mutation d > ẟ is later, so that Brit. ‑ẟd > ẟẟ > th. Thus the prefix *eks- + d- gave *e(g)zd- > *eẟd- > eth- as in ethol ‘to elect’ < *egz-dol-: E. tale, Ger. Zahl ‘number’, W. didoli ‘to segregate’, Skr. dálam ‘piece’, Lith. dalìs ‘part’, √dē̆l- ‘divide’.

iii. Ar. ‑zg̑(h)‑, ‑zg(h)- > Kelt. ‑ẟg‑; in Ir. it appears as dg (≡ ẟᵹ); in W. *ẟᵹ became i̯ẟ by met.; after w, *ẟᵹ > ẟf. Thus

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W. maidd ‘whey’ < *meᵹ̑ẟ‑, met. for *meẟᵹ‑, Ir. medg ‘whey’, Gallo-Lat. mesga (s for ẟ? cf. § 96 ii (1)): Lat. mergo, Lith. mazgóti ‘to wash’, Skr. majjati ‘sinks’ < *mezɡ‑;—W. haidd ‘barley’ < *se‑zg‑, redupl. of *seg‑: Lat. seges;—perhaps W. twddf ‘a swelling’ for *tuẟᵹ- < *tuzg‑, s-stem of √teu̯ā- (: Goth. þūs‑) + ‑g- suff.: Lat. turgeo (Walde² rejects his first suggestion that this is from *tuzg- in favour of Solmsen’s *tūrigo, IF. xxvi 112ff., with ‑igo (: ago), though this is usually 1st conj., as navigāre).

W. gwẟf ‘throat’, N. W. dial. gwẟw, pl. gyẟfe, gyẟfa, S. W. dial. gwẟwg, pl. gyẟge, gythce, Bret. gouzoug, with ‑g for ‑ᵹ, § 111 vii (4), seems to require *guzg‑; ? g̑hu‑s‑, √g̑hēu‑, (: Lat. fauces) + ‑g‑, as in mwn‑g ‘mane’.

iv. Ar. ‑zb(h)- > Kelt. ẟb > Ir. db, W. ẟf. Thus W. oddf ‘knag, knot, nodule’, Ir. odb: Gk. ὀσφύς (< *ost-bhu‑?).

v. (1) The above groups are found only medially. Initially Ar. s- did not become z‑, but changed a following media to a tenuis ; thus sb- > sp‑, *sbh- > sph, etc., Siebs, KZ. xxxvii 277 fF. Hence the initial alternations b‑: sp- and dh‑: sth‑, etc., as in Germ. dumm, E. dumb < *dh‑: Germ. stumm, W. di-staw < sth‑, § 156 i (11).

(2) As s- could be prefixed or dropped in Ar. and for a long time after the dispersion, § 101 ii (1), Siebs l. c. holds that the above explains the initial alternation of a media and tenuis. In a large number of cases it undoubtedly does so. Where the media is general and the tenuis exceptional, it affords a satisfactory explanation, as in the case of the Kelt. t- in tafod ‘tongue’ corresponding to d- elsewhere (O. Lat. dingua), which is parallel to the t in taw! ‘be silent’ (s still kept in di-staw) corresponding to the *dh- which gives the d- of E. dumb. But it hardly explains the alternation when the tenuis is general and the media exceptional, as in W. craidd, Lat. cord‑, Lith. szirdìs, E. heart, Gk. καρδία < *k̑‑: Skr. hŕ̥d‑, Av. zərədā < *g̑h‑, since k̑ < sk̑h, without a trace of the s- in the whole of Europe, is improbable. But whatever the explanation may be, the fact of the alternation can hardly be called in question.

(3) As an example of the variety of forms produced by variable s‑, we may take √bhu̯erē‑, extd. *bhu̯erē̆‑ɡ‑/‑ɡh‑/‑q‑, orig. meaning 1. ‘hurl’, 2. ‘smite’; hence from 1. ‘sprinkle, cast (seed); roar, snore; rattle ; talk’; from 2. ‘break; crash, break out, burst; smell’. bh‑: W. bwrw ‘hurl, smite’, bwrw glaw ‘to rain’, bwrw had ‘to cast seed’ < *bhur’ɡ- (ur < u̯ₑr); Lat. frango < *bhrənɡ‑, frāgor < *bhr̥̄ɡ‑, frā-

(delwedd 1676) (tudalen 146)

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grāre, E. break, burst, W. brych, brith ‘speckled’;—sph‑: W. hwrẟ § 100 iii (2), chw̯yrn ‘swift’ § 90 iv (1), chw̯yrnu ‘to roar, snore’; Skr. sphuráti ‘spurns, darts, bounds’, sphū́rjati ‘rumbles, roars, rattles, crashes’ < *sphu̯r̯̄ɡ‑; Lat. sperno, spargo; E. spurn, sprinkle; Gk. σφάραγος; W. ffraeth § 96 iv (1), ffroen < *sphruɡ-nā (ru < u̯r̥);—p(h)‑: W. erch ‘speckled’, Gk. περκνός; W. arch-fa ‘stench’ < *phₑr’q‑; arogleu ‘a smell’, compound pₑroqo-prāɡ‑?—(p…ɡ > t…ɡ § 86 ii (3)) trywyẟ ‘scent’, trwyn ‘nose’ < *pruɡ-no‑, trawaf ‘I strike’ < *prug- (ru < u̯r̥);—spr > sr § 101 ii (3): W. rhuo ‘roar, talk loudly’ < *srogi̯‑, Gk. ῥέγχω, ῥέγκω, ῥόγχος, ῥύγχος, W. rhoch ‘snore’.

§ 98. i. (1) In Gk. and Kelt, a dental explosive sometimes appears after a guttural where the other languages have s; this is explained by the supposition that Ar. possessed after gutturals another spirant, similar to E. th in think, W. th, which is written þ. After an aspirated media, as s became z, § 96 i, so þ became ð; thus ghþ > ghð (gðh). Brugmann² I 790 ff.

(2) Ar. k̑þ- (Lat. s‑, Gk. κτ‑, Skr. kṣ‑) gave Kelt. t‑. Thus W. tydwet, tydwed^[1] b.b. 20, 36 ‘soil, land’ < *tit‑: Lat. situs ‘site’, Gk. κτίσις ‘settlement’, κτίζω ‘I found’, Skr. kṣití‑ḥ ‘abode, earth, land’: √k̑þei̯- ‘earth’, see (3) below.

Ar. ‑k̑þ- (Lat. ‑x‑, Gk. ‑κτ‑, Skr. ‑kṣ‑) gave Kelt. ‑kt‑. Thus W. arth ‘bear’, Ir. art < *artos < *arktos: Gk. ἄρκτος, Lat. ursus < *urcsos, Skr. ŕ̥kṣaḥ: Ar. *ark̑þos, *r̥k̑þos § 63 v (2).

(3) Ar. g̑hð- (Lat. h‑, Gk. χθ‑, Skr. h‑, Germ. g‑, Lith. ž‑) gave Kelt. d‑. Thus Ir. indhe, W. doe ‘yesterday’ < *desī = Lat. heri: Gk. χθές, Skr. hyáḥ, § 75 vii (2); this occurs medially in W. neithi̯w͡yr ‘last night’ 78 i (2) for *neith-ẟi̯w͡yr < *nokti di̯eserāi (assuming the case to be loc.): O. H. G. gestaron, E. yester‑, Lat. hesternus: Ar. *g̑hði̯es‑, suff. *‑ero‑/‑tero‑.—W. ty-ẟyn ‘a measure of land, a small farm’ lit. ‘*house-land’, tref-ẟyn b.t. 14, gwely-ẟyn (gwelitin b.b. 64), Ml. pl. tyẟynneu for *‑ẟy̆́ni̯eu < *domi̯‑: Lat. humus, Gk. χθών: Ar. *g̑hðem- ‘earth’; allied to this as meaning ‘terrestrial’ are the names for ‘man’: W. dyn, Ir. duine < *doni̯o- < *g̑hðomi̯‑: Lat. homo, Lith. žmů̃, žmo-gùs pl. žmónės, Goth, guma pl. gumans: Ar. *g̑hðem‑. This may be for *g̑hði̯em- as Pedersen suggests, Gr. i 89–90; in that case the root must be *g̑hðei̯‑, which therefore must be the same as

1.  In Late W. wrongly spelt tudwedd from a fancied relation to tud ‘people’, whence ‘country’. The examples in b.b. both rhyme with ‑ed.

(delwedd 1677) (tudalen 147)

§ 99

THE ARYAN CONSONANTS

147

√k̑þei̯- above, with Ar. alternation k̑‑/g̑h‑; hence W. daear ‘earth’ < *g̑hðii̯-ₑrā, √g̑hðei̯‑.

(4) ɡ^u̯hð- (Gk. φθ‑) gave Kelt. d‑. Thus W. dar-fod ‘to waste away, perish’, dar-fodedigaeth ‘phthisis’ < *dar- < *ɡ^u̯hðₑr‑: Gk. φθείρω < *ɡ^u̯ðer‑; W. dyddfu ‘to pine, waste away’ < *di‑d‑m- redupl., ‑m- suff.: Gk. φθῑ́ω, ἀπο-φθίθω; in Skr. with *q^u̯þ‑, as kṣárati ‘flows, passes away, perishes’, kṣī́yate ‘decreases, wanes’.

ii. In Gk. we sometimes find ζ- where the other languages have i̯‑. This equation is held to imply an Ar. palatal spirant j (the sound which is written ᵹ̑, i. e. palatal ᵹ, in other connexions in this book; it differs from i̯ in being pronounced with more friction of the breath). Examples are W. i̯au ‘yoke’, Lat. jugum, Skt. yugá‑m, Gk. ζυγόν, all < Ar. *jugóm;—W. i̯ās ‘a seething’, Skr. yásyati ‘seethes, bubbles’, Gk. ζέω: Ar. √jes‑;—W. uwd ‘porridge’, Ml. W. i̯wt § 37 ii, Bret. iot, Lat. jūs, Skr. yūṣa‑m ‘broth’, Gk. ζῡ́μη: Ar. √jēu‑; W. i̯wrch, O. Corn. yorch: Gk. ζόρξ § 65 iii (2);—W. i̯oli: Gk. ζῆλος § 201 iii (2).

The Sonants.

§ 99. i. Initially before vowels, and medially between vowels, Ar. l, r, m, n (so in most of the languages, but r- > ἐρ- in Gk.) remained unchanged in Pr. Kelt. In W. initial l- and r- became ll- and rh‑, §&nsp;103 i (4). Many examples occur in the above sections; as W. llost < *lompst- § 96 ii (3); W. halen ‘salt’ § 58 ii; W. rhwym, √reig̑- § 95 ii (2); W. adferaf, √bher- § 58 iii; W. mis ‘month’ § 95 iii (1); W. haf, Ir. sam ‘summer’ § 94 i; W. naw ‘nine’ § 76 iii (1); W. ychen ‘oxen’ § 69 v. The treatment of these sonants in combination with s has been discussed in § 95, and in combination with s and an explosive in § 96. There remains the combination of sonants with one another and with explosives.

ii. (1) Ar. ml‑, mr- remained in Pr. Kelt., but in Brit. they became bl‑, br- and appear so in W.; in Ir. both m- and b- appear. Thus W. blys < *mlit‑s- § 96 ii (5);—W. bro ‘region’, Ir. mruig ‘boundary’ < *mrog‑: Lat. margo, O. H. G. marka, O. E. mearc, E. march § 65 ii (1);—W. brag ‘malt’, Ir. mraich

(delwedd 1678) (tudalen 148)

148

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§ 99

< *mrəq‑, W. braenu ‘to rot’ < *mrəq‑n‑, √merāˣq- ‘decay’: Lat. fracēs ‘oil-dregs’, Gk. ἀμόργη (< *ἀμόρκᾱ, whence Lat. amurca Walde² 464).—Similarly Ar. m- before l̥ or r̥, short or long: W. blith ‘milk, milch’, Ir. mlicht, blicht < *ml̥k̑t‑, § 61 i; W. blawd ‘flour’ < *ml̥̄t- § 61 ii.—The same change probably took place medially also; in that position both m and b would now appear as f, but in O. W. ṽ from m is written m, while v from b appears as b; and such a form as amcibret ox. < *m̥bi-kom-(p)ro-ret- § 156 i (9) implies v < b; so Brit. Sabrina probably contains *sam‑. In the Coligny calendar tio-cobrextio very probably contains *kom-rekt- = W. cyfraith, Rhys CG. 16. But. W. cyṽ- < *kom- persisted by analogy: cymreith (m ≡ v) l.l. 120; cf. § 16 iv (3). (Lat. m…l became mb…l in cumulus, stimulus § 66 ii (1).)

(2) Ar. medial ‑lm‑, ‑rm- remained in Pr. Kelt., and ‑lmp‑, ‑rmp- became ‑lm‑, ‑rm‑; they appear so in Ir.; in W. the m appears as f or w̯. Thus W. celfydd ‘skilful’, celfyddyd ‘craft’, O. Bret. celmed gl. efficax, Ir. calma ‘doughty’ < *qₑl’mp‑: Lat. scalpo, Lith. sklempiù ‘I polish’, Skr. kalpanā ‘fashioning, invention’, kl̥ptáḥ ‘arranged, trimmed, cut’: E. skill, Goth. skilja ‘butcher’; √(s)qel‑, extd. *(s)qelep‑;—W. cwrf, cwrw̯, Ml. W. kwrɏf, coll. cwrw for cwrwf or cwrw ‘beer’, Ir. cuirm, Gaul. κοῦρμι, < *korm‑: Lat. cremor ‘thick juice obtained from vegetables’; lit. ‘*decoction’, √qerem- § 95 iii (1);—W. serfyll ‘prostrate’ < *stₑrm‑: Lat. strāmen, Gk. στρῶμα, Skr. stárīman- ‘strewing’, √sterō- § 63 vii (2).—So in old compounds: W. gorfynt ‘envy’, Bret. gourvent, Ir. format < *u̯er-ment‑: Lat. gen. mentis, E. mind: Gk. ὑπερ-μεν-ής with same pref. and root: √men‑; but later compounds may have rm, as gor-moẟ ‘too much’.

Probably the m was already somewhat loose in Brit., as Gaul. ceruesia ‘beer’ beside κοῦρμι shows it to have been in Gaul. Hence new formations with a new m might be treated differently. Thus, in Lat. loanwords, while we have usually lf, rf, as in palf < palma, terfyn < terminus, we may have lm, rm, as in Garmon < Germānus, salm < psalmus, prob. borrowed later.

iii. (1) Ar. ‑nl‑, ‑nr- became ‑ll‑, ‑rr- respectively in Pr. Kelt. Thus W. gwall ‘want, defect’, gwallus Ỻ.A. 154 ‘negligent’, now ‘faulty’, Bret. gwall ‘defect’ < *u̯an-lo‑, √u̯ā̆n‑: Lat. vānus,

(delwedd 1679) (tudalen 149

§ 99

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149

E. want;—W. garr ‘knee’, Bret. garr ‘jambe’ < *gan‑r- § 63 vii (4). But in compounds in which the sounds came together after the Brit. period, the n remains, and the group becomes ‑nll‑, ‑nrh- in W., as in an-llad, an-rheg § 111 i (1).

(2) Ar. ‑ln- also became ‑ll- in Pr. Kelt. Thus W. dall ‘blind’, Ir. dall ‘blind’, cluas-dall ‘deaf’ < *dh(u̯)al’-no‑: Goth. dwals ‘foolish’, O. E. ge-dwelan ‘to err’, √dhu̯elāˣ‑. But ‑rn- remained, as in W. chw̯yrn ‘swift’ < *sphern- § 96 iv (1); W. carn ‘hoof’, Bret. karn, Galat. κάρνον· τὴν σάλπιγγα, Hes. < *k̑ₑr’n‑, √k̑erāˣu̯‑; W. darn, sarn, etc. § 63 iii; Kelt. suffix *‑arn- < *‑ₑr’n‑, as in W. haearn, cadarn.

iv. (1) Ar. ‑mn‑, ‑nm- remained in Pr. Kelt., and appear so in Ir. (or with an epenthetic vowel); in W. the mutated form f (or w̯ § 102 iii (1)) takes the place of m. Thus W. safn ‘mouth’, Bret. staoñ ‘palate’ < *stom‑n‑: Gk. στόμα § 76 vii (4);—W. cyfnesaf ‘kinsman’ < *kom-nessam‑, § 148 i (1);—Ir. ainm ‘name’, O. W. anu < *an’mn̥ § 63 v (2); W. menw̯-yd ‘mind, pleasure’, Ir. menme ‘mind’ < *men‑m‑: Skr. mánman- ‘mind, thought’;—W. an-fad ‘atrocious’ (: mad ‘good’), Gaul. (Sequ.) anmat… ‘unlucky’ < *n̥-mat‑: Lat. mātūrus orig. ‘in good time’ Walde² 470.

An explosive probably dropped before the group: W. pythefnos, pythewnos ‘fortnight’ lit. ‘15 nights’ for *pymtheṽnoeth (dissim. of nasals) < *pempede(k)m-noktes < Kelt. *q^u̯eŋq^u̯edekm̥ noktes.

(2) Ar. ‑rl- and ‑lr- can hardly be traced; we should expect them to give ‑ll- and ‑rr-. Late ‑rl- gave ‑rll- § 111 i (1).

v. (1) A group consisting of l, r, m or n and a single explosive remained in Pr. Kelt. (except that p dropped, § 86, and a nasal assumed the position of a following explosive). The further development of such groups in W. is dealt with in §§ 104–6.

(2) When a liquid came before two explosives the first explosive dropped; thus W. perth ‘bush’ < *pertā < *q^u̯erq^u̯‑t‑: Lat. quercus < *perq^u̯us § 86 ii (2): O. H. G. forha, O. E. furh, E. fir, Skr. parkaṭī ‘ficus religiosa’;—W. cellt ‘flint’ < *qelq‑t‑: Lat. calx § 95 iv (2);—W. arth, Ir. art< *arktos § 98 i (2).

(3) But when a nasal came before two explosives, the nasal dropped; thus W. trwyth ‘wash, lye, urine’ < *tronkt‑: W. trwnc ‘urine’ < *tronq‑: Lith. trenkù ‘I wash’ (W. trochi ‘to bathe’ <

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MACRON ISOD: A̱ a̱ , E̱ e̱ , I̱ i̱ , O̱ o̱, U̱ u̱, (w), Y̱ y̱
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