kimkat0372k Lectures on Welsh Philology. 1877. John Rhys (1840-1915).


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Lectures on Welsh Philology. 1877.
John Rhys (1840-1915).

Rhan 2 Tudalennau 100-299

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Rhan 1 Tudalennau 0-99





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1877. [All rights reserved.]





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100 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. coed^ 'wood, trees/ Ir. ciad-cholum, 'a wood-pigeon,' Lat. bu-cetum, ' a pasture for cattle,' Goth, haitki, ' a heath, field,' haithivisks, ' wild,' Eng. heath, h,eathen. coel, ' angury, superstition, belief,' Ir. eel, Goth. hails, 'whole, uninjured,' hailjan, 'to cure,' Eng. heal, health. drcyf-, in dovyfol (also dwymol), ' divine,' 0. Ir. dia, gen. dii, ' God,' Lat. divus, Skr. deva, ' god-like, divine, a god.' hmy (= sa-i), hroynt, ' they, them,' Ir. iad, Gr. ot, ai. pToy, ' who,' Ir. cm, cS, Lat. ^■Me?, g;Mae (more commonly qui, qu(B), Umbr. poi, ' who ' — the same particle i appears for instance in the Lat. hcec (= ha-i-oe), and Gr. ovrocri. Ai. Aryan di makes u in Welsh, now pronounced nearly like the u of the Germans. It was derived from di by a process similar to that whereby ov assumed the sound of v in Modern Greek, before both became identical with I in pronunciation. The Old Irish equivalent was oi or oe, now written ao (aai), and pronounced in some parts like the uee of queen according to O'Donovan: as pronounced in Galway, it seems to me to lie between our Welsh u and i. The following instances may here be mentioned: — 


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LECTURE III. 101 cut, ' narrow,' Ir. caol. cynud, ' fuel,' 0. Bulg. gnetiti, ' to kindle,' 0. Prussian, knaistis, ' a firebrand,' 0. H. Ger. gneisto, ' a spark.' hud, ' a charm, a spell,' Lith. saitas, ' sorcery,' 0. Norse seidhr, ' a kind of sorcery or magic,' Ger. seid. hiifen, ' cream,' 0. H. Ger. seim, Mod. H. Ger. konig-seim, ' run-honey,' Eng. seam, ' lard,' whence our saim, ' grease,' has heen borrowed. tu (for ttcf), ' side,' Ir. taobk. ud-, in anudon, ' a false oath, perjury,' 0. Ir. oetk, Goth, aiths, Ger. eid, Eng. oath. un, ' one,' 0. Ir. oin, Mod. Ir. aon, Lat. oinos (later unus), Goth, ains, 0. Eng. an, Mod. Eng. one, atone, only, an — the pronunciation of one as nun was originally that of a particular dialect like routs for oats, and an is the Old Eng. an (that is an) shortened owing to the proclitic pronunciation of the numeral when used as an indefinite article: the Germans of late sometimes distinguish an and one as ein and iin respectively. Au. Even supposing that the primitive Aryans distinguished two kinds of au, which is exceedingly doubtful, it seems to be quite hopeless to separate their respective repre- 


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102 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. sentatives in the modern languages of the Celts. In Welsh they are u and uw (pronounced like German il followed by German u); the latter is used only in a few words, mostly before ch; otherwise u and uw take their places like o and aw. The Irish equivalents are ua and 6. Take the following instances: — dun, ' a knee/ Lat. clunis, Lith. szlauniSy Skr. (}roni. rhudd, ' red,' Ir. ruadh, Lat. rUcfus, Goth, rauds, Ger. roth, Eng. red. tud, ' nation, country,' Breton tud, ' men, a people,' Ir. tuatk, ' a people, a nation,' Gaulish toutius, Oscan touto, Goth, thiuda, Ger. Deutsch, ' Dutch or German.' buwch, ' a cow,' pi. buchod, Cornish biueh, Breton bioc'k, all with a final s irregularly represented by ch, but bu and buw also occur in Welsh, Ir. bo, Gr. j8ov?, Lat. bos, Eng. cow, Skr. nom. gaus, gen. gos. Duw, ' God,' also Duwch with ch (as in buwch), and only vulgarly used in Duwch anrcyl! which corresponds to the German exclamation Hu lieber Gott! Gr. Zeu?, voc. Zeu, Lat. Jou^ piter, Skr. nom. dyaus, voc. dyaus, ' sky, heaven,' Byaushpitar, ' Heaven-father.' Mw«?, 'porridge,' 0. Cornish iot, Breton iot, 0. 


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LECTURE III. 103 Ir. ith, Lat. jAs, ' broth,' Lettish j&ut, ' to mix meal up in \Ater,' Skr. yws, yusha, 'pea-soup,' d-yavana, ' axpot-ladle or some similar utensil.' uchel, ' high,' uwck, ' higher,' uckqf, * highest,' Ir. uasal, * high, noble,' Gaulish uxel-, in Uxela, Uxellodunum; and probably ov^a/xa in Ptolemy's Ov^afia BapKa is identical with our uckaf, so that we might call the place ' Upper Barca: ' the root would seem to have been auks (as in Gr. av^dva) from aug, as in Lat. augeo, ' I increase,' auctus, ' enlarged, increased, great, abundant,' 0. Prussian auktai-, ' high,' Lith. auksztas, ' high.' Cnunch, cuwch, lluwch, rhuwch, are other Welsh words with uw, which is replaced by u when a syllable is added, but their origin is obscure. The foregoing are a few points which it was thought necessary to mention in the vowel system of Welsh: now some of the principal changes and modifications which have obtained in it must be considered somewhat more at leisure. Some of them, such as those involved in the history of aw, wy, uw, have already been touched upon. For it is impossible, language being in -a constant state of flux and change, to discuss its organism altogether apart from its pathology, so to say, however 



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104 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. neat such a plan may look in theory. To begin with the evolution of aw from d, this seems to mean that d passed in the course of time into a sound identical, or nearly identical, with the English Yowel in hall and draw, and that, where it was not eventually shortened, yielding o, it was diphthongised into au, which we now write aw. As to the date of the transition, no instance of au occurs in the earlier class of Welsh inscriptions, so it may be presumed that it did not take place before the 7th century. For a parallel to it we need not go further than English: take, for instance, the Old English word stdn, that is stan, which is now written stone, and pronounced stown with a long o followed by a more or less perceptible w, or with some modification of that diphthong, seldom if ever with a long o pure and simple. To this might be added plenty more, such as bone, home, rope, for the 0. English ban, ham, rap, respectively. But for a perfect parallel consult the Swabian pronunciation of German — witness Schrcaub and aubend for Schwab and abend: nor is the change unknown in Sanskrit. With respect to oe and wy, it is not quite certain what the Kymric starting-point should be assumed to have been. But reasoning backwards from the loan-words which have wy in Mod. Welsh for Latin e, one is led to the conclusion that for some time after the Eoman occupation 


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LECTUEE III. 105 the antecedent of my in native words naust have also been e, or some such a diphthong as ei, which could be taken for ^. Either & or ei would here do, but the advantage of simplicity is on the side of the former when one comes to assign the common Goidelo-Kymric prototype of Welsh my^ oe, on the one hand, and Irish 4, ia, on the other. So among the steps whereby d yielded oi, whence rm/ and oe were differentiated, we should have to reckon ei, ei, ai, which would make the series e, ei, ai, oi. The earlier of these steps are fairly exemplified in the ordinary English pronunciation of such words as name, paper, as ne^m, pe'per, neim, peiper, or even ndim, pdiper, with a long e or a followed by a more or less marked i, which so frequently mars the English pronunciation of French words containing a long e, as the w sound in stone does in that of French words involving long o. The later steps in the series are well known in Irish, where such instances as croinn for crainn, genitive of crann, ' a tree,' boill for baill, ' members,' and toibre, taibre, ' give,' frequently occur, and illustrate a tendency which is perpetuated in the Anglo -Irish pronunciation, which makes the English words firie, I, line, into foine, oi, loin, approximately. In the case of u and urn, it is probable that the Aryan au which they represent had become a 


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106 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. Goidelo-Kymric o (or ou), whence the Irish derived their 6, ua, while the Welsh changed it into a broad u, and later into the narrow u of Mod. "Welsh. For this is the ordinary representative of both Latin o and u, as in Uqfur, ' labour,' from Latin labor-is, ffuvien, ' a line, a cord,' irovn funis, and addurn, ' an ornament,' from adorn-o. In the few native words already noticed this u was diphthongised into uw, and that, it would seem, at no recent date, as we appear to detect traces of it in the Breton bioc'k, ' a cow,' and the Cornish tot, ' porridge,' where the Welsh is bumch and uwd. Before leaving these points, a word may not be out of place as to the Irish ia and ua, or ia and ua, as they are more commonly written: the i and u are long, and followed by only a very slight touch of a. They remind one somewhat of the Lithuanian diphthongs ie and uo, also written e and u. But whether the way they were arrived at was the same, or nearly the same, is not evident: in the case of the Irish ones the steps probably were e, ^a, ia, and 6, da, ua, respectively. No certain traces of either diphthong are known in the early Ogmic inscriptions of Ireland, and they date, probably, after the 6th century. Here it may be asked why such cases of vowel modification, which I have ventured to call, in the absence of a better word, diphthongisation, should 


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LECTURE III. 107 take place in "Welsh, Irish, English, or anv other language. If you consult musicians on the matter, they will tell you that a long and sustained note has a tendency to lose its quality and change its pitch: in other words, " there is naturally a great difficulty in prolonging a sound at the same pitch and with the same quality of tone," as Mr Ellis ohserves in the fourth volume of his work on Early English Pronunciation, p. 1273. He does not dismiss the question without pointing clearly to the source of the difficulty: "To retain the vowel quality for a sensible time requires an unnatural fixity of muscle, and consequently relaxations constantly occur, which alter the vowel quality." Thus it turns out to be simply a question of muscle, and the difficulty of prolonging a vowel sound unmodified is exactly of the same kind as that which one would soon feel in trying, to iold one's hand up steadily for a length of time, a method of torture which was well known to Welsh schoolmasters when I was a boy. The phonetic change here in question has justly been called one of the great alterative forces in language; the latter, however, holds itself free to have recourse also to the kind of change exemplified in the reduction of diphthongs into single vowels. Of this instances have already been alluded to, as where Aryan ai and au were 


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108 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. supposed to have been reduced in the Goidelo-Kymric period to S and o, also Aryan di into u, whereby the contihuators of Aryan di and au assumed the same form. But the common Goidelo-Kymric antecedent of the- Welsh u to which 0. Irish oi corresponds, may, as far as we now can see, be presumed to have been ai or oi. As a parallel to the reduction of Welsh oi into u may be mentioned the case of Greek oi, which had in the 11th century or earlier got to be sounded like V — hence the habit of calling the latter v ■y^iXoy, just as 6 was called e iln\oy when ai had acquired its value — before its sound (y = ot) was modified into that of t or t], as in the Greek of the present day. I might dwell on the almost identical treatment of 0. Irish oi in Mod. Irish, where the digraph ao has the sound of Welsh i, or one between that and Welsh u. The English and Latin parallels are less striking; but if you trace 0. Latin oinos to the more common forms unus, una, unum, and down into the French un une, the analogy between the history of the latter and that of the Welsh un is in every respect very close. The same kind of change is not unknown in the dialects of Mod. Welsh: for instance, the pronunciation prevalent in many, if not most, parts of S. Wales of such words as doe, ' yesterday,' oes, ' is,' traed, ' feet,' llaetA, ' milk,' is do, 6s, 


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LECTURE III. 109 trdd, lldth: so the e and y brought together by the elision of a ^ form a modern diphthong liable to be simplified as in tyrnas or ternas for teyrnas, ' a kingdom,' and in Anglesey and Carnarvonshire such plurals as tor/eydd, 'multitudes,' and jooz/eyt^rf, ' pastures,' become tor/ydd and por/ydd: so Lleyn, the western third of the latter county, is ' now invariably called Llyn. All the foregoing cases of reduction of diphthongs fall under the head of assimilation, which has been noticed more than once on a former occasion. Now there are other kinds of assimilation which play a part in the vowel economy of Welsh, but before they can be discussed to advantage the nature of vowels must be studied more closely than has hitherto been done here. Now the vowels belong to the category of musical sounds, and those who wish to study them as such could not do better than begin by carefully reading the first part of Professor Helmholtz's great work on TAe Sensations of Tone as a Physiological Basis for the Theory of Music, lately translated into English by Mr. A. J. Ellis: also part H. 11. of his Appendix xix. to Helmholtz's text, and Chapter xi. of the fourth volume of his own work already alluded to, On Early English Pronunciation, especially pp. 1272-1281. I find that the best thing I can do is to copy here briefly their 


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110 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. views, as far as they serve to throw light oa Welsh phonology. Sounds are distinguished into noises and musical tones, by which are not meant the intervals of tones and semitones. The difference between the former is that the sensation of a musical tone is due to a rapid periodic motion of the sonorous body, and the sensation of a noise to non-periodic motions. The vowels, though they are of the former description, may, owing to the friction of the breath against the parts of the mouth, contain an admixture of noise, which it is the business of the singer to eliminate. Musical tones in their turn are distinguished by their force or loudness, by their pitch or relative height, and by their quality. Their force or loudness depends on the extent or amplitude of the oscillations of the particles of the vibrating body; that is, the longer the distances described by the said particles, as measured from their position of rest, the louder the tones produced. Their pitch or relative height depends solely on the length of time each vibration occupies, or, as it is more usually put, on the number of vibrations made in a second: that is called the vibrational number of the sonorous body, and the greater it is, the higher the pitch of the tone it gives. Methods have been invented for the reckoning of vibrations, and it is found that, if they sink so low as about 


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LECTURE III, 111 30 per second, the ear can scarcely collect them into a series: others follow one another with such rapidity as to count by thousands in a second. In other words, musical tones are roughly said to rano-e between 40 and 4000 vibrations in a second, o ' and to extend over seven octaves, while those which are audible at all range between 20 and 38,000 a second, and extend over eleven octaves, which will serve to show the marvellous capacity the ear has of distinguishing sounds in respect of pitch. Musical tones differ in quality, as when we distinguish the human voice from the note of an organ, although it may be of the same loudness and pitch; this is, further, said to depend on the form of vibration, which, in its turn, may vary indefinitely. For. example, it may be pendular or resemble the swings of a pendulum, as in the case of a tuning-fork; or they may be like the motions of a hammer which is uplifted by a water-wheel at regular intervals, as in the case of a string excited by a violin-bow. Mathematicians and physicists classify musical tones into simple and compound, without including in the latter term chords, which they regard as composite tones. Leaving these last altogether on one side, the only tones they look at as simple are those produced by pendular vibrations, and all others they analyse into pendular ones. This resolution of all other vibrations 


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112 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. into pendular ones was in the first instance arbitrary and a mere matter of convenience, but Helmboltz and others have shown that it has a meaning in nature, and they consider it as proved that the organism of the ear is such that it perceives pendular vibrations alone as simple tones, and resolves other periodic motions of the air into a series of pendular vibrations, hearing the simple tones which correspond to these simple vibrations. Thus when a tone is produced, say c, on the violin, a practised ear hears not oAly c, but also its -octave c\ the fifth of the latter g, the second higher octave c" , and so on, as follows: —  01;  ^-  :5^  -s^-  ■ n^a^  0, C, g', c", e", g", b"l>, c'", d'", e'". 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. Here c, the lowest note, is the fundamental or prime partial tone; it is also generally the loudest, and gives its pitch to the whole tone. C' is .the first (harmonic) upper partial, and it makes twice as many vibrations per second: g' is the second upper partial, and makes thrice as many vibrations as c: so with the others, which become fainter and fainter the higher they go. It is to be observed that any interference with the relative force or loudness of any partial tone or tones is 


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LECTURE III. 113 Tecognised by the ear as a change of quality of the compound tone; and vice versa the quality of a compound tone depends on nothing whatever but the relative force of the partial tones: it is important to keep this resolution, in the last resort, of quality into considerations of quantity in mind as we go on. The question of the composition of tones has been also successfully attacked from another direction; for Helmholtz has been able to produce given tones by means of suitable combinations of the simple tones of forks tuned to the respective pitches of the partials they are to stand for. Another meaning which this resolution of musical tones has in nature appears in the phenomena of sympathetic resonance. An instance or two will explain what is meant by the term: — Gently touch one of the keys of a pianoforte so as merely to raise the damper, and then sing a note of the corresponding pitch, forcibly directing the voice against the strings of the instrument: the note will be heard from the pianoforte when you have ceased to sing. When the strings of two violins are in exact unison, and one is excited by the bow, the other will begin to vibrate. It is well known that bell-shaped glasses can be put into violent motion by singing their proper tone into them. Lastly, the vibrations of a fork which, has been 


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114 LECTURES ON "WELSH PHILOLOGY, struck are rendered more strongly audible by being held near the mouth of a bottle or any other resonance chamber in which the air is of the same pitch as the fork. As to the pitch of the air in a bottle, anybody, however dull he may be, may experiment on that: for instance, if you blow over the mouth of a bottle when it is empty, you will find that it yields a deeper and more hollow sound than when it has been half filled with water, and that its pitch -will be still higher when it is filled nearly up to the neck. In the case of the voice, the tones are produced by the vocal chords in the larynx, and they are of the compound nature already described; and the cavities lying between the yocal chords and the lips form one or more resonance chambers by which the tones produced in the vocal chords are influenced. The mouth in speaking assumes a great variety of shapes, and as many of the latter as imply also a difference of pitch of the resonance chambers they form will exercise a difierent influence on the quality of the tone; for resonances differing in pitch reinforce different partial tones, which is at once recognised by the ear as a change of quality of the compound tone. When, for. instance, the resonance cavity of the mouth is at its full length in ordinary pronunciation, its pitch is lowest, and it reinforces the prime partial 


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LECTUKE III. 115 tone, which then yields our w (English od): compare the case alluded to of the empty bottle. When the same resonance cavity is at its shortest, and its pitch, consequently, high, it reinforces the very high partials, and the vowel produced is Welsh i: compare the case of the bottle filled with water nearly up to the neck. An intermediate state of the resonance causes the reinforcement of some of the lower partials, thus producing our a: compare the case of the bottle half filled with water. Of course the pitch of the tone is here assumed to be constant as produced by the vocal chords, and the pitch of the resonances to vary: it is to this variation that we owe all the tone-qualities which we write in Welsh a, e, i, o, u, w, and to nothing else. Professor Helmholtz has succeeded in compounding the tones of the more common vowels from the simple tones of tuning-forks, thereby also assigning the relative force of the different partials required to make up each vowel: in other words, he can make his forks, which he regulates by means of electricity, sing out the German vowels a, e, i, o, u, which I roughly venture to treat as equivalent to our a, e, i, o, w. Many experiments have been made by different men to ascertain the exact pitch or vibrational number of the resonance cavities for the vowels. One of them has arrived at the following results, 


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116 LECTTJEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. • when the vocal, chords are tuned to ^j, and c' is assumed to make 256 vibrations in a second: — Vowel w, 0, a, e, i. Note b^, b\, b\ b"\, b"\ Vibrational No.... 224, 448, 896, 1792, 3584. According to this, the pitch of the resonance implied in the vowels rises an octave successively in the order here given: unfortunately, this simple relation is not corroborated by the experiments of other investigators. However, they do not so far differ as to establish another order of the vowels, though they do not find the intervals to be exactly the same. It will suffice for our purpose to assume, what is fully sustained by the present state of the evidence, namely, that the difference of resonance pitch between m and a is greater than between 70 and or and a, and so with the others. In other words, I would say that the vowels w, o, a, e, i, are separated each from the next to it by a single step, without insisting on the four steps being exactly equal. Should it, then, be found that w coming near a is modified into o, or a coming near i is modified into e, these and the like would clearly be cases of partial assimilation. Now assimilation of this description is well known to be a marked feature of the Finnic languages, but it is not unknown in 


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LECTURE III. 117 other languages, and among them in Irish and Welsh. The Irish instances have been discussed at some length by Ebel in Kuhn's Beitraege in the course of his Celtic studies in the first volume of that publication, I will confine myself to a brief mention of a few of the Welsh ones. Foremost among the latter may be mentioned the sequence u — a, making o — a in the history of simple adjectives such as these: crmm ' curved, bent,' fem. crom^ erwn ' round,' fem. cron, dwfn ' deep,' fem. dofn, Jmn ' this,' fem. hon, llwm ' bare,' fem. Horn, and trwm ' heavy,' fem. trom. Now trwm, trom, for example, points to a common Celtic pair of forms, trumba-s mas., trumbA fem., which became respectively in the course of time trumb and trumba, the ending of the masculine having been discarded earlier than that of the feminine, which is supposed to have retained it until the a had caused the u to be assimilated into o, whereby trumba became tromba: lastly the a disappeared, but not without thus leaving the feminine of the adjective a form distinct from the masculine. Trwm, I may notice in passing, is of the same origin as the English verb to throng and the German drang and druck, the b of the trumb- it implies being the regular Celtic continuator of gv, which is attested in the 0. Norse throngva, * to press.' In the case of pwdr, 'rotten,' fem. podr, 


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1 18 LECTURES. ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. the Latin adjective, from which these words are borrowed, seems to have been treated as though it were not putris, but putrus, putra. It is not to be inferred from these instances that the assimilation in question is confined to adjectives: most Welsh names of the feminine gender which happen to be monosyllables with the vowel o are illustrations of it. In a few cases a form with m has been suggested by that in o: thus from Latin furca we have fforch and also ffwrch, but both feminine: ffordd, ' a way,' yields the phrase iffordd, 'away,' which is iffwrddin South Wales: so also cwd seems to be later than cod, which, though differing in gender, have the common meaning of the word bag. This much by way of introduction to a word of considerable interest: Venantius Fortunatus, a travelled Italian of the 6th century mentions, among other musical instruments known in his day, a " chrotta Britanna." This chrotta, which I take to be his spelling of crotta, is in point of form the prototype of our modern word croth, feminine, and in point of meaning of the masculine crwth; croth now means the womb, also the calf of the leg, while crmth means the crowd or rote, a box hollowed out of a piece of wood especially for holding salt, and a hump on the back. So, unless there were crutt alid crotta synonymous in meaning, which is cer- 


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LECTURE III. 119 tainly very possible, one must conclude that crotta had all the meanings mentioned, that is to say, until it suggested a corresponding masculine to share them with it. This view is confirmed by the fact that the Irish form cruit remains feminine, and means both a crowd or fiddle and a hump on the back. The crwth was undoubtedly so called from it shape, and the word for it appears to be of the same origin as the Greek Kupro?, /cw/arr), Kvprov, 'curved, arched, round, humped, convex!' Similarly among the instances of the sequence i — a making e — a, the gender adjectives claim the first place; the following are some of them: bryck ' fveckled,' fem. brech, hyr '■ short,' fem. ber, crych ' crisped,' fem. crech, gnlyb ' wet,' fem. gwleb, gmych ' brave, fine, noble,' fem. gweck, llym ' sharp,' fem. llem, melyn ' yellow,' fem. melen. Here brych, brech, for instance, stand for bricc, brecca = bricca; but I hesitate to include in the same category the adjective gnyn^ ' white,' fem. gwen, the antecedents of which may have been not vind, venda, but vend, venda, for the Breton form is gwenn of both genders, and while the syllable vend occurs several times in our early inscriptions, vind is unknown in them. In this case the assimilative action of the a of the feminine would have been simply negative, with the effect of preventing the e passing into y as in the 


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120 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT. mascnline. To the foregoing may be added one or two adjectives from Latin, such as ffyrf, ' strong, stout, solid,' fern, fferf, from firmus, firma; and sych, 'dry,' fem. sech, from siccus, sicca; nor are there wanting instances of nouns such as cylcked, ' a bedding or bedcover,' from culcita, irmneg, ' a glove,' from manica, and gramadeg, ' a grammar,' from grammatica. There is, however, a native Welsh ending eg = -ica, as in daeareg, ' geology,' from daear, ' earth,' and Cymraeg, ' the Welsh language,' for some such a form as Combragica, the masculine being Cymreig, ' Welsh,' for Combragic. There are also in use in Welsh the feminine terminations ell (=-illa) and es {=-issa or -ista), as in the case of priddell, ' mould, clod,' from pridd, ' soil, mould,' brenhines, ' a queen,' from brenhin, ' a king.' And one of the most useful terminations in the language is en { = -inna or -inda), which is matched in the masculine by -yn, as in melyn, melen, ' yellow ': take as examples cloren, ' a tail,' from clarsr, ' covering, a lid,' dalen, ' a leaf,' plural dail, seren, ' a star,' plural ser. There now remains the converse change of a — i into e — i, which takes place indifferently where the i remains and where it is blunted into y, as in the following instances: — Cyntefig 'pristine,' from cyntaf ' first,' glendid ' cleanness,' from glan ' clean,' keli ' brine,' from hal-en ' salt,' iechyd 


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LECTURE in. 121 ' health,' from iach ' healthy,' plentyn ' a child,' from plant ' children,' rheffyn * a cord or rope/ from rhaff ' a rope; ' these last belong to that extensive class of formations already referred to apropos of the ending en of the feminine. Further, the passing of a into ei — liable in Mod. Welsh to become ai — has commonly been attributed to the effect of an i; but this is not quite correct, for the occasion of the change is not the presence of the yowel i, but of the semi-vowel so written in "Welsh, which it will here be expedient to write j. The correctness of this view will appear to any one who is content to proceed from the known to the unknown. When the Welsh borrowed Latin words, they seem to have treated Latin i unaccented and followed by another vowel as _;'; so we have breich (now braich), ' the arm,' from brachium; rhaidd, ' a spear or pike,' from radius, ' a staff, spoke, beam; ' cyd-hreiniog, * feeding together,' from prandium, ' breakfast, the fodder of animals; ' rheii^o, ' to snatch, bewitch,' from rapio, ' I seize, carry off, ravish, captivate; ' yspaid, ' a space of time,' from spatium. Similarly, Maria and Daniel, treated as dissyllables, yielded in Welsh Meir (now Mair) and Deinjoel (now DeinjoV). So in native words such as lleiddjad, ' a slayer,' from lladd, ' to kill,' edifeirjol, 'repentant,' iiom edifar, 'sorry for, full of 


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122 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. regret for,' creijjon, ' scrapings,' from crqfu, ' to scrape,' and meibjon, ' sons,' from mob, ' a son.'' Thus it seems natural to conclude that such forms as ffeir (now ffair), ' a word,' stands ior gar-j-, with a termination — perhaps ja — which began with j, but which has altogether disappeared excepting that the j constantly reappears in related or derived forms, such as, for instance, in the case of gair, the plural geirjau, ' words,' or the derivative geirjad, ' a wording.' This cajjegory would include a very large number of words, and among others such plurals as brein (now braiii), ' crows,' from bran, ' a crow,' and the old neuter plurals of which the 0. Welsh enuein, ' names,' may be taken as a specimen — this and the 0. Irish plural anmann seem to point to a lengthened form, an-man-ja. Possibly, also, such third persons singular of the verb as geill, (^ he, she, it) can,' stands for galljat (= galja-ti), -with, which compare the Lithuanian galiu, ' I can.' The assimilation in all the examples here enumerated must have at first consisted in replacing the sequence a—j-, hye—j-; further preparation for the_; was made by making the latter into ei—J-. In Breton and Cornish this second step was never taken; hence it is that to our breicA and geir they oppose brecA and ger. But this is not unknown in Welsh itself: thus in the Liber Landavensis, BrycAeinjog ' Brecknock- 


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LECTURE III. 123  shire ' is called Brechenjauc, from Brychan's name, and the name Meirckjon is there mostly given as Merchjon or Merchjaun, supposed to be the Welsh forms of the Latin Marcianus; nay even now cenjog and celjog may be heard in Denbighshire, Anglesey, and probably other parts of North Wales, for ceinjog, ' a penny,' and ceiljog, ' a cock.' In a few instances o — -j- also becomes e — -j- and ei — -j~, as in yspeil {now yspail), 'spoil,' from Latin spolium, and Emreis (less usual than Emrys), from Ambrosius. I have not yet observed any native instances in point. And where the original sequence was e—j-, we sometimes find it superseded by ei —;;;-, as in tdrthon, ' the tertian ague,' from Latin tertiana, and in unbeinjaeth, which is sometimes to be met with for the more usual unbennaethy ' monarchy,' and in North Wales, heddyw, ' to-day,' has passed through keddjm into heiddjw, which is the prevalent pronunciation of the word there at the present day. As it is beyond the scope of this lecture to follow the Welsh vowels into all their details, attention will now be directed to a number of changes which amount to a reorganisation of the whole system. But a few words must be premised on the tone or syllabic accent in Welsh, and the quantity or force of the vowels as regulated by it and the consonants immediately following them. 


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124 LECTURES ON VfELSH PHILOLOGY. Welsh monosyllables have an independent accent with the 'exception of about a dozen proclitics. The great majority of longer words are paroxytones, and most of the exceptions are more apparent than real, being perispomena, such as glanhdu, ' to cleanse,' from glanhd-u = glanha{g)-u, and cyfjawnhdd, ' justification,' from cyfjamnhohod = cyfjawnha{g)-ad. Moreover, a few oxytones may still be heard, such as ymolch, ' wash thyself.' In 0. Welsh, words accented on the final syllable seem to have been much more numerous than now, and to have included all words which had the diphthong aw (au) in it: take, for instance, Aestaur, ' a sextarius, a measure of capacity,' bardaul, ' bardic,' and the like. Welsh vowels, when single, admit of being pronounced in three ways — they may be either long or short, and, when short, they may be either open or closed. It will suffice to call them long, short, and closed respectively. The long vowels are much of the same quantity as in English: thus our bod is pronounced like English bode with long 0. The short vowels also occur in both languages: the i, for instance, of dinas, ' a city,' and and the y of myned, ' to go,' sound very nearly like the English i and o of dinner and money respectively. The closed vowels are those which are suddenly and forcibly broken off or closed by 


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LECTURE III. 125 a succeeding consonant: our pen, ' head,' tan, ' under,' at, ' to,' sound in this respect like the English words pen, tan, at. A word now as to their distribution: accented monosyllables have their single vowels long or closed, short ones being admissible, only in the proclitics. Longer words, which are not perispomena, admit only short and closed vowels: short or closed in the tone-syllable, short only in other syllables; and, conversely, all unaccented syllables have their single vowels short. These distinctions have regard only to the quantity and force of. the vowels, not to. their quality; for although k good ear could hardly fail to detect differences of quality between the a's, for instance, in tan, ' a fire,' tdfiau, ' fires,' tdnjo, ' to. fire,' the language treats them as the same a varying in quantity and force, and so they will here be dealt with. The triple pronunciation of the vowel is, as it has just been pointed out, recognised in English, but in Welsh it has been stereotyped into a system, the meaning of which it is the business of phonology to explain. The vowels of the Aryan parent-speech may be regarded as having come down into Early Welsh with values which may, roughly speaking, be called constant, whereas the value of those of Mod. Welsh, as far as regards their quantity and force, depends on their position. The question, then, is how they came to 


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126 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. exchange their constant values for positional values, and how comparative uniformity was elicited from the original variety. The cases to be taken into account range themselves into three groups: those where long vowels have been shortened, those where short vowels have been lengthened, and those where no perceptible change of force or quantity is attested. Take the first: that a long vowel should be shortened when it occurs in an unaccented syllable seems to us, with our modern way of marking the accented syllable by a greater stress of the voice, so natural as to require no remark, and we pass on to the same modification when it happens under the accent. This concerns the vowels u, i, and the Early Welsh continuator.of Aryan a. Thus u is shortened in unol, ' united,' and closed- in undeb, ' union,' from un, ' one,' and so in other words. Traces of the operation of this law, which is general in "Welsh, may be found in English; witness such words as nose, nostril; vine, vineyard; house, husband, hussy; nation, national. It is not, however, confined to these more palpable cases, for Mr. Barlow finds that the syllable ex, for instance, when pronounced by itself, appears in the diagram described by the marker of the logograph considerably longer than when it is spoken as a part of such a word as excommunicate; in the latter it becomes, he says in the 


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LECTURE III. 127 paper already alluded to, compressed, its length being shortened and its height increased. The reason for such a law is perhaps to he sought in the fact that the centre of gravity, so to speak, •of a word is in the accented vowel: if that happens to he in the final syllable, it may remain long; if not, there seems to exist a sort of instinctive tendency to share the breath and time required for uttering that syllable between it and the remaining portion of the word. The ideal limit of this would be to devote exactly the same amount of breath and time to the pronunciation, for instance, of tanau and tan, of national and nation. The comparatively rare occurrence of such cases of vowel-shortening, due to the influence of the accent in Latin, still rarer in Greek, as well as the nature of the metres the Greeks and Eomans used in their poetry, seems to warrant the inference that the ancient accent mainly implied a difference of pitch, while ours in English and Welsh mainly means a difference of loudness or force, the change of pitch being mostly considered secondary, or passed over unobserved. As we go on it will appear by no means improbable that "Welsh was adopting (or had already adopted) in the 8th century our modern accent in lieu of that which may be called the classical accent. The effects of such a change 


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128 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGfT. must have been very considerable on our vowel system, though they are exceedingly hard to define. But as similar changes have occurred in the history of the majority of the modern languages of Europe, comparative phonology may reasonably be expected at some future day to solve the problem satisfactorily. The next vowel is i, which we failed to detect as the continuator of Aryan i. It is even doubtful whether it was not sometimes z in Early Welsh, as well as i. It would be hard, for instance, to prove that it was at any time long in the word elin: the cognate forms are Ir. tiille, " ulnas," Eng. ell, el-bow, Lat. ulna, Greek aiKevr}, Skr. aratni; and it is certain that it never was long in anifel, ' an animal,' from Lat. animal or one of its oblique cases. However, even where it must have always been long in Welsh, as in gmr, ' true ' (Ir. fvr, Lat. virus), and dm, ' a fort, a town ' (Ir. dun, Eng. town), we find the quantity of the vowel short when a syllable is added, as in anwiredd, ' untruth,' and dinas, ' a city,' and so in others. .The fortunes of Aryan a in Welsh are still more interesting: towards the close of the Early Welsh period it had become o, which by the 9th century had been diphthongised into aw (written au) in monosyllables and other words where it was accented in the final syllable, as in 0. Welsh 


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LiECTUEE III. 129 lau, now llaw, ' a hand,' and paup^ now pawb, ' everybody/ and the like; but in those positions, where long vowels are inadmissible, not oijily was its diphthongisation into aw arrested, but the was reduced sooner or later to o: so by the side of paup and hestaur (sextS,rius) 0. Welsh offers us popptu, ' on every side,' and hestorjou, the plural of kestaur, and so on. So it seems probable that the reorganisation of the Welsh vowel system came upon the vowel in question when it was 5, but before it had begun to be diphthongised into aw. In Bede's liistoria Ecclesiasiica, as edited by Mr. Moberly (Oxford, 1869), the proper names have been printed as they occur in the oldest manuscript of the work, which is assigned to the year 737, and there the Abbot of Bangor who met Augustine is called Dinoot. Welsh tradition calls him Dunaut, later Dunawd. There can be no doubt as to the virtual identity of Dinoot and Dunaut, nor, as I think, as to both being forms of the Latin name Donatus, which was not unknown in Britain in the time of the Eoman occupation, when many more Latin names were adopted by the Britons. Now Dinoot and Dunaut show that Bede had the same diflSculty in distinguishing Welsh u from I as the natives of South Wales have in our own day, and that his 00 probably meant o, which had not been diphthono-- I 


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130 LECTURES. ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. ised. Bede is supposed to have lived from 672 to 734, but he may have been copying from an earlier writer. However, we should probably not be far wrong in supposing the- reorganisation of the vowel system to have been in process during the century from 650 to 750: probably it began long before, and it is certain that it lasted long after. It is worth while observing, that the same law which gives us au in monosyllables and o in longer words, has also been at work in Irish, as in the following words, which I copy from the Gram. Celtica^ p. 18: — cliah, " corbis," cUbene, " sporta; " Jiach, " Aebitam" fechem, "debitor;" grian, "|Sol," grene, "solis;" sliah, "mons," slehihj " montibus," to which I would add dia, ' god,' genitive dii for divi. In the case of ua and 6 more uncertainty prevails, but Zeuss (p. 23) gives huar, '•' hora," genitive hore, and suas, " sursum," but i sosib " in altis." Next comes the group which comprises the cases of vowels undergoing a lengthening. This happens almost exclusively in monosyllables, and conversely it takes place in all monosyllables — provided they are not proclitics, or that their vowels are not already m, I, or a diphthong — which close with any one of the consonants g, d, b; dd,f; and n and I, where they were not formerly doubled or accompanied by another consonant. 


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LECTURE III. 131 Take, for instance, the following -words: gmag, ' empty,' tad, " father,' pib, ' a pipe,' hedd, ' a tomb,' claf, ' ill,' glan, ' clean,' pwl, ' blunted; ' if the word is lengthened by the addition of a syllable, then the vowel returns to its original quantity, as in beddau, ' tombs,' and glanach, ' cleaner.' This process of lengthening the vowels of monosyllables was not complete in the early part of the 0. Welsh period: witness the Capella glosses hepp, now Mb or eb, ' quoth,' and nepp, now neb, ' anybody.' Neither is it easy to account for; but it may be surmised that, as most of our monosyllables represent words originally of two (or sometimes more) syllables, the vowel of the leading syllable was reinforced by way of compensating for the discarding of the rest of the word, a long monosyllable being, metrically speaking, a better equivalent for a dissyllable than a short one. Possibly, also, the mistaken analogy of such forms as paup and popptu exercised an influence in the same direction. There is another consideration which is of more weight than the foregoing: in the earlier stages of the Aryan languages the pitch-accent prevailed, and consequently a mode of pronunciation was usual which is far less so in those of their modern representatives, where the stress-accent is dominant. I allude to such words as Latin pater, bonus. 


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132 LEOTUEBS ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. These were not patter, bonnus, in spite of the French bon, bonne, nor pater, bonus, in spite of the Italian padre, buono, and the Anglo-Latin monstrosities payter, bownus. But enough has been said to show that such a word as bonus had a tendency, under the influence of the stress-accent, to become either bonnus or bonus. The latter represents the course with which the student of Welsh is mostly concerned. The same tendency is well known also in Modern Greek, where Xoyo? is now Xayo?, and it is widely stereotyped in Mod. High German, which is said to be distinguished from. Mid. H. German by its lengthening the short tone-vowels followed by single consonants, as in geben, ' to give,' and haben, ' to have.' We have it also in English: take the words ape, make, late, lame, which were formerly apa, macian, lata, lama. The analogy between the English words and the Welsh ones in question is so complete — both lengthen the tone-vowels, and both discard the inflectional endings — that one cannot help suspecting their having been subjected to the operation of the same causes. In the foregoing enumeration of the consonants requiring long tone-vowels to precede them, no mention was made — the explanation required being somewhat different — of the rule, that the vowel must also be long before ch, th,ff, and s, as in 


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LECTUEE III. 133 cock, ' red,' crotA, ' the womb,' rhaf, ' a rope,' and fflas, ' blue, green, grey.' The antecedents of these spirants were respectively cc (or cs), tt, pp, and ss (mostly for st): take for instance our cock, which is probably from coeeum, ' scarlet,' and crotA, which has already been traced to' crotta: these were no doubt pronounced coccum and crotta, which might be expected to have yielded in the first place cock and crotL These last would eventually become each and crotk, owing to the analogy of the other cases already mentioned, and to the reaction on the vowels of the spirants, which, not being instantaneous in their pronunciation, are not favourable to a clean cutting off of the vowels preceding them. And so in the case of the other spirants, including s, whence a difference between Irish and Welsh in words otherwise identical, such as fflas; ours being fflds, while the Irish is fflas. Supposing the steps coccum, cock, coch were made out, we should still find a difficulty in assigning the time when the .short vowel was lengthened; but Welsh verge offers a case of assonance which deserves a passing mention. Dafydd ab Gwilym (1340-1400) makes och, ' oh,' answer such words as cocA, /ed,' and clocA, ' a bell,' thus: " Och! Ooh! y Ddol Goch wedi gwyl." Now the interjection is an exception, being pro- 


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1 34 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. nounced not och but och, and such assonances have been supposed to show that its pronunciation was formerly regular, that is och. But the question may be put in two ways: has och been shortened contrary to analogy, or has it merely retained its original quantity of vowel contrary to analogy? In the latter case it would follow that D. ab Gwilym spoke clock, cock, and not clock, cock, as we do. So far of the vowels which change their quantity, and of the conditions under which that happens: a word now on the third group, where no perceptible change of quantity has taken place. The instances here in point are of two kinds: words with closed vowels as bdlck, ' proud,' bdlchder, ' pride,' plant, pldntack, ' children,' darn, 'apiece,' ddrnau, ' pieces; ' and those with short vowels such as kanes, ' history,' qfal, ' an apple,' maddeu, ' to forgive.' In these no great change of quantity of the tone-vowels can have occurred from the earliest times, though no doubt some modification may have followed the passage from the pitch-accent of the ancients to the stress-accent of our own day. The number of instances in this third group is probably far in excess of that in the two former groups put together, if we confine ourselves to the tone-syllable, which after all is the kernel of all our words: so that our vowel system 


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LECTDEB III. 135 has altogether been more conservative than might be inferred from the somewhat lengthy remarks to which those other groups gave rise. The processes already mentioned of reorganising the Welsh vowel system were probably well over by the end of the Mediteval Period in the history of the language. Before concluding- this lecture a few more have to be noticed, some of which are not only later in time than the foregoing, but, to some extent, probably owe their origin to the influence of the analogy of the latter. Consider for a moment the individuality so strongly impressed in the ways already pointed out by Welsh phonology on certain monosyllables as compared with the same when forming parts of longer words, and take as instances the following: — coch^ ' red,' superl. cochaf, llath, ' a rod,' llathen, ' a yard,' tad, ' a father,' tddol, ' fatherly,' mdb, ' a son, a boy,' mebyd, ' boyhood,^ brawd, ' a brother,' brodyr, ' brothers,' tawdd, ' molten,' toddi, ' to melt.' Here we have a tolerably well-defined contrast which came to be impressed on another class of words, namely, such as have a diphthong in the tone-syllable. This was done by adding, so to say, to the weight of the monosyllable, by diminishing that of the corresponding part of the longer form, or by both processes at once. The diphthongs, the history of which is here concerned, are our modern 


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136 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. ai, au, ae, oe, Tcy. Mediaeval Welsh ei becomes ai in modern monosyllables, as in bd, now hai, ' blame,' pi. beiau, geir, now gair, * a word,' pi, geirjau, Meir, now Mair, ' Mary; ' tbe proclitics ei, ' his,' ei, ' her,* are of course not subject to this change: the same applies to independent monosyllables which happen to be already sufr ficiently weighted, as when they end with two consonants, such as gei/r, ' g6ats,' meirch, ' steeds,' ysceifn, the plural of yscafn, ' light, not heavy.' Med. Welsh eu becomes au, as in deu, now dau, ' two,' and keul, now haul, ' sun,' heulog, * sunny; ' the proclitic eu ' their ' remains, like ei, unchanged: the same applies to neu, ' or.' Old Welsh ai (pronounced probably with the blunted i, which we now write y or m) becomes ae so early as the beginning of the Med. Welsh period, as for instance in air, later aer, ' a battle,' and cai, later cae, 'a field.' The spelling ae, however, is also retained in words of more than one syllable, as in aerfa, ' a battle-field,' and caeau, ' fields. But the pronunciation varies between au or ai and eu or ei. In a few words this relation is optionally indicated by the ordinary orthography, as in aetk, ' ivit,' but euthum, ' ivi,' and euthost, ' ivisti,' maes, ' a field,' meusydd, ' fields; ' in the colloquial, ae in an unaccented final syllable is mostly reduced into a single vowel, whereby such words 


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LECTURE III. 137 as hiraeth, ' longing,' become in South Wales hiretk, and the like. A word which in 0, Welsh would have had the single form mat, is in Mod. Welsh both mae and mat: the former means ' is,' the latter is a proclitic with the force of the English conjunction that: the same use of a verb as a conjunction occurs in taw, ' that,' commonly used in South Wales instead of mai: taw is obsolete as a verb, but not so its Irish equivalent td, ' is.' 0. Welsh 01 (also probably pronounced with i = our modern u or y) makes oe in Med. Welsh, and later, as when 0. Welsh ois becomes oes, ' age, generation,' and oid becomes oedd, ' was.' The spelling oe is also retained in other words than those of one syllable: take for instance the 0. Welsh ois oisoud, ' sseculum sseculorum,' later oes oesoedd, pronounced in North and South Wales respectively oes ousoudd, oes oisoidd, or still more colloquially with ousodd, oisodd, the diphthong in the unaccented ending being reduced to a single vowel as in many other words, such as mynyddodd, ' mountains,' nefodd, ' heavens, heaven,' written mynyddoedd, ne/oedd. As to the diphthong 7vy, when it occurs in an accented syllable followed by another syllable in the same word, the accent under favourable circumstances shifts from the w to the y, whereby the former becomes a semi-vowel, as in gwydd, 'a, goose,' but gnyddau, 'geese.' This modi- 


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138 LECTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. fication is probably very modern, and otherwise this diphthong may be regarded as the most unchangeable, excepting ew, in the language, as the old spelling ui probably meant exactly the same sounds which we write wj/. But as m/ and oe represent an early oi which came down into 0. Welsh partly as oi (now oe), partly as ui (our my), the difficult question as to the cause of this bifiurcation meets us. The following answer is a mere guess, to be taken for what it is worth. In Mod. Welsh the diphthongs, when accented, have the accent on the leading vowel (excepting in such cases as that of gwyddau, where 7oy ceases to be a diphthong), as in gdir, mde, oedd, and gwydd. But it may well be that it was not always so, and that gair, for instance, was preceded by geir for geirja and garjd, the advance of the accent having been gradual — garja, geirja, geir, gdir. Take also such words as draen, ' a thorn,' plural drain, which may be inferred to stand for drain sing. drein plural, and these for dragn and dregn-i or dregn-ja: the cognate Irish is draighen, ' thorn.' Similarly dau would imply deu, and so in other instances. Should these guesses turn out well founded, one would have to regard oen, ' a lamb,' for instance, and its plural wyn, as representing oin sing, and oin plural, for oin-i or oin-ja, with an ending indicative of the plural number retained 


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LECTURE III. 139 intact at a time when the singular had been reduced to a monosyllahle. This agrees tolerably well with the fact that Latin e makes ny in Welsh, as in canwyll, ' a candle,' and afwyn, ' a rein,' from candila and habena, while the oxytone Aavir\K has in "Welsh yielded Deinjoel, now Deinjol. If the antecedents of our ai, au, ae, oe, ny were ei, eu, di, 6i, 01, the modification thereby implied admits of being described simply as the replacing the unaccented vowel by a nearly related vowel of a lower pitch of resonance, a principle the working of which is, I am inclined to think, also to be detected elsewhere in the language: for instance, where Mod. "Welsh replaces eu in unaccented final syllables by au, as in pethau, ' things,' fforau ' best,' borau, ' morning.' Compare also the disuse of enwiredd, ' untruth,' engyljon, * angels,' llewenydd, 'joy,' in favour of the forms anwiredd, angyljon, llawenydd, and the like.  ( 140 ) 


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LECTUEE IV. "As his craze ia astronomical, he will most likely make few converts, and will be forgotten after at most a passing laugh from scientific men. But if his craze had been historical or philological, he might have put forth notions quite as absurd as the notion that the earth is flat, and many people would not have been in the least able to see that they were absurd. If any scholar had tried to confute him, we should have heard of ' controversies ' and ' differences of opinion.' " — The Satuedat Ebview. . It is my intention now to call your attention to the continuity of the Welsh language; but before we attempt to trace it back step by step to the time of the Eoman occupation, it may be well to premise that history fails to give us any indications which would lead us to infer that the Welsh of the present day are not in the main the lineal descendants of the people whom the Eomans found here. No doubt the race received an infusion of foreign blood in those neighbourhoods where the Roman legions had permanent stations; but its character ddes not seem to have been much influenced by contact with the English, at any rate previously to the Norman Conquest. As to the Danes, they have hardly left behind them a trace of their visits to our shores, and that the Irish occupied any part of Wales for a length of time 


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LECTUBE IV. 141 still remains to be proved. Certainly the effects of such an occupation, even were it established, on our language -will be hard to discover. The monuments to be met with in Wales and elsewhere in the West of Britain alleged to belong to the Irish will presently come under notice. Thus it would seem that we are entitled to expect to find our Welsh to have been continued without any violent interruption from the common language of the Kymric race in the time of Agricola, to which belonged not only Wales, including Monmouthshire, but also Devon and Cornwall, a considerable portion of the west and middle of England, nearly all the north of it, and a part of Scotland. To what extent the country was occupied by non-Kymric races is a question which will occupy us as we go on. Subsequently to the decisive battle of Chester in 607, when the English succeeded in severing the Welsh of Gwynedd from their countrymen in Lancashire and the North, the Kymric population of the west of the island found themselves cut up into three sections, the Strathclyde Britons, those of Wales, and those south of the Bristol Channel. As to the northern section, it was not long ere English drove the old language off the ground. In Cornwall it survived to differentiate itself considerably from Welsh, and to become extinct as a spoken language only in the last cen- 


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142 LEOTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. tury. In the middle section, that is, in Wales, you need not be told that it is still living and vigorous, though its domain is getting more and more circumscribed. One may accordingly assume, at any rate provisionally, that the Kymric people of the North, of Wales, and of Devonshire and Cornwall, spoke the same language till the end of the 7th century or thereabouts; so in writing on early Welsh we claim the use of ancient Kymric monuments, whether they occur in Wales itself, in Devonshire, or in the vicinity of Edinburgh. Of course one is not to suppose that within that range there were no dialectic variations; but they were probably not such as to make themselves disturbing elements within the compass of our early inscriptions. The case is different when the latter are compared with those of Ireland, the -linguistic differences between the Kymric and the Goidelic nations being of a far older standing; but more of this anon. Hitherto it has been usual to divide the Welsh language, historically considered, into three periods, namely, those of Old, Middle, and Modern Welsh. This classification was adopted at a time when very little was known to glottologists respecting our early inscribed stones, which mark out for us two periods of the language to which, in default of a better, the term Early Welsh may be 


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LECTUEE IV. 143 applied. This, however, cannot be' done without rendering Middle Welsh inadmissible; but, in order to disturb the old terminology as little as possible, the adjective Medimval may be used instead of Middle. Having premised this much, we proceed to parcel out the entire past of the language in the following manner: — 1. Prehistoric Welsh, ranging from the time when the ancestors of the Welsh and the Irish could no longer be said to form one nation, to the subjugation of the Britons by Julius Agricola, or, let us say, to the end of the first century. 2. Early Welsh of the time of the Eoman occupation, from then to the departure of the Romans in the beginning of the fifth century. , 3. Early Welsh of what is called the Brit-Welsh period, from that date till about the end of the seventh century, or the beginning of the eighth. 4. Old Welsh, from that time to the coming of the Normans into Wales in the latter part of the eleventh century. 5. Mediaeval Welsh, from that time to the Reformation. 6. Modern Welsh, from that epoch to the present day. 


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144 LECTDKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGy. This would be the order to follow if one had to produce specimens of the successive periods of the language, but for our present purpose it will be preferable to trace it back step by step from that stage in which we know it best to the other stages in which it is not so well known; in a word, to treat it as a question of identity. The lead, then, is to be taken by Modern Welsh, which I would distinguish into Biblical and Journalistic Welsh. By the latter is meant the vernacular, which we talk, and meet with, more or less touched up, in most of our newspapers. It is characterised by a growing tendency to copy English idioms, the result no doubt of frequent contact with English, and of continually translating from English. It is right to add that the number of the books and journals published in it is steadily increasing. Biblical Welsh, as the term indicates, is the language of the Welsh translations of the Bible, and a number of other books, mostly theological, of the time of the Eeformation and later, and it is still the language in which our best authors endeavour to write. This overlapping of Biblical and Journalistic Welsh in our own day will serve to show that, when glottologists divide, for convenience' sake, the life of a language into periods, one is not to ask the day of the month when one period ends and the succeeding one begins. Passing be- 


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LECTURE IV. 145 yond tlie time of the Reformation, we come to the Mediaeval Welsh of the Bruts or chronicles, so called from the fashion, once common, of manufacturing a Brutus or Brytus to colonise this island, and to give it the name of Britain: he was held to have been a descendant of ^neas, and thus were the Welsh connected with Troy. To about the same time are to be assigned the romances called the Mabinogion, which consist mostly of tales respecting Arthur and the Knights of the Round Table. Here also may be mentioned, as belonging to the earlier part of the period, the Venedotian versions of the Laws of Wales, which Aneurin Owen found to be in manuscripts of the 12th century, and it is to the 12th that Mr. Skene assigns the Black Book of Carmarthen in the Hengwrt Collection, the property of W. W. E. Wynne of Peniarth, Esq.: it contains the oldest version extant of much of the poetry commonly assigned to the 6th century. As to the language of this poetry, it is certainly not much older, if at all, than the manuscript containing it I have said the language, for the matter may be centuries older, if we may suppose each writer or rehearser to have adapted the form of the words, as far as concerns the reduction of the mutable consonants, to the habits of his own time, which one might well have done unintentionally, and so, perhaps, K 


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146 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. without the matter being much tampered with. For the details of this question I would refer you to the fourteen introductory chapters in Skene's Four Ancient Books of Wales: suffice it here to say, that the poems ascribed to the Oynfeirdd or early bards belong, as far as concerns us now, to the Mediaeval period of Welsh, though the metre, the allusions, and the archaisms, which some of them contain, tend -to show that they date, in some form or other, from the 9th century, if not earlier. So far we have at our service abundance of literature for all philological purposes; but when we pass the threshold of the 12th century, the case . is no longer so, our only materials for the study of Old Welsh being inscriptions and glosses, together with a few other scraps in Latin manuscripts. The inscriptions here alluded to are the later ones, written in characters which archfeologists call Hiberno-Saxon. As to the manuscript portion of the materials, when a Welshman reading a Latin author met a word he did not understand, he ascertained its meaning, and wrote its Welsh equivalent above it, between the lines, or in the margin: so our Welsh glosses were produced. We have, besides, fragments of charters and scraps of poetry filling up spaces which happened to be blank in the original manuscripts. 


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LECTURE IV. 147 Most of them are ia Oxford and Cambridgie, and one in Lichfield. Their dates are ascertained for us by experts, and it is to the 9th century that they now assign the oldest collection. Altogether they are far under a thousand vords and contain few complete sentences: so, while they leave us considerably in the dark as to the syntax of the language, they enable us to ascertain what phonological and formal changes it has passed through since the 9th century. Among other things, we are placed in a position to watch the appearance and gradual spread in it of the more interesting consonantal mutations. The next move backwards lands us in the Brit-Welsh period of the language, for the study of which we have, besides a few names in Gildas and other writers of the time, a pretty good number of epitaphs, but mostly written in Latin. This is unfortunate, as the Kymric names they contain have, in a great number of instances, their terminations Latinised. A few, however, are bilingual, consisting of a Latin version in more or less debased Roman capitals, interspersed occasionally ■ towards the close of the period with minuscules, and of an Early Welsh version in Ogam. Several of them will be noticed as we go on; and I now submit to you a list [this will be found in an Appendix at the end of thevolume] of them, con- 


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148 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. taiuing all those which have not been reduced to mere fragments of no special interest, or rendered illegible by centuries of exposure. As we pass back from the Brit-Welsh period to the time of the Epman occupation, our data become still more meagre. They consist (1) of a few proper names which have been identified in Ptolemy's Geography, the Itinerary of Antoninus, Tacitus' Agricola, and other writings of that time, and (2) . inscriptions scattered up and down the country occupied by our ancestors. The number of Celtic names. in these last is very considerable, but we cannot be sure that they are in all instances Kymric; however, we may assume some of them to be so if they are found at Caerleon (that is, the Isca Silurum of the ancients), at York, and other places in the North. They are mostly epitaphs written in Latin, and beginning with the usual Koman dedication to the Di Manes, but some are votive tablets to local gods. Any one who has an eye for Celtic names can pick them out at his leisur-e in the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, published not long ago in Berlin, under the superintendence of Professor Hiibner: the seventh volume is devoted to those of Great Britain. And now that we have thus rapidly scanned the past of our language so far back as any the slightest assistance is rendered us by ancient 


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LECTURE IV. 149 authors and contemporary monuments, you may ask, What about the question of identity propounded at the beginning of the lecture? As far as concerns Modern and Mediaeval Welsh, or Medisevaland Old Welsh, there can be no question at all, and we need not hesitate to assume the identity of the Welsh language of the 9th century with that of the 19th; that is to say, the former has grown to be the latter. Nor is there any occasion at present to prove its identity in the 1st and 6th century, though, it must be admitted, that would, owing to the scantiness of our data, be only less difficult than to establish the negative. At any rate, we may wait until the latter has found an advocate; for it is not just at this point that the chain of continuity has been suspected: the links that are now and then challenged occur between the 6th and' 9th centuries, and it is to them that our attention must now be directed. Here precedence may be granted to the difficulty of those writers who fail to see how a language once possessed of a system of cases could get to lose them and appear in the state in which we find the Old Welsh of the 9th century, which hardly differed in this respect from the Welsh of our day. These may be dismissed with the question. What has become of the cases of Latin in the languages of the Romance nations of modern times, such as 


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150 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. Italian, French, and Spanish, or how many of the five or six cases formerly in use in English are current in Modern English? Then there are those who will have it, that Welsh can never have had cases, because it is, as they imagine, nearly related to, or immediately derived from Hebrew, which also has no cases. Neither do literary ostriches of this class deserve to be reasoned with, at any rate until they have taken their heads out of the sand and acquainted themselves with the history of the philological world since the publication of Bopp's Comparative Grammar. As matters stand, it would in all probability be useless to tell them that Welsh has nothing to do with Hebrew or any other Semitic tongue. It is, however, not a little satisfactory to read, from time to time, in the English papers, that this Hebrew nightmare, which has heavily lain, some time .or other, on almost every language in Europe, seems to be fast transforming itself into a kind of spirit of search impelling gentlemen of a certain idiosyncrasy to turn their thoughts to the .discovery of the Lost Ten Tribes of Israel. Not to dwell on the fact that Semitic scholars are satisfied that Hebrew itself once had cases, or, rather, that it never lost them altogether, it may be interesting to notice that even the Welsh we speak may be made to yield us evidence of the use 


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LECTUKE rV. 151 of a system of cases in the language during the earlier periods of its history. But before we proceed to this we may for a moment consider what traces of the cases of Latin remain in the Welsh, words which our ancestors borrowed from that language. Well, if you look through a list of these loan-words, which amount in all to no less than 500 Latin vocables, you will find that some show traces of the Latin nominative, as for instance, lendith, ' a blessing,' ffnrn, ' an oven,' pabell, ' a tent,' from benedictio,fornax,papilio, respectively, while others are supposed to be derived from accusatives, such as cardod, ' alms, charity,' ciwdod, ' a tribe,' j)ont, ' a bridge,' from caritatem, cimtatem, and pontem: compare lorddonen, 'Jordan,' and Moesen, ' Moses,' from 'lopBdvrjv and MouvffTJv. Lastly, it may be left undecided whether tymp, ' a woman's time to be confined,' comes from tempus nominative or tempus accusative, and so of corf, ' a body,' from corpus, but tymmhor, ' a season,' must have come from temporis, tempori, or tempore, and so of the corffor in corj^ori, ' to incorporate,' and in corjvroedd, an obsolete plural of corj^, for which we now use cyrf. Now, have we any such traces in Welsh words of Welsh origin? No doubt we have; and they are to be detected by comparison with other languages, especially Irish. The following are found to be nominatives: — 


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152 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. bru, ' womb: ' compare 0. Ir. nom. bru, gen, brond. car, ' a friend: ' compare 0. Ir, nom. cara, gen. carat, ci, ' a dog: ' compare 0. Ir. nom. cu, gen. con. gof, ' a smith: ' compare 0. Ir. nom. goba, gen, goband. llyg, ' a field-mouse: ' compare 0. Ir. nom. luch, gen. lochad. tan, ' fire: ' compare 0. Ir. nom. tene, gen. tened. In other instances the comparison shows us that the Welsh forms are not nominatives, but probably accusatives, as in the following, pointed out to me by Mr. Stokes: — bon (in henfon), ' a cow: ' compare 0. Ir. accus. boin, nom. bo. breuan, ' a handmill: ' compare 0. Ir. accus. broinn-n, nom. broo, equated by Mr. Stokes with the Sanskrit grdvan, the Rigveda word for the stone used in sq;ueezing out the- soma juice. breuant, ' the windpipe: ' compare 0. Ir. accus. brdigait-n, nom. brdge. dernydd, ' a druid: ' compare 0. Ir. accus. druid-n, nom. drui {drym would seem. to be the Welsh nominative). 


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LECTURE IV. 153 emi7i, ' a nail of the hand or foot: ' compare 0. Ir. accus. ingin-n, nom. inge. gorsin, ' a door-post: ' compare 0. Ir. accus. ursain-n, nom. ursa. Iwerddon, ' Ireland: ' compare 0. Ir. accus. Herenn, nom. Hiriu, mis, ' month: ' compare 0. Ir. accus. mis-n, nom. mi. pridd, ' earth, soil: ' compare 0. Ir. accus. creid-n, nom.- cri. Add to these the word nos, ' night,' a nominative for nots = noct-s: compare Latin nox, gen. noctis. If Welsh had a case with the stem noct as in Latin noctis, noctem, nocti, it would have to become noeth in "Welsh, and this actually occurs in trannoeth, ' the following day,' literally ' over^ night,' and in trannoeth the word noeth must he an accusative, which is the case tra governed, as may he learned from the fact that its Irish counterpart tar always governs that case. Beunoeth, ' every night,' is also an accusative, and so probably is the 0. "Welsh form henoith (written henoid in the Juvencus Codex), ■ superseded later by heno ' tonight,' which seems to be a shortened form of he-nos: compare he-ddyw, ' to-day.' So far of nominatives and accusatives: as to the other cases, it is exceedingly hard to distin- 


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154 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. guish them from accusatives or from one another now that their distinctive endings have been discarded. We have, however, undoubted genitives in ei, ' his,' ei, ' her,' and eu ' their,' which have already been mentioned. The dative next: years ago attention was called by Mr. Norris to the pT/n in er-k/n, ' against,' as the dative of pen, ' head.' Now erbi/n is in Irish letter for letter arckiunn, composed of the preposition ar and ciunn, the dative of cenn, ' head: ' the latter is, however, separable, admitting pronouns between the preposition and the noun, as in armochiunn " ante faciem meam, coram me; " and so the 0. Cornish er y lyn would suggest that in Welsh also one might at one time say er ei lyn, where we now have to say yn ei erbyn, or Vw erbyn, ' against him, to meet him.' Mr. Stokes has pointed out another similar dative in 0. Cornish in such a phrase as mar y lyrgh (= Welsh ar ei ol), ' after him:' the nominative is leryk. Lastly, we have one certain instance of an ablative, namely, that of pmy, ' who,' in the particle po, of the same origin as Latin quo. You will notice also that the same use is made of them in both languages in such sentences as Po anhawddafy gwaith, mwyaf y clod oH gyflawni, " quo difficilius, hoc prseclarius." Now that we are hurriedly picking up, as it were, a few fragments of the time-wrought wreck 


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LECTURE IV. 155 of our inflections, you may expect a word about the Welsh genders. I need not prove that Welsh once had three genders, that is, not only the masculine and the feminine, but also a neuter, of which we have a familiar relic in the demonstrative hjn^ as in hyn o Mysc, ' this much learning,' hyn win, ' this much wine: ' add to this the 0. Welsh pad = Lat. quod, quid. But more interest attaches to the feminine: put together, for instance, merch, ' a daughter,' and tlms, ' pretty,' and they have to become merek dlos, ' a pretty daughter.' Now, why is the t of the adjective reduced into d? Well, if you remember what was said on another occasion, it can only be because merch once ended in a vowel, and I hardly need state -that that vowel was probably a or a. Thus merch dlos represents an earlier merca tlos or rather merca tlossa, for the a of the adjective is even more certain than that of the noun, seeing that it is to the influence of that a on the timbre or quality of the vowel in the preceding syllable we owe our having still two forms of the adjective, tlws in the masculine and tlos in the feminine. Tlws and tlos belong to a class of adjectives", already noticed, which conform to the same rules, and you may take the pair llym, mas. Hem, fern. ' sharp,' as typical of another, and as supplying us with the principle which guides us in distin- 


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166 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. guishing the gender of monosylla'bic nouns: thug if you propose to a monoglot Welshman any monosyllabic nouns with which he is not familiar, he will treat those with ro or y as masculines and those with o or e as feminines, and in so doing he thinks he is guided by instinct. This is probably not the only habit of later growth which has been mistaken for instinct; and if you wish to find the key to it, you have to trace it back in the language to a time when the latter was on a level, so to say, with Latin and Greek as regards the inflection of its substantives, while the origin of the same habit must be sought thousands of years earlier, when neither Celt nor Teuton, Greek nor Roman, had as yet wandered westward from the cradle of the Aryan race in the East. Perhaps it is even more surprising to find in later "Welsh traces of the dual number, seeing that the very oldest specimens of its inflections which the Aryan languages afi'ord us look weather-worn and ready to disappear. But to give you an instance or two in Welsh: we meet in the Mabinogi of Branwen Verch Llyr with deu rcydel uonllmn, that is, in our orthography, dau Wyddel fonllwm, ' two unshod Irishmen ' (Guest's Mabinogion, iii. p. 98). Now in the singular we should have Gnyddel bonllrmn, and in the plural Gmyddyl bonUymion; so it may be asked how it is that we have 


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LECTURE IV. 157 bonllwm made in our instance into fonllmm. There is only one answer: Gwyddel must in the dual have once ended in a vowel, and a glance at other related languages which have the dual, such as 0. Irish, Greek, and Sanskrit, would make it probahle that the vowel in question must have been the ending of the nominative or accusative dual; but instead of guessing which the vowel or vowels were in which the dual ended in Early Welsh, perhaps the best thing would be to ask you to take a look at that number in Greek in which our instance might be literally rendered: hvo avviroSi]T(a ToiBe\e. Instances are not very rare in Mediaeval Welsh, but I will only mention one or two more: in the Mabinogi of larlles y Ffynnawn we meet with deu was penngrych wineu deledwiv:, " two youths with beautiful curly hair " (Guest's Mab., i. p. 35). A still more interesting instance occurs in William's " Seini Greal," p. 91, where we read of deu deirw burwynnyon, ' two pure-white bulls.' In Modern Welsh there is one instance which is well worth mentioning. The Carnarvonshire heights, called by English tourists " The Rivals," have, from the Carnarvon side, the appearance of three peaks forming two angles or forks between them: hence their Welsh name is Yr Eifl, which has been supposed to be plural; but were it so, it would be, not Yr Eifl, but Y Geifl or 


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158 LBCTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. Y Gq/lau, the singular being ffo/l, ' the fork.' So Tr Eifl means, I cannot help believing, the two forks, and might be rendered into Greek Tw "Ayxr], but that we should thereby lose the connotation of the Welsh name, which in this instance, as ia so many other Celtic place-names, turns mainly on a metaphorical reference to the configuration of the human body. Interesting as the foregoing instances may be to us, as persons whose language is the Welsh, you must not suppose that they enhance materially the certainty with which glottologists regard the former inflections of Welsh substantives; for they are satisfied that Welsh is near of kin to Irish, and that Irish had the inflections in question, not developed in the course of its own history, but inherited from of old from an older language which was the common mother of Irish and Welsh. The discovery in Welsh of a few such remains as have just been pointed out, they would have thought uot improbable beforehand, but supposing, on the other hand, that that did not occur in a single instance, they would not have felt in the least dismayed. Where, then, seeing that Welsh still shows traces of at least five cases, three genders, and three members, does the improbability lie of its having retained the endings indicative of some of them — say the nominative and genitive singular 


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LECTUKE IV. 159 masculine — as late as the 7tli century? Nowhere, it seems to me. But as the transition of a language from the inflectional to the positional stage is an importalit one, which could not help registering itself in its literature, let us turn our attention for a moment to this point. For our purpose the difference between an inflectional and a positional construction admits of easy illustration. In Latin there is no material difference of meaning between rex Romm and Romce rex, that is, if we put N. for nominative, and G. for genitive, both sequences, N. G. and G. N. are admissible in that language, while in Welsh we have to be contented with N. G. only, and say brenhin JRhiifain, as Rhufain hrenhin would not convey the same meaning. Probably, however, when Welsh had case-endings, it could have recourse to both N. G. and G. N.; but when the former were discarded one of the latter had to be given up — that turned out to be G. JH'. But the sequence JS^. G. could not have beaten the other off the field in a day, and we have to ascertain if any survivals of G. JST. occur in the Welsh literature which has come down to our time. A perusal of the poems attributed to the early bards would convince you that such do occur: I will only quote (in modern orthography) a few at random from Skene's Four Ancient Books of Wales: — cenedl nodded, " the nation's refuge '' 


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160 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. (ii. p. 7); huan heolydd wrfnAdd, " bold as the sun in his courses " (ii. p. 20); Cymmerau trin, " the conflict of Cj'mraerau " (ii. p. 24); rhiain garedd, " delight of females " (ii. p. 93); and " Gorchan Cynfelyn cylchwy nylad,^^ " Gorchan Cynfelyn, to make the region weep " (ii. p. 96). Now, with such survivals as these and others of a different nature, which could be pointed out in the poems alluded to, before our eyes, the conclusion would seem natural that Welsh may well have retained case-endings in common use as late as the 7th century. On the other hand, it has, it is true, been argued that the original composition of the poems in question took place long before the 12th century. But what concerns us here is the fact that the evidence they give us, taken for what it is worth, affords a presumption that one is right in supposing case-endings to have been in use in our language as late as the 7th century; and the outcome of all this is, that thus far we have not met with any prima facie reason whatever for thinking that the old Celtic monuments still existing in Wales were not intended to commemorate persons who spoke our language, or a language which has, by insensible degrees, grown to be that which we speak. Now we move on to meet those who claim some of our inscriptions as belonging, not to the Welsh, 


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LECXUKlli 1> . lO-l but to the Irish. You will find their views advocated, though not without eliciting opposition, by some of the writers who contribute to the Arclimologia Cambrensis. It is by no means irrelevant to our case that you should know that they are men whose study is archaeology rather than the Celtic languages. For though the belief in the Irish origin of inscriptions found here may have originated in the discovery that seme of them are written in Ogam, a character once supposed to be exclusively Irish, it now rests mainly on other arguments, which can have no weight in the eyes of any one who has enjoyed the advantage of a glottological training. Thus, whenever an early inscribed stone is discovered here bearing a name which happens to be known to Irish annalists, it is at once assumed that the inscription containing it is of Irish origin. But this, it requires no very profound knowledge of the Celtic languages to perceive, is perfectly unwarrantable. For as Welsh and Irish are kindred tongues, and as their vocabularies of proper names of persons must, at one time, have been identical, the occurrence of the same Celtic names in Wales and Ireland is just what one is entitled beforehand to expect. Neither, supposing a name, to put the case still stronger, forming part of an early inscription in Wales not to be traceable in later Welsh, while it happens to occur in L 


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162 LECTUEES ON "WELSH PHILOLOGT. Irish 1)00118, can the inscription be claimed as Irish: besides, it would warrant our advancing similar claims. For instance, we might say, If onr stones with the name Decceti on them are Irish because we have not as yet succeeded in tracing it in Welsh books, whereas it is thought to be detected in Irish ones, then on precisely the same grounds we claim the Irish stone bearing the name Cunacena until the latter can be shown to occur in later Irish, as we have it in the successive forms Cunacenni, Concenn, Cincenn, and Kyngen, this side of St. George's Channel. The one claim is as good as the other, and neither deserves a hearing; for the question as to which Celtic names have survived in Wales and in Ireland respectively belongs to the chapter of accidents, and the wonder, perhaps, is that the instances are so numerous as they are of the same ones having come down to the Middle Ages or to modern times in both countries. If you were to press the advocates of the Irish claim for their reasons, the answer would be of the following type, which I copy from the Archceologia Cambrensis for 1873, page 286: " Were I to find on the shores of Wexford or Waterford a sepulchral inscription to Griffith, ap Owen, I should be fully as justified in claiming it to be Irish as Mr. Rhys is in claiming Maccui Decetti [szc] to 


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LECTURE IV. 163  be Welsh." This is d propos of an Anglesey inscription reading: Hie lacit Maccu Decceti. Now this involves the fallacy of assuming that the difference between Welsh and Irish has always been so great as it is in modern times. If there is anything I have especially endeavoured to impress on your minds in the previous lectures, it is the fact that the further back we trace the two languages, the more strongly are they found to resemble one another. There is one word in particular which Irish archaeologists, with a turn for what may not inappropriately be termed simple inspection, have made a great deal of — I mean the word maqvi, the genitive of the word for son. This, it is said, is the Irish mace or mac, ' a son,' genitive maicc or maic, and it is held to settle the question. The truth, however, is that it contributes nothing at all to the settling of it; for, as all Oeltists know, the Kymric languages systematically change qv into p, so that the 0. Welsh map, now mab, ' a son,' is as regularly derived in Welsh from maqv-i as mac is in Irish. What would have been to the point would be to prove that the Kymric change of qv into p was obsolete before the period of the inscriptions whose origin is in question. This the writers whose views we are discussing would, I feel confident, find to be an impossible task to perform, and the attempt 


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164 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. would, moreover, be likely to take them out of the beaten path of simple inspection, one of the most recent outcomes of which may here be mentioned, as it will answer the purpose of a reductio ad ahsurdum of this way of appreciating old epitaphs. In the churchyard at Llanfihangel y Traethau, between Harlech and Portmadoc, there is a stone bearing an inscription apparently of the 12th century: one line of it reads Wleder matris Odeleu, whence we find elicited totus, teres atque rotundus,, the full-grown Irish name Dermot O'Daly: this, 3'ou will be surprised to learn, was not meant as a joke — see the Archceologia Camhrensis for 1874, page 335. Though the reasoning which seems to have led to the conclusion that our early inscriptions are Irish will not for one moment bear examination, that conclusion may, nevertheless, be the only one warranted by the facts of the case; hence it is clear that we must not dismiss it until we have considered how it deals with them. Well, the first thing that strikes one here is the arbitrariness of a theory which, from a number of inscriptions, would select some as being Irish without predicating anything of the remaining ones, or assigning the principle on which the selection is made. You might perhaps expect that those written in Ogam would be the only ones claimed as Irish, 


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LECTURE IV. 165 and at one time it was so; but eventually it was found convenient to cross that line; and no wonder, for, as you must have noticed, there is no essential difference between those partly written in Ogam and those written in Eoman letters exclusively. So Welsh antiquaries could hardly have been taken by surprise by a sweeping statement of the Irish claim, such as we meet with. in the Arch. Camhrensis for 1873, p. 285, in respect of the names Vinnemagli and Senemagli in a Denbighshire inscription. There we read, '•' Both of the names in question are Irish, as are most, if not all, the names found on those monuments hitherto known as Romano-British." This you will keep in mind as a concession on the part of our Irish friends of the fact that the nanfes in our inscriptions are of a class, and do not readily admit of being separated into such as are Irish and such as are not. Then, by supposing some of the epitaphs to be commemorative of Irish pagans of a very early date, they involve themselves in difficulties as to the crosses to be frequently met with on them. This, however, may be a mere instance of chronological extravagance not essential to the theory, but it would not be so easy to take that view of an assumption to which few would be found to demur, namely, that the pagan Irish did not use 


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166 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. the Roman alphabet. We observe, therefore, with some curiosity how they extricate themselves from the difficulty arising from the fact that almost all our inscriptions are partly or wholly in Roman letters. As to those which are exclusively in the latter, the oracles have not yet spoken; at any rate, I cannot find their utterances. But in the case of stones bearing inscriptions in both characters, if the one is not a translation of the other, then the Roman one owes its presence on it to a Romanised Briton having seized on the monument of a Gael to serve his own purposes, there being, it would seem, a great scarcity of rude and undressed stones in those days. If, on the other hand, the one merely renders the other, the explanation offered is somewhat different. The following, which I copy from the Arch. Cambrensis for 1869, p. 159, relates to the bilingual stone at St. Dogmaels, near Cardigan, reading Sagrani Fili Cunotami, and in Ogam Sax/ramni Maqvi Cunatami: — "The story of the stone looks like this; that it was erected as a memorial over some well-known chief of the invading Gaedhal, who for a long period occupied South Wales, and that at some period after, when thelanguage of the Gaedhal, and the use of Ogham were dying out, some patriotic descendant of the hero, to perpetuate the memorial, re-cut the inscription in the Roman characters then 


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LECTURE IV. 167 in use; the monument is of great antiquity, the Eoman inscription alone, on the authority of Mr. Westwood, being referable to a date ' not long after the departure of the Romans.' " Ah uno disce omnes. A still greater difficulty presents itself in the frequent occurrence on the stones in question of names which to most men would seem to be Latin, while it is, on the other hand, acknowledged that the Goidelic race was never conquered by the Romans, and that they would otherwise have been too proud, as we are told, to adopt Roman names. How this difficulty is disposed of as a whole I do not know. However, I find that Turpilli and Victor are made out to be pure Irish; but whether the same fate awaits such names as Justi, Faternini, Paulini,. Vitaliani, and the like, remains to be seen; for the possibilities of O'Reilly's dictionary of Modern Irish are many. Unfortunately, such is the reputation that work enjoys, and such are the discoveries to which it helps men ignorant of Old Irish, that an appeal to it on their part has the charm of the last straw that broke the camel's back. The foregoing are a few of the difficulties attending the claim made to our inscriptions. Now, I would call your attention to particular instances of them, which cannot, I think, be Irish: — (1.) We will begin with a stone at Penmachno, 


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168 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. in Carnarvonshire, which reads: Cantiori Hie Jacit Venedotis Give Fuit Consobrino Magli Magistrati. Despite the waywardness of the Latin, it undoubtedly shows that the person commeniorated was a man of importance, and a Venedotian citizen, whatever that may exactly mean. ' The Venedotians are not generally supposed to be of the Goidelic race, and, as they are not likely to have made a foreigner a citizen of their state, the conclusion is unavoidable that the inscription is not of Irish origin. It is much in the same way that one may look at another which reads: Corbalengi Jacit Or dous. The stone stands on an eminence overlooking the Cardigan Bay, between the convenient landing-places of Aberporth and Traethsaith, in Cardiganshire; but I am inclined to think that Ordous means that the person buried there was one of the Ordovices of North . "Wales. If so, whether he came there as an invader or as an ally, the position of the stone, which seems to occupy its original site, explains why it was thought expedient to specify his tribe on his monument. So this also could not well be Irish. (2.) The inscription at Llangadwaladr, not far from Aberffraw in Anglesey, reads Catamanus Rex Sapientisimus Opinatisimus Omnium Regum. It is right to state that it is not in Roman capitals, but in what may be called early 


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LECTURE IV. 169 Hiberno-Saxon characters, and that it is ascribed by archaeologists to the 7th centnry. There are, however, other reasons for ranging it with those of the Brit-Welsh, rather than with later ones. It is probable that this Catamanus was the Catmaa or Cadfan whom Welsh tradition mentions as the father of Cadwallon and the grandfather of Cadwalader, who is usually called the last king of the Britons; Cadwallon died, according to the Annales Cambrice, in the year 631, and the year 616 has been given by some Welsh writers as the date of Cadfan's death. However that may be, we are pretty safe in assigning it to the 7th cetitury, and the inscription commemorative of him dates, probably, not long after his death. Whether Catamanus and his name are likely to be claimed as Irish I do not know, but the latter undoubtedly bears a family likeness to several of those contained in our early inscriptions so claimed. The same likeness is also observable in the names of the kings of the Britons to whom Gildas, writing not later than the middle of the 6th century, undertook to give a good scolding. They are the following, all except the first in the vocative: — Constantinus (king of Damnonia), Aureli, Vortipori (king of the Dimetians), Cuneglase (rendered by Gildas into Latin as Lanio fulve), and Maglocune, supposed to be 


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170 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. Maelgwn, the king of Grwynedd, who, according to the Annales Cambrice, died in the year 547. Now these, as well as Catamanns, must be surrendered as Irish, if our early inscriptions are rightly claimed as such. (3.) An instance, which has already supplied us withauame of interest, occurs on a stone near Whitland, Carmarthenshire, which reads Qvenvendani Fill Barcuni. Now in Irish genealogies one finds the name Qvenvendani matched most exactly by a Cenjinnan, to which a parallel is offered in the Four Masters' Annals of Ireland in a name Ceandubkan. These would be, in Mod. "Welsh, Penmynnan and Pendduan, but as far as I know they do not occur. However Penmynnan has its analogy in CarnTcennan, ' Arthur's dagger; ' but Cenjinnan is a derivative from a still more common Irish name, Cenfinn, which would be in Welsh Penwyn, ' Whitehead: ' it occurs more than once in the Record of Carnarvon, and we read of a lorwerth Tew ap y Penwyn in Edward the Third's time {Arch. Cam. 1846, p. 397). The portion of our Qvenvendani (shortened probably from Qvennavendani) represented by Penwyn and Cenfinn is Qvenvend-, which accordingly contains curtailed forms of the words for head and white, that is, gven- and vend-. The modern forms are, Welsh pen, Ir. ceann, ' head,' and Welsh ywy«. 


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LECTURE IV. 171 ' white,' feminine gwen, Ir. Jinn. You will here notice the change of i into e before a complex of consonants in the Welsh vend-. The i would remain in Irish, as we see ixoxsxjinn and Ptolemy's BovovivBa, that is Buwinda, ' the Boyne: ' so in the case of Gaulish names such as Vindos and Vindomagus ( = Welsh Gwgnfa, as in Llanfihangel y' Ngnynfa in Montgomeryshire; Irish, Finnmhagh, 'the white or fair field'). This makes it probable that not only Qvenvendani cannot be' Irish, but also Vendoni, Vendumagli, Vendubari, and Vendesetli in other inscriptions. Still more decisive is the evidence of Barcuni, which, I have no doubt, is the same name as the Irish Berchon in Ui-Berchon, Anglicised into Ibercon, and meaning literally the descendants of Bercon; but it is now applied, as frequently happens to such names in Ireland, to a district in the county of Kilkenny. This information I derive from the entry for the year 851 in the Annals of Ireland. In a note the editor, 0' Donovan, observes, that within the district alluded to there is a village known as Rosbercon, anciently called Eos-Ua-mBerchon. Now the Ixish Berchon may be the genitive of Berchu, involving the word cu, ' dog,' genitive con. So. the nominative corresponding to Barcuni, which itself stands probably for an older Barcunis, may have been Barcu. Barcu and Barcuni would now be in Welsh, if they 


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172 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. ouly occurred, Berchi and Berchwn respectively. If you compare with the Irish Berchon our Barcuni or Berchwn, you will observe that there is a phonological discrepancy between them; for Berchwn or Barcuni ought to be in Irish Bercon, and not Berchon. In other words, the Irish Berchon could not be derived from Barcuni, but from a longer form, Baracuni. Here, then, we have a difference between the two languages which makes itself perceptible elsewhere in such instances as Welsh gorphen, ' to finish,' for morqvenn, and Mod. Ir. foirckeann (also Scotch Gaelic), ' end, conclusion,' for woriqvenn or woreqvenn. This, you see, makes it highly improbable that Barcuni is Irish; hence it would follow that here we have an early inscription of Welsh origin, in which the place of later jo is occupied by qv, which in the case of maqvi has been made so much of by Irish archseologists. (4.) The next pair of instances bears on declension: the text is supplied in part by a stone at Trallong near Brecon — it reads Cunocenni Filius Cunoceni Hie Jacit. Here you see that as we have a nominative Cunocenni and a genitive Cunocenni (for we may venture to supply the omitted n), the name must be one the stem of which may be regarded as ending in i. Now glottology teaches us that in the common mother- 


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LECTURE IT. 173 tongue of the Aryan nations /-stems ended in the nominative in -is, and in the genitive in -ajas. The latter was variously contracted in the various languages derived from it: thus Sanskrit nom. avis, ' a sheep,' gen, ave^ or avyas, Grreek ttoXk, gen. ttoXjos or TroXeto?, Lithuanian akis, ' eye,' gen. ak'is. In very early Welsh and Irish, or in the language from which both have branched, we may suppose the ending of the genitive of this declension to have been jas (with ^' =r y in yes) , but not perhaps to the exclusion of the longer -ajas. The names, then, in our inscription may be restored thus: nom. Cunacennis, gen. Cunacennjas, of which the latter seems to have undergone contraction into Cunacennis; so that when the language began to drop final Sj they became nom. Cunacenni and gen. Cunacennl, a distinction which may not have been lost at the time when the inscription was cut on the Trallong stone. Let us now turn to the other side, and see what would become in Irish of a Goidelo-Kymric genitive of the form Cunacennjas. Clearly, if we are to be guided by the ordinary rules of Irish phonology, the j would disappear, which would give us Cunacennas, and when the s followed the example of the j, the word would be found reduced to Cunacenna, which actually occurs written Cunacena on an Ogam-inscribed stone found at Dunloe, 


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174 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. in the county of Kerry. It is, however, right that I should tell j'ou, that in some of the earliest Irish inscriptions both the s and the J (written?) appear intact; for instance, on a stone found at Ballycrovane, in the county of Cork, reading Maqvi Decceddas Ami Toranias — the word awi means grandson, and becomes in Old Irish manuscripts due, or, with an inorganic k, hdue. Lest you should thiuk that all this has been excogitated to suit my views, those of you who read German — and I hope that by and by their number will be considerable — will find that Ebel and Stokes inferred genitives of this declension in -ajas and Jos for Early Irish in the first volume of Kuhn's Beitrcege, published in 1854, and that, most likely, without having heard of the inscription alluded to above. (5.) If it should seem to you that too much is here built on a single word, there remains one or two other instances which cannot be passed over. On the Anglesey stone already noticed we meet with Maccudeeceti, which one might venture to write Maccu-decceti, as forming one name, although consisting probably of a noun governed in the genitive by another. Compare also Maccodecheti, on a stone now at Tavistock, in Devonshire. That Decceti and Decheti are in the genitive is certain, but our "Welsh data could not enable us to ascer- 


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LECTURE IV. 175 tain the declension to which they belong; so we have to resort to Irish inscriptions in which the. name in question occurs. The following are reported: Maqvi Decceddas Ami Toranias, already mentioned; Maqqvi Decedda, found in the parish of Minard, co. Kerry, now in the Museum of the Eoyal Irish Academy in Dublin; Maqvi Decceda Hadniconas, found at Ballintaggart, with six others; Maqviddeceda Maqvi Marin, found at Killeen Cormac. Now Welsh Decceti and Irish Deccedas taken together prove that we have here to do with an J-stem; so the genitives may be restored to the forms — "Welsh Deccetjas, Irish Decceddjas or Deccedjas, for Irish seems to have hesitated between the provected ddj or d'J and the non-provected dj. The forms which occur in the two languages give us the three stages Deccedjas, Deccedjas, and Deccetjas, which require some notice before we proceed further. In Welsh I know of no closer parallel to tj for dj than that of llj (mostly reduced to II) in such words as arall, ' other,' Iv.araile, from a stem ar-alj-, to be compared with Latin alius; oil, ' all,' Ir. uile, from ol^-; pebyll, 'a tent,' now 'tents,' from Lat. papilio, ' a butterfly, a tent: ' to these may perhaps be added an instance from one of our early inscriptions, namely, Turpilli, on a stone near .Crickhowel in Brecknockshire. This, no doubt. 


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176 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. stands for an earlier Turpilji, once the pronunciation, Welsh or Eoman, or both, of Turpilii, the genitive of the Roman name Turpilius: compare also jilli for filii or rather jilji. The provection would lead to the inference that Decceti was accented Deccdti, whence it is clear that Vitaliani on another stone need not have followed suit. In point of fact, it seems to have become Guitoliaun, which occurs in a MS. of Nennius, where we read of Guitmd fill Guitoliaun, as though it had been Viialis fili Vitaliani. As to the Irish provection into dd, we find a good parallel to it in the U- declension, which is thought to have once ended in the nom. in -us, and in the gen. in -awas or -was. Thus Mr. Stokes, in the volume just referred to of Kuhn's Beitrcege, p. 450, traces two Irish genitives, tairmchrutto, " transformationis," and crochta, " crucifixionis," to tarmicru^ejas and cruca^ijas respectively: compare also such genitives as Lugudeccas, Rettias, Anawlamattias, said to occur on early inscribed stones in Ireland. "What has been hinted as to the phonology of Decceti is a mere conjecture, to which I would add another, and, perhaps, a better — namely, that the Welsh and the Irish forms, taken 'together, may be regarded as pointing to the still earlier ones Dencendis, genitive Dencendjas. In case this hits the mark, the word is to be referred to a root dak or dank. 


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LECTURE IV. 177 whence we have Greek ZeUvvjii, Lat. dicere, German zeigen. But, not to take up any more of your time with these .details, the outcome of them, as far as we are here concerned, is that Cunocenni, Decceti, and Decheti are Welsh, while the Irish forms are Cunacena, Deceddas^ and the like. Consequently the inscriptions in which the former occur cannot be Irish. We are now enabled to return with greater certainty to Corhalengi, which being a nominative, is likely to be of the J-declension. Hence it .would also follow that Evolengi and Evolenggi are of that declension, which cannot in Irish make i in the genitive, as these do; so it is unnecessary to say that the inscriptions containing them cannot be Irish. The same observations would seem to apply to those in which the names Vinnemagli, Senemagli, or Senomagli, occur in the genitive; for that these forms belong to the /-declension is suggested by the fact that we have Brohomagli in the nominative in an inscription reading Brohomagli Jam Ic Jacit Et Uxor Ejus Caune. Add to the foregoing, that although the Early Welsh base whence our cad, ' battle,' must have been caiu, of the ^/-declension, we have the compounds Rieati nominative, and Dunocati genitive, .while the Mod. Irish is iDonnchadh, genitive Donnchadha; which makes it impossible that Dunocati could be Irish. This is M 


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178 LBCTUKES ON WELSH PHIEOLOGT. the way I would reason, if I felt certain that the case-endings here in question are not mostly Latin rather than Celtic. The more I scrutinise them, the more I am inclined to treat them as Latin, especially such genitives as Dunocati, and such nominatives, as Corbagni and Ctmnoceni, for Corbagnis and Cunoeennis.. But it is to be noticed that this only makes our case against the Irish claim still stronger, and that one has only to regret that so many of the inscriptions are less valuable than could be wished as materials for the history of Welsh inflections. As the allusion to Cunocenni, Corbagni, and Dunocati as Latinised nominatives may appear scarcely intelligible to those who are acquainted only with the Latin ordinarily taught in our schools, it is right to explain, that from the time of the Gracchi or thereabouts the ending is appears not infrequently instead of ius; as, for instance, in Anavis, Ccecilis, Clodis, Ragonis, and the like. Further, it is a rule in our Early Inscriptions to leave out s final: the same thing frequently happened also in Roman ones, so that such nominatives occur in the latter as Claudi, Minuci, and Valeri. For more information on this point, see the second edition of Corssen's great work on Latin, i. pp. 289, 758; ii. p. 718; also Eoby's Latin Grammar (London, 1871), i. p. 120. (6.) Besides the numerous nominatives made to 


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LECTURE IV. 179 end in our Early Inscriptions in the Latin termination us, and the possible Latinity of some or all' of those in i, there is an instance or two where the former appears as o for the old Latin nominative ending os. One of these comes from Carnarvonshire, and reads: Al/iortus Eimetiaco Hie Jacet. The other is at Cwm Grloyn, near Nevern in Pembrokeshire: it reads in Ogam Witaliani, and in Eoman capitals Vitaliani Emereto, of which I can make nothing but nominatives, the Welsh having perhaps never stopped to consider whether there existed such a Latin name as Vitalianius to be transformed into Vitaliani. Emereto would be for Emeretos, or, as it would appear in our dictionaries, emeritus. Similarly we have consobrino for the fuller nominative consobrinos in the inscription already noticed as reading: Cantiori Hie Jacit Venedotis Cive Fuit Consobrino Magli Magistrati. (7.) To the foregoing it should be added that feminines making their nominatives in e, such as Caune, Tunccetaee, and the like, are also probably indebted for that e to the usage of somewhat late Latin, which, in its turn, is supposed to have borrowed it from Greek. In the Roman inscriptions of the time of the Empire the names of Greek slaves and freedwomen appear in abundance, such as Agapomene, Euehe, Theophile, and the like: after them were modelled Cassiane, Juliane, 


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180 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. Sabiniane, written also with ae for e, whence even suah genitives as dominaes, vernaes, annonaes, were; formed. Nominatives of the kind in question were also not unknown in Eoman Britain. I have come across the following in Hiibner's collection already alluded to: — Aurelia Eclectiane, Hermionae, lavolena Monime, Julia Nundinae (in the museum at Caerleon), and Simplicia Proce. On the question of Latin nominatives in e and genitives in es or aes, see Corssen, i. p. 686, and Roby's Latin Grammar, i. p. 12L It is hardly necessary to repeat that the Latinisation here pointed out is incompatible with the Irish claim as it has hitherto been put. (8.) In Early Irish the Z7-declension made its genitive singular in os, liable to be reduced to o; and in the Early Irish inscriptions, of which accounts have been .published, amounting to 120 or more, not a single genitive in u occurs, while those in os, o, appear in due proportion. In our inscriptions, on the other band, the same genitive is either o or u. So far, then, as one can judge from this, our inscriptions containing the genitives Nettasagru and Trenagusu cannot be Irish. (9. ) Maccu -Decceti and Macco -Decheti have been mentioned together, and it may appear strange that one has cc and the other ch. The explanation is simple enough: in the interval between their dates the language may have begun to change cc into ch, 


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LECTURE IV. 181 and probably also tt, pp, into th, ph. Here may be mentioned the inscription already cited as reading Brokomagli Jam Ic Jacit Et Uxor Ejus Caune, which is in much the same style of later letters as the Tavistock Stone with Decheti, There is an apparent inconsistency in Macco- retaining its cc unmodified; but the cc in Macco- represents an earlier ng or ngh, and it would be contrary to rule if it passed into ch in Welsh. In Brokomagli the h was undoubtedly sounded like our modern ch; for in 0. Welsh the name was Brochmail, later Broehuail. The same remark applies to the h in the epitaph reading Velvor Filia Broho, which seems to be of the same date as the other two. In Broho and Brohomagli the syllable broh, that is broch, probably represents an earlier brocc, as in Broccagni, a name said to have been read on a stone at Capel Mair near Llandyssul, which has since been effaced by a bucolic Vandal. Broccagni is familiar in the form Brychan, and is precisely the Irish Broccdn borne by the author of a hymn in praise of St. Brigit contained in the Liber Hymnorum in the library of Trinity College, Dublin. But how does this bear on our argument? Simply in this way:" the change from cc into ch is unknown in Irish, whence it is impossible that the inscriptions containing Decheti, Brohomagli, and Broho should be of Irish origin. 


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182 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. Now that the Irish claim has been shown to he untenable, we might he asked to show how the details of the inscriptions, in so far ^s they are Celtic, fit into the history of "Welsh inflections; but this is rendered an impossible task by the meagreness of our data. However, we have at least one inscription which seems to belong to the transition period preceding the total disuse of cases by the Welsh: I allude to one of the stones at Clydai, in Pembrokeshire, which reads in debased capitals Etterni Fill Victor, and in Ogam Ettern W[ic]tor. Here Victori (iox Victoris) is out of the question, but the discarding of the case termination was in this instance favoured by the fact that the nominative was Victor, while the genitive might be Victor. The inorganic doubling of t in Etterni is a feature common to it and the Old Welsh of the Capella Glosses. I cannot leave this point without noticing in a few words the fate of the vowel, more conveniently than correctly called the ' connecting vowel,' as, for instance, the in Dunocati, which has been completely lost in its modern representative Dinyad, pronounced Dir^gad. That the connecting vowel in compounds was sometimes obscurely pronounced even in Early Welsh is proved, as has already been pointed out, by such pairs of instances as Cunotami and Cunatami; but when did it altogether disappear? In 


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LECTURE IV. 183 the last-named instances it cannot have done so until the t had begun to be softened towards o?, otherwise we should have Cunatam-i, Cuntam yielding Cynnhaf, whereas the modern form is Cyndaf. Moreover, in a few instances, the number of which could no doubt be increased by- careful reading, the vowel comes down in manuscript. The place known to Welsh tradition as Catraeth is called by Bede Cat&racta; in the Juvencus Codex, the Latin word frequens is explained by the Old Welsh word Ut'imaur, which, were it still in use, would now be lUdfawr, with Hid- as iu erlid, ' to pursue,' and might be expected to have nearly the same meaning as gosgorddfamr, ' possessed of a large retinue or following: ' in Gaulish it occurs as the proper name Litumara (G*luck, p. 120). In the oldest MS. of the Annates Cambrice we have not only Chtenedote to compare with the later Gmyndyd, ' North Wales,' but also a mention, under the year 760, of Dunnagual filii Teudubr, more correctly Dumn-Agual or JDuvn&gual. Later he is called Dyfnwal, a name which in Early Welsh would have been Dumnoval-i or Dubnoval-i. In the Saxon Chronicle, under the j'ear 1063, we meet with Rhuddlan, called Rudelan, a spelling which is supported by the Doomsday forms Rothzlanum, and, with the soft dental slurred over, 


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184 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. Ruelan.- Lastly, Giraldus Oambrensis writes Eudkelan, Bledkericus (Bledri), Rodkericus (Rhodri), Ythewal (Idwal), Landinegath (Llandingad). I place no implicit faith in Giraldus' spelling, but it seems certain that the connecting vowel continued to be pronounced, however lightly, for a long time after the Welsh had given up the habit of representing it in writing, and that there can have been no break in this respect between the pronunciation of the Welsh of the Early Inscriptions and that of the 9th century glosses. This is also the place to call attention to the fact that the ordinary formula of our Early Inscriptions, such as Sagrani Fill Cunotami, came down to later times. Thus, for instance, an elegy to Geraint, the son of Erbin, in which the Welsh poet, as an eye-witness, describes Geraint's deeds of valour in the battle of Llongborth, is headed Gereint Fil Erbin in the Black Book of Carmarthen as published by Skene, ii. p. 37. This Geraint is probably the Welsh king who, according to the Saxon Chronicle, fought against Ine of Wessex in the year 710. Lastly, supposing, per impossibile, the foregoing reasoning to be inconclusive, we still have a weighty argument in the fact, for such it seems to be, that the Kymric race has occupied Wales, Cornwall, Devon, and other parts of England, from the time 


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LECTURE IV. 185 of the Roman occupation to oar own day, excepting in so far as their territory has been encroached upon by the English nation and language. It follows, then, that the onus probandi remains with the advocates of the Irish claim, and that they are not at liberty to attempt to prove any of our inscriptions to be of Irish origin until they have made out that the same cannot be explained as Welsh. Let it first be shown that they cannot be Welsh, then they will have a right to make them out to be Irish if they can, and, logically speaking, not before, as we have a priority of claim, which stands whether they attribute the inscriptions to Croidelic invaders, or regard them as proofs that the Goidelic race occupied this country before the Kymry. For, in either case, the knowledge of letters may be presumed to- have reached the former, whether in Ireland or in the more inaccessible parts of the west of Britain, through the latter, who must have learned (if they had occasion for it) from the Romans how to honour their dead with inscribed tombstones. That the Kymry should have taught this to the Gaels and so far forgotten it themselves as to leave us no monuments, while the Gaels are alleged to have left so many, is incredible. Allusion has just been made to a theory which not only makes the Goidelic race the first Celtic 


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186 • LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. inhabitants of Wales, but tries to prove tbeir occupation of most of North Wales to have lasted down to the 4th or the 5th century. As .it is supposed that the Irish claim to our inscriptions derives considerable support from this theory, it is necessary to examine it briefly before we have done with this question. From .what has been said on the classification of the Celts in a previous lecture, it is already clear that the Goidelic Celts cannot be said to have inhabited Wales before the Kymry, but it will, nevertheless, be desirable to ascertain what this theory has to recommend itself, especially as it is put forth on excellent authority. In the first place, it is founded, to a considerable extent, on Welsh traditions which are supposed to refer to the expulsion of Gaels from different parts of Wales in the 6th century; but the same traditions are admitted, be it noticed, to speak of them invariably as invaders. However, it derives most of its support from Welsh place-names, which are supposed to commemorate the sojourn of the Gael by their containing the word Gwyddel, ' an Irishman,' plural Gwyddyl or Groyddelod: such are Gwyddelwern, Llan y Gwyddel, Forth y Gwyddel, Twll y Gwyddel, and the like. But it is not at all clear to me how any such names can go to prove the priority of the Gael over the Kymro in ' 


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LECTURE IV. 187 "Wales. For a certain number of the places concerned have surely received their names within this or the last century, particularly on the coast and- wherever Irish workmen have been employed. A good many more, probably, of them date during the long interval between the last century and the end of the 12th. Then, if any of them date still earlier, they may possibly be accounted for by the various descents made on our coasts in the 10th, 11th, and 12th centuries by Irishmen or Irish Danes, and by the return of Welsh exiles, such as Gruflfudd ab Cynan and Rhys ab Tewdwr, at the head of a following of Irishmen. If, perchance, any of them are older than the 10th century, it would be natural to trace them to Irish saints, Irish traders, and Irish invaders who visited this country; but none of these last or of the foregoing would help to prove that Wales was wrested by the Welsh from the Gael. Then there are other deductions to make from the list; for many, probably the majority, of the names adduced have nothing whatever to do with Irishmen, there being another word, gnyddel, plural grcyddeli (formerly, perhaps, also gwyddyV), which is a derivative from gmydd, ' wood.' The identity of form between it and the word for Irishman is only accidental, as the Early Welsh form of gwyddel must have begun with a «? or «?, while the initial of that 


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188 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. of Gwyddel was g, which is proved by the Old Irish Gaedel, Goidel, Modern Irish Gaoidheal, with a silent dh, which has led to the simplified spelling Gael. The common noun gwyddel, which is no longer in use, means a brake or bush, as in one of Englynion y Clywed, which runs thus {lolo MSS.,^.2m):— " A glywaist ti chwedl yr Enid Yn y gwyddel rhag ymlid? Drwg pechawd o'i hir erlid." In Dr. Pughe's dictionary, under the word erdd, this is rendered: " Hast thou heard the saying of the woodlark in the brake avoiding pursuit? — bad is sin from long following it." Under the word gTuyddelawg _ he gives tir gwyddelawg as meaning " land overrun with brambles," and he rightly renders gwyddelwern " a moor or meadow overgrown with bushes." In the same way no doubt Gmyddelfynydd is to be explained. So in the bulk of instances like Mynydd y Gwyddel, Gwaun y Gwyddel, Gwern Gwyddel, Nant y Gwyddel, Pant y Ghfoyddel, Twll y Gwyddel, and the like, the word gwyddel may be surmised to have no reference to Irishmen. The outcome of this is, that after making the deductions here suggested from the list, there can be few, if any, of the names in question which could be alleged in support of an early occupation of Wales by the Gael. They would undoubtedly 


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LECTURE IV. 189 fall far short of the number of those with Sais, ' an Englishman,' plural Saeson, such as Hkyd y Sais, Pont y Saeson, and the like, of which a friend has sent me a list of thirty instances: by a parity of reasoning, these ought to go some way to prove the English to have occupied Wales before our ancestors. It is- needless to repeat, that even were one to admit the Gaels to have been the early occupiers of this country, it would by no means follow that our inscriptions belong to them and not to the Welsh. On the other hand, as it cannot have been so, our priority of claim to them remains untouched. Lastly, it would not be exactly reasoning in a circle to call attention, in passing, to a fact which has an important bearing on the question of the classification of the Celtic ■ nations, namely, that the controversy as to the origin of our inscriptions rests entirely on the close similarity between Early Welsh and Early Irish. Had they been less like one a.nother, and had the primeval difference between them not been altogether imaginary, it could never have arisen. So far nothing has been said of the. prehistoric period mentioned in the scheme laid before you of the chronology of the Welsh language. What happened to it during that period can only be inferred, not to say guessed. It is, however, by no means probable that the 


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190 LECTURES OS WELSH PHILOLOGY. Celtic immigrants into these islands found them without inhabitants, or that they arrived in sufficient force to exterminate them. Consequently it may be supposed that in the course of ages the conquered races adopted the language of their conquerors, but not without introducing some of their own idioms. The question, then, is who these prEe-Celtic islanders' were, and whether the Celtic languages still have non-Aryan traits which may be ascribed to their influence. In answer to the first of these questions, it has been supposed that the people whom the Celts found here must have been of Iberian origin, and nearly akin to the ancient inhabitants of Aquitania and the Basques of modern times. In support of this may be mentioned the testinaony of Tacitus in the 11th chapter of his Agrieola, where, in default of other sources of information, he bases his statements on the racial differences which betrayed themselves in the personal appearance of the British populations of his day. Among other things, he there fixes on the Silures as being Iberians. The whole chapter is worth reproducing here. " Ceterum, Britanniam qui mortales initio coluerint, indigense an advecti, ut inter barbaros, parum compertum. Habitus corporum varii: atque ex eo argumenta. Namque rutilte Caledoniam habitantium comse, magni artus, Ger- 


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LECTURE IV. 191 manicam originem adseveraut. Silarum colorati vultus et torti plerumque crines, et posita coBtra Hispania, Iberos veteres trajecisse easque sedes occupasse, fidem faciunt. Proximi Gallis et similes sunt; seu durante originis vi, seu procur- rentibus in diversa terris, positio coeli corporibus habitum dedit. In universum tamen asstimanti, Gallos vicinum solum occupasse, credibile est. Eorum sacra deprehendas, superstltionum persuasione: sermo baud multum diversus, in deposcendis periculis eadem audacia, et, ubi advenere, in detrectandis eadem formido. Plus tamen ferocise Britanni prseferunt, ut quos nondum longa pax emollierit. Nam Gallos quoque in bellis floruisse accepimus: mox segnitia cum otio intravit, amissa virtute pariter ac libertate. Quod Britanuorum olim victis evenit: ceteri manent, quales • Galli fuerunt." Accordingly, some of the non-Ayran traits of Welsh and Irish may be expected to admit of being explained by means of Basque. Unfortunately, however, that language is not found to assist us much, as it is known only in a comparatively late form. So we turn to other prse-Aryan languages still spoken in Europe, namely, those of the Finnic groups. These last show a number of remarkable points of similarity with the Celtic languages. Hence it may be sup- 


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192 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. posed — and comparative craniology offers, I believe, no difficulty — that the British Isles, before the Celts came, were occupied by distinct races of Iberian and Finnic origin respectively, or else, in case it could be made out that Basque is related to the Finnic tongues, by a homogeneous Ibero-Finnic race forming the missing link, as the saying is, between the Iberians and the Finns. That some such a race' or races once inhabited all the west of Europe is now pretty generally believed. Proceeding on the supposition that p was foreign to the idioms of the insular, or, as they had now better be called to avoid confusion, the Goidelo-Kymric Celts, one may by means of names containing it point out certain localities in the British Isles . occupied by tribes which were not of a Goidelo-Kymric origin. These fall into two groups, with which we may begin from the north-west and the north-east respectively. Ptolemy, who lived in the time of Adrian and Marcus Aurelius, and wrote a geography, calls one of the islands between Scotland and Ireland Epidium, and the Mull of Cantyre ^E-n-iBiov axpov, apparently from the people, whom he calls Epidii, and locates airo Toi) E-TTiBiov aKpov (»s Trpos avaToXw;. Further, he gives a town of the Novantae the name Lucopibia: it is supposed to have stood near Luce Bay, in Wigtonshire. All these names together with 


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LECTUEE IV. 193 Mons Granpius may well be supposed to refer to localities to which the unabsorbed remnants of a prse-Celtic race may have been driven by the Celts. In the next place, he mentions a people in Ireland called the Manapii, and a town called Manapia, supposed by some to be the site of Dublin. As to this side of St. George's Channel, he calls St. David's Head ^OKTairiTapov aKpov, and the old name of St. David's seems to have been Menapia, whence Menevia, Welsh' Mynym. Now it is known that there were also Menapii on the coast in the neighbourhood of the Ehine, but although they were a maritime people, it is hardly probable that they had sent out colonies to Ireland and Pembrokeshire. So I conclude that these names are vestiges of a non-Ayran people whom the Celts found in possession on the Continent and in the British Isles. Nor have I mentioned all, for it is hard to believe that none of the following names also is of the same origin: Welsh Manaw, ' the Isle of Man,' which Pliny calls Monapia and Ptolemy MomoiSa; Mona, Welsh lf<?ra, 'Anglesey;' the Menai Straits or Meneviacum Fretum; Welsh Mynwy, ' Monmouth,' on the Monnow, in the territory of the ancient Silures; and possibly also Manau Gododin in the North, and Momonia, Mumhain, or Munster in Ireland. As the outposts of the other group may be men- N 


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194 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. tioned the Corstopitum or Corstopilum of the Itinerary of Antoninus, which is supposed to have received its present form in the latter part of the 3rd century: it is believed that the site is that of Corbridge in Northumberland. The next is Epiacum, mentioned by Ptolemy as a town of the powerful tribe of the Brigantes: it is identified by some with Hexham, by others with Lanchester, and by others, with more probability, with Ebchester. Whether these two places were ■Giaulish or Teutonic it is not easy to say, for they cannot be very far from the district where Tacitus detected a Teutonic population; but whatever settlements there may have been on the coast from the Tweed to the Humber, the Brigantes are said by Ptolemy to border on the North Sea. Proceeding south, we come next to Petuaria, the town of the Parisi, on or near the Humber: it has already been surmised that this was a G-aulish position. We now «ome to the Iceni in Norfolk, who had a king whose name, according to Tacitus, was Prasutagus. Next we have Ptolemy's ToUapis, supposed to be Sheppey, and his Eutupice, identified with Eichborough in Kent. More inland we meet with a people whom he calls KaTvev^(Xavol ol kclI Ka-Tj-eXdvoi, possessing the towns of Verulamium or Old Verulam near St. Alban's, and Salinse, which has been sought for in Bedfordshire 


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LECTURE IV. 195 and South Lincolnsliire. More to the west and north, we find in the Itinerary of Antoninus a place bearing the distinctly Gaulish name Pennocrucium in the territory of the Cornavii, who may, therefore, be concluded to be Gauls: the site is identified by some with Peukridge in Staffordshire, and by others with Stretton. Add to these vestiges of the Gaul the fact that we have Gauls in the Belgse, who counted among their towns AquEe Salis or Bath, and in the Atrebatii located between them and the Thames. Compare also what Caesar says on this point in the 13th chapter of his fifth book. From these indications it seems to follow that rather more than one half of what is now England belonged in Csesar's time to tribes of Gaulish origin; that is to say, all east of the Trent, the "Warwickshire Avon, the Parret, and the Dorsetshire Stour, excepting a Kymric peninsula reaching as far as Malmesbury, and widening perhaps towards the south to take in Warehara in Dorsetshire, where, it is said, there are inscriptions of Kymric origin. Against this may be set the Cornavii, whose territory consisted of a strip of land running from the Avon along the east of the Severn and stretching to the mouth of the Dee. If you want the assistance of a map, turn to Mr. Freeman's Old English History (London, 1873), where you will find one of 


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196 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. Britaia at the beginning of the 7th century. According to that, the tract of country which the English- then ruled over south of the Humber coincided almost exactly with the boundary of the Gaulish portion of Britain which has here just been roughly defined. This apparent recognition of Celtic landmarks by the later invaders is a fact the historical and political significance of which I leave to be weighed by others. This view of th'e extent of Gaulish Britain, which, it hardly need be said, is a mere theory, derives some confirmation from the river-names of England, which contains, for instance, important rivers of the name of S>tour in Kent, Suffolk, Dorset, Warwickshire, and Worcestershire. Similarly we have others bearing the name of Ouse, such as the Sussex Ouse, the Great Ouse, with its tributary the Little Ouse, and the Yorkshire Ouse which meets the Trent on the borders of Lincolnshire. Lastly, we find a Stratford Avon, a Bristol Avon, a Little Avon in Gloucestershire, a Hampshire Avon flowing past Salisbury, and an Avon: entering the sea near Lymington. But these last rivers are supposed to bear an undoubted Kymric name. It is, however, an easy matter to show that it is not so. In the Itinerary of Antoninus we seem to meet with Avon in the form of Ahona; the Modern Welsh for a river is afon, 


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LECTURE IV. 197 ■which we pronounce avon, and this stands for an earlier abona or amona, which would in the course of phonetic decay have to becorae our a/on. Now it happens that it was probably not a rule of Welsh phonology to change b or jre into v till about the 8th century: so it remains that we should suppose this softening to have taken place in English, or in the language of the British Grauls, whom the English found in possession of the country drained by the Avons. Possibly another and an earlier instance occurs in the vn, or, as it is usually printed, un of such Gaulish names as Cassivellaunus, Vercassivellaunus, Segovellauni, Vellaunodunum, as well, perhaps, as Alaunus, Genauni, Icaunus, Ligaunus, and the like. Welsh tradition has, it is true, made Cassivellaunus into Caswallawn, and Caswallon, which naturally takes its place by the side of Cadwallon, Idwallon, and Tudwallon; but it is by no means usual for early aun to make awn, on in Modern Welsh, whence it is possible that only the mall of the Weigh names just mentioned is to be equated with the veil of such Gaulish ones as Cassivellaunus, and that the terminations are completely different. In that case Cadwallon and Cassivellaunus should be considered as standing for Catuvelldn- and Cassivellamn-, the latter containing a vellamn- which I would identify with 


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198 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. Walamn-i, a name which occurs on an Irish tomhstone now in the British Museum; two of its edges read Maqvi Ercias and Maqvi Walamni: we farther seem to have the Gaulish equivalent in VALLAVNiTS ou a stone at Caerleon. It is needless to add that mn remained intact both in Early "Welsh — witness Sagranmi — and in Old Welsh, as, for instance, in the Juvencus Codex in the verb scamnhegint, " levant," from scamn, now yscafn, ' light, not heavy.' The softening of m into v is not the only instance of Gaulish outstripping Welsh in the path of phonetic decay. Another familiar one of a different order occurs in the of petorritum for ua or mo, still represented in full by wa in the Modern Welsh pedwar, ' four.'  


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( 199 ) LECTUEE V. " Y mae Uythyraetli y Gymraeg yn fater lied ddyrys; ao y tnae Uawer o ysgrifenwyr, yn enwedig y rhai ieuainc, yn Uawer rhy fyrbwyll a phenderfynol yn ei gylcli, ac yn dueddol i feddwl eu bod yn ei amgyffred yn drwyadl, pan y maent hwytliau, yn rhy fynych, heb gymmaint a deal! elfenau cyntaf y petli y maent yn eu hystyried eu hunain yn athrawou ynddo." — Daniel Silvan Evans. In this lecture it is proposed to give a brief sketch of the fortunes of the Roman alphabet among the Kymry, and to follow it through the successive modifications which it has undergone among us down to the present day. For the sake of not breaking on the continuity of its history, what I have to say respecting the Ogmic system will be reserved for another occasion; for the same reason also I have thought it advisable to omit a number of details, otherwise highly interesting, as well as all reference to the improved methods of dealing with pronunciations inculcated with so much success by Mr. Ellis, Mr. Melville Bell, and Mr. Sweet. The Eoman capitals found in our Early Inscriptions are A, B, 0, D, E, F, G, H, I, L, M, N, 0, P, Q, E, S, T, V, X. As to their formation, they are mostly more or less debased, as arch^ologists 


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200 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. term it: — As in Eoman inscriptions, the letter D is to be found occasionally reversed with or without prolonging the perpendicular, so as to give it the look of our minuscule d; N and S also occur reversed, and the I, when final, is frequently placed in a horizontal position, but in the genitive fili it forms now and then a short stroke tagged on to the short bar of the F and the end of the L; these are, however, by no means the only instances in which it is of a smaller formation, as in Roman inscriptions, than the other letters. Ligatures are not at all unusual; on the other hand, abbreviations are rare in our inscriptions of the earliest class, and in this they strongly contrast with Roman ones, as in fact they might be expected to do, seeing that they are the work of a people who was, to say the least of it, less given to writing than the Romans were. A general survey of our ancient monuments would convince one that the style of the letters used was subject to a steady change, which by the end of the Brit-Welsh period had reached such a point that they could no longer be conveniently called Roman letters. Hence it is that they are variously termed Anglo-Saxon, by those who are familiar with the use made of them in Old English, and Irish by others who are better acquainted with the Irish language, which is to this day written in them; while of late it has 


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LECTURE V. 201 been usual to make a compromise between the English and the Irish by manufacturing for them the adjective Hiberno-Saxon. But all this tends to conceal their real origin; for though this style of letters became naturalised among our neighbours in Ireland and England, it was among the Kymry that it was developed and invested with an individuality of its own. Under the circumstances, we are entitled to speak of it as Kymric, and to call the individual characters Kymric letters. The following are the forms in which they appear in printed Irish: <^bctiep5hilmTiop4p-ircux. The change from the capitals of the Eoman period to the corresponding characters used by the Welsh in the 9th and 10th century of course did not, as has already been suggested, happen in a day, and our inscriptions supply us with most of the intermediate steps. But I could not hope to make this perfectly clear to you without the aid of good drawings or photographs of the inscriptions themselves; a deficiency which has quite recently been met by the publication of them in an easily accessible form by Dr. Hiibner of Berlin, in a work entitled " Inscriptiones Britannias Christianas (Berlin and London, 1876). A still more elaborate work on the same subject is promised by the English palaeographer. Professor Westwood, under the auspices of the Cambrian 


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202 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. Archaeological Association. To ascertain the relative dates of our inscriptions, that is to say, to arrange them chronologically, is the one leading problem to the solution of which all investigations into Kymric epigraphy ought to contribute: a first rude attempt at this might be based on the style and form of the letters to which your attention has been called. Thus all our non-Ogmic inscriptions down to the beginning of the 12th century or thereabouts might be classed as follows: (a) Those cut exclusively in Roman capitals; {b) those in which some of the letters are found to assume the Kymric minuscule form; and {c) those which consist entirely of Kymric letters. However, another step in the same direction would probably bring one to modify and correct, by means of grammatical and historical indications, this very rough classification, with some such a result as to distribute (a) between the Roman and the Brit-Welsh period, leaving (fi) entirely to the Brit-Welsh period and (c) mostly to that of Old Welsh. The next place must be given to a short account of the values of the characters which have been thus far occupying us, and for the present it will be convenient to treat the inscriptions of the Roman and Brit-Welsh periods as though they were all entirely written in Roman capitals. 


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LECTURE V. 203 unalloyed and undetased. Generally speaking, the letters may also be regarded as having the same values as in Latin; but in a few instances that statement requires to be explained or qualified. H. In occasionally writing oc and ic for hoc and hie, the Welsh seem to have only imitated the Romans, who, as early as the time of Augustus, sometimes pronounced the aspirate and sometimes not; later the confusion became still more complete: see Corssen's work already alluded to, i. 107. Some difficulty is offered by the occasional use of h for the guttural spirant ch; for not only is the sound of h known to become ch in Welsh, and vice versa, but it seems certain that in Broho and Brohomagli, the letter h represents the ch of the later Brochmail and Brochmel, a sound we find so written in Decheti for an earlier Decceti. It had also probably the same value in Alhorttcs. But how came the Welsh to write h for ch? It is probable that h represented both the aspirate and the guttural spirant in Old English, and it might be said that we owe this use of it in our inscriptions to early English influence; but even could it be allowed that all the instances in question date after the beginning of the 7th century, that would hardly seem probable. We have, therefore, to fall backj perhaps, on the fact proved by Corssen (i. 97-99), 


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204 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. that the old guttural spirant ch, which the Italian nations began at a very early date to reduce to h, lingered on a considerable time in the Latin language, which, however, assigned it a very inferior part, and took no trouble to distinguish it in writing from the aspirate ever encroaching upon it. It is possible that h pronounced ch continued in popular Latin even later than Corssen would have admitted, and that it is to this pronunciation continuing in the country after it had been given up by the more genteel rerum domini in the city of Eome, that the often-cited words of Nigidius Figulus, a contemporary of Cicero, originally referred: " Rusticus fit sermo, si aspires perperam." However that may be, if the guttural spirant continued in vulgar or rustic Latin down to the time of Julius Agricola — and Italy is a land where dialects have always thriven — it could hardly fail to have reproduced itself in the provincial Latin of Britain, and this would explain how our ancestors came to represent it in writing by h, and not by ch^ in words belonging to their own language. But in what words would the latter be likely to give them occasion to use it before the departure of the Romans? Not in such as Brohomagli, for here the spirant only came in some time after as the continuator of cc; it was late, also, no doubt, that initial sw became


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  . LECTUEE V. 205 ho; whence we have now hw in S. Wales, and dm in N. Wales. There remain two combinations where they may have had it — namely, in words where we now have eh or h corresponding to Irish ss (also written s), mostly for an original hs, as in Welsh dehav, (also decheu, and even detheu), ' right, south; ' 0. Ir. des; it is to this origin I would refer the spirant represented by k in Alkortu. The other is where we have t/i, with vowel compensation, answering to Irish cki, as in Welsh taitk, 'a journey;' 0. Ir. teckt, 'to go;' Welsh 7w/tk, ' eight; ' 0. Ir. ockt. The original of this was kt, which the Goidelo-Kymric Celts seem to have modified into ckt, and that possibly before their separation into Kymric and Goidelic nations. However, after weighing all the. difficulties which beset this question, I am inclined to think that though our ancestors may possibly have heard k pronounced as cA in a few Latin words, the use of k for c/i by them in writing their own language is to be traced to the influence of the Ogam alphabet, the discussion of which will give me an opportunity of returning to this point. L. On the stone at Llanfihangel ar Arth, we have Fivs clearly cut instead of filivs. This spelling is, however, to be traced to a Latin source: see Corssen's work already referred to, i. 228, 


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206 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. where such instances as _fiae foTjilim, Corneius for Cornelius, and the like, are cited. JS'c, Ng. On one stone we have Tunccetace and on another Evolenggi, while the same name occurs also as Evolengi. The digraphs nc, ng, were probably meant to represent the nasal gutturals, surd and sonant respectively. Such forms as nuncquam, conjuncx,juncxit, extincxit, and the like, occur in Roman inscriptions of the time of the Empire. Names in agn, such as Ereagni and Maglagni, appear later as Erehan and Maelan; so -agn must haye passed into -angn towards the close of the Brit-Welsh period, though the spelling in the inscriptions in point gives us no clue to the change: later angn was simplified into an. Had the language followed suit with the Irish, which has reduced -agn into -an, we should have had not Erehan and Maelan, but Erehaen and Maelaen; possibly in some instances -angn may have yielded -awn by a change of ng into w, which occasionally occurs: see the Revue Celtique, ii. 192. Np occurs, if I may trust my last attempt to read the Cynffig stone, in the name Punpeius, more commonly met with in books in the form Pompeius. It was not unusual, Corssen (i. 263) tells us, in Latin inscriptions of the 3d, 4th, and 5th centuries, to write not only np, nb, but also mt, md, the reason being, as he thinks, that 


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LECTURE V. 207 neither n nor m was clearly pronounced in such positions: they seem to have served merely to give a nasal effect to the vowel going before them, and they were, accordingly, often left altogether unrepresented in writing. From 0. Latin Corssen quotes as instances Poponi, Seproni, Noubris, Decebris, and from late Latin cupare (= compare), incoparabile, exeplu, Novebres: It is curious to find that the epitaph just alluded to has Punpeius rendered in Ogam hy a form beginning with Pope — the rest of the word is now illegible, but it would seem to have been Popei, for Pompei. S. Final s is frequently omitted in our Early Inscriptions, as, for instance, in the Latin words cive, Ccelexti, Eternali, Nobili, Vitali, for cives, Ccelextis, Eternalis, Nobilis, Vitalis. The same is the case with nominatives singular of the second declension when the vowel used is o, as in consobrino, Eimetiaco, Emereto, for consobrinos, Eimetiacos, Emeretos. But in case the vowel chosen was the later u, the s is written as in Curcagnus, Ordous, Saturninus, and even in Eoman inscriptions nominatives in us and o are, as far as I can ascertain, more numerous than those in u and os. No nominatives in is for ius (see Corssen, i. 289, 758) retain their final s in our inscriptions, excepting Venedofis, which I take to mean Venedotius, on one of the Penmachno stones. In popular 


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208 LECTUEES ON -WELSH PHILOLOGY, Latin final s probably dropped out of the pronunciation at an early date, whence it naturally followed that men who nevertheless had an idea that some forms had a right to it, occasionally inserted it in the wrong place: among other instances, Corssen (i. 293) gives the genitives meis, Mercuris, Saturnis, and the ablatives Antios, domus, junior es. We seem to have an instance of the same kind in the Ti'efgarn inscription, reading Nogtivis Fill Demeti. X. The combination xs for x is exceedingly common in Roman inscriptions, and we meet with it on the Trefarchog stone in the Latin word uxsor, which, however, occurs written uxor on the Voelas Hall stone. At a comparatively early date x, that is cs, had got to be frequently pronounced ss or s, whence a good deal of confusion between x and s in writing. Such instances as vis for vix, visit for vixit, and ye lis tor Jelix, are to be met with, and vice versa one finds milex for miles, and xancto for sancto (Corssen i. 297, 298). The only instance of this kind which we have is Ccelexti, for Ccelestis, on the Llanaber stone, near Barmouth. But that the reduction of x into ss or s cannot have been general in Latin before the Romans came in contact with our ancestors, is proved by the fact of its yielding in Welsh words borrowed from Latin, not s simply, but s preceded by vowel compensation 


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LECTURE V. 209 in cases where a; followed close on the tone-vowel, as for instance in the three words which follow: coes, ' a leg,' from coxa, ' the hip,' llaes, ' slack, long,' from laxus, and pais, . formerly pels, ' a coat, a petticoat,' from pexa, that is pexa testis or pexa tunica, though a somewhat different meaning is usually ascribed to pexa in Horace's words,. when he says: — • " Si forte subucula pexse Trita subest tunicse vel si toga dissidet impar, Rides." J. A word, in the next place, as to the semi-vowels j' and V. The Romans at one time used to write eiis, Gaiius, peiius, Pompeiius, and to sound them ej^us, Gajjus, pejjus, Pompejjus with _; (= y in the English word yes or nearly so); but that does not help us much with our inscriptional forms Lovernii, Seniargii, and Ma..ani, where the n can hardly have meant i or ij, but either _/z or iji. Another curious case is that of mvliiek, for mulier, on the Tregaron stone at Goodrich Court. Here the second I may be due to thoughtlessness on the inscriber's part, but I see no reason to think so. It may be looked at another way: possibly it was his intention to represent correctly his pronunciation of the Latin mulier as a trisyllable, so that what he meant was mulljer; but that is hardly probable, as the inscription seems to be by no means one of the earliest, and as it would have- been 


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210 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. more in accordance with the habit of our ancestors to have treated mulier as muljer. So it remains that we should regard the pronunciation intended as being muljjer, and ihejj as a parallel to the ww of Ilwweto written in Ogam on the Trallong stone, near Brecon. V. Latin v was probably pronounced like English w, and the combination vu was frequently reduced to u in the popular Latin of the time of the Empire: among the instances given by Corssen, i. 321, are aus,Jlaus, noum, for avus^Jlavus, novum. We seem to have an instance of this on the Penbryn stone in Ordous, which probably means Ordovus, whence Ptolemy's plural OpSovtKe?. We have the V doubled on the Glan Usk stone in pvteri for pueri, and so in ntvinti at Cynwil Caio. They are probably to be pronounced puweri and Nuwinti, with the former of which compare povero mentioned by Corssen, i. 362, 668, as well as Italian rovina as compared with ruina, and other cases of the same kind. In Anglesey we meet with ORVViTE, which may mean Oruwite or Ormwite. If the preference be given to the latter, as I am inclined to do, the spelling Orwite must be regarded as dictated by the same cause as IlToweto and muliier. Probably both jj and vv or rem represent peculiarities of pronunciation which cannot now be correctly guessed, and it is worth 


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LECTURE V. 211 Doticing that the semi-vowel in pvveei, orvvite, and Ilwveto occupies just those positions where 0. Welsh would give us ffu {—gw). So had we instances of initial w or ww, nothing would be wanting to convince one that the digraph represented the phonetic antecedent of our gu, gm. It is curious to observe that pvveei has its exact parallel on one of the few bilingual stones known in Ireland: I allude to devvides on the Killeen Cormac stone in the county of Kildare. The doubling of consonants took place as in Latin, especially where it was warranted by pronunciation and etymology: this would be the case in accented syllables. Even when the doubling dictated by the etymology of the word was not favoured by the presence of the accent, it seems nevertheless to have been the rule, but it was liable to be forgotten by the inscribers, as for instance in Enabarri for Ennabarri, Fanoni related to Fannuci, Qvenatauci for a name I should consider more correctly written Qvennatauci, Tovisaci for Tovissaci, and Trihni for Trilluni. Towards the end of the Brit-Welsh period we meet with opinatisimus and sapientisimus, and altogether s is seldom doubled, but IVenegussi occurs so written, while the Pgam gives it as Trenagusu. It is possible that the nominative Cunocenni was paroxytone, while its genitive Cunoceni was a 


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212 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. perispomenon; but no ingenuity could discover reasons for the spelling Vendubari as compared with Barrivendi and Enabarri, nor can Sagrani be defended except as a defective spelling of Sagranni, the Ogmic form being indubitably Sagramni: the reduction of mn to nn was familiar in Latin as early as Cicero's time, as when cum nobis and etiam nunc were pronounced cun nobis and etian nunc: see Corssen, i. 265. A. A word now as to the vowels: short a at the end of the first part of a compound appears to have acquired an obscure pronunciation. In Ogam it is always written a, as in Cunatami, Cunacenniwi, Nettasagru, Trenagusu; so also in the Latin version of the names Catamanus, Corbalengi, Enaiarri, Qvenatauci, Trenacatus. Advantage seems to have been taken of the obscurity of the vowel in question to give the compounds somewhat more of the appearance of Latin formations; so we find it written o and e, as in Cunocenni, Cunotami, Evelengi, with which compare the Irish Evacattos, of doubtful reading, it is true, Senomagli, Senemagli, and Trenegussi. The o of Catotigirni, tholigh probably of the same obscure sound, is of a different origin, standing as it seems to do for an earlier u: similarly the e of Anatemori possibly represents an earlier i or ja, if one is to analyse the name, not into Ana-temori, but Anate- 


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LECTUEE V. 213 mcri, with anate representing what is in Mod. Welsh enaid, ' soul,' and to regard the compound as meaning eneid-fawr, magnanimus, fieyaXo'^lrv^o?. E. According to Corssen, i. 325, short e had two sounds in early Latin; one of them approached that of i as in the words fameliai, Menervai, mereto, tempestatebus. This may be seen, he thinks, from the fact that in the language of the educated it passed later into i, while that of the people retained the old sound. This twofold value of Roman e explains to some extent the hesitation which the early Welsh' display in the spelling of such names as Catotigirni, Tegernomali, Tegernacus, from a word tigern-, now teyrn, ' a lord or monarch,' all from tig-, now ty, ' a house; ' compare, however, our Qvici and the Qweci of an Irish epitaph. As to Emereto on the Cwm Gloyn stone, it is not Emeritus changed hy the Welsh into Emereto, but written by them as they learned it from Eoman mouths. Similarly does, which occurs more than once for civis in the Roman inscriptions of Britain, proves that we owe the e in dve, for cives, on the Penmachno stone, to no caprice of the inscriber. And it can hardly be doubted that it was from this country that the same pronunciation of Latin found its way into Ireland, where it appears on the Killeen Cormac stone already alluded to. To pass by the 


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214 LECTURES ON "WELSH PHILOLOGY. Ogam on it, which, according to .the last account of it, kindly sent me by Dr. Samuel Ferguson of the Eoyal Irish Academy, should he read Uwanos Awi Ewacattos, the Latin version is ivvene DRTViDES, for iwENES DEVViDES, to he construed in the genitive as meaning Lapis Sepulcralis Juvenis Druidis. Of Latin genitives in es for is Mr. Stokes has found traces in Irish manuscripts; he mentions os turtores for qs turturis, in an old Irish commentary at Turin; see Kuhn's Beitraege, V. p. 365, and compare our Res patres for Ris patris, to be noticed later. 0. As in the case of e, so also o had two sounds in early Latin (Oorssen, i. 342). The one was a clear o, the other approached u, and passed in the dialect of the educated into u, while popular Latin retained the older sound. Not to go further than the Eoman inscriptions of Britain, as edited by Dr. Hiibner in the volume already more than once referred to, it may be noticed that the more formal and carefully executed of them follow the rule of literary Latin; but when we come to the names of tradesmen as stamped on their wares, the struggle between o and m reappears, as in the following names, which are all in the nominative case singular: Cocuro, also Cocurus, Dometos, Julios, usually Julius, Malledo, also Malledu, Malluro, also Mallurus, Mercios, and Viducos, 


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LECTURE T. 215' also twice Viducus, whence it would seem that- the fashion tended to the use of u when the s was retained, and o when it was not. That this hesitation hetween o and u was bequeathed by the Komans to their Kymrlc pupils is certain: witness the following instances — consobrino for consobrinus, Emereto for Emeritus, servatur and amator on the same stone; and Punpeius for Pumpeius, in ordinary letters, accompanied by Pope- for Pompe-, in Ogam, on another stone. In the same way as consobrino and Emereto, I would also treat the early Kymric names Eimetiaco, in ALHORTVSEiMETiAco, OQ the Llanaclhaiarn stone, and Cavo, in cavoseniaegii, on the stone in Llanfor Church, near Bala. This, unfortunately, does not materially help us in deciding whether the vowel which is written u and o in maccu and macco, and in genitives of the U declension, such as Trenagusu, was long or short, as an interchange of 5 with u is not out of the question. A. Where we have aw in Mod. Welsh, the language had at an earlier stage a with a pronunciation to be compared probably with that of a in the English word hall or am in draw. This would be the sort of vowel to occasion some hesitation, in writing, between a and o. We have it, accordingly, written a in Eimetiaco, Senacus, Tovisaci, Tegernacus, Veracius, and £> in Cone- 


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216 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. toci and Anatemori, where mor-i is perhaps the prototype of our marm' ' great,' while the a appears unchanged in Cimarus on one of the Caerleon stones of the Roman period, and invites comparison with such names as Indutiomarus, Segomarus, and the like. The same sound it is perhaps that meets us in Daari, the syllable daar in this name being probably of the same origin as the Greek Sa>pov, ' a gift:' compare JtoSa)/jo9, 'HXi,oSa>po<;, 'AiroXKoBeopo?, and the like. The doubling of the vowel was an early expedient used by the Romans when they wished to indicate thatitwas to be pronounced long, but no trace of it appears in the Roman inscriptions of this country. However, it is an expedient which might suggest itself to anybody, and besides in Daari we have it in a name beginning with Cuur in an epitaph of a considerably later date on a stone now in Llangaffo Church in Anglesey: the same method of indicating long vowels was also sometimes adopted by the Irish. It would not be safe to compare Lovernii, Seniargii, and the like. E. The confusion of cs with S and even e was common in late Latin: we have a good instance of this in one of our inscriptions in the words Servatur Fidcei Fatrie\_que\ Amator. Your attention was called in another lecture to the probability of feminine nominatives in e owing that 


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LECTURE V, 217 ending to a Latinising tendency. The most trustworthy instances occur in the following inscriptions: — 1. Tunccetace Uxsor Daari Hie Jacit, 2. Evali Fili Dencui Cuniovende Mater Ejus. 3. Hie In Tumulo Jacit E...stece Filia Patefnini Ani xiii In Pa. 4. Brohomagli Jam Ic Jacit Et Uxor Ejus Caune. 5. Culidori Jacit Et Orvvite Mulier Secundi. Besides these we have a fragment reading Adiune; and another stone, the reading of which ' is extremely difficult, seems to yield us the feminine nominative Cunaide. Then there remain two names in e' which it would be hazardous to regard as feminine. The one is a genitive occurring on the Llanwinio stone, which I read, with considerable hesitation, Bladi Fili Bodibeve. Here, if one treat Bodibeve as . a feminine, the anomaly of the mother being mentioned instead of the father has to be accounted for: so there seems to be no alternative but to suppose Bodibeve to be the father's name. The other instance is Nogtene in Ogam, and accompanied in Eoman capitals by Nogtivis Fili Demeti on the Trefgarn stone. There seem^ to be no reason to expect a Latinised form written in Ogam, so that Nogtene 


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218 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. •would appear to be, not a feminine nominative, but a genitive like Bodibeve. If so, the final e in both is perhaps to be regarded as a by-form of the i of the genitive of the /-declension, just as we have o and u in that of the £/-declension. Here it should be mentioned that we have at least one Early Welsh name containing e which later yielded oe: I allude to Vennisetli on the Llansaint stone — the name occurs later as Gnynhoedl and Gwennoedyl, which, teach us that our hoedl, ' life, lifetime,' was in Early Welsh setl-. A V. Early Welsh u must have had at least two sounds, that of long u in Italian, German, and English in such words as rule, food, and another sound resembling French u, or our modern u=^ ii, or perhaps intermediate between them; but this will require some explanation. Many languages have shown a steady tendency to let u (and sometimes m) gradually pass into i. Physiologically speaking, this seems to mean that the pitch of the resonance chamber formed by the mouth in pronouncing u is gradually raised by shortening the mass of air extending from the vocal chords to the lips, in order to let them settle nearer their position of rest, and reduce the tension of the muscles called into action when the mouth has to be maintained at its greatest length, as measured from the vocal chords to the lips. When u passed 


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LECTURE V. 219 into i no break is likely to have happened in the transition; it will, nevertheless, be convenient to fix on one or two intermediate stages corresponding to the sound of French u or Greek v, which nearly resembled French u and will here be used for it, and our Mod. Welsh u, which comes near German ii, which may here represent it. We have thus the series u, v, ii, i, or perhaps better still, u, 0, V, ii, i. As instances may be mentioned the following: Aryan au had been reduced into '§, sounded like French u, in 0. English, and by the 13th century it had so closely approached i as to be confounded with it in writing. Or take the case of Greek, in which <tv, for instance, Doric TV, ' thou,' stands for tuam, as may be seen from the Sanskrit form which is tvam; but in Mod. Greek the vowel v is further narrowed so as to be pronounced now like i, excepting in the Spartan dialect, where the old sound still seems to be usual, a characteristic which the Greek who pointed it out to me considered modern and vulgar! In the same way Latin io has regularly yielded its much narrower French representative, and in German the sound written ic is to Frenchmen's thinking frequently pronounced i. Lastly, Early Welsh 5 or m has given us our modern u (= u), which is mostly pronounced i in South Wales: this may be most readily exemplified in 


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220 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. the case of words borrowed from Latin, such as durus, ' hard,' and labor, laidris, ' labour,' which have given us our dur, ' steel,' and Uafur, ' labour, tillage,' pronounced in S. "Wales dir and llajir respectively. Curiously enough the same process had gone on in Welsh at an earlier stage in its history, namely in those words where Mod. Welsh has i corresponding to Irish u: it was complete about the end of the Brit-Welsh period, as hardly a trace of the older vowel is to be met witb later. This vowel perhaps never represented an Aryan long u, but an u which became long in the course of phonetic decay, as for instance in the case of Mod. Welsh ci, '.a dog,' Irish cu, which stands for a nominative cuans, as may be seen from the cognate forms Greek Kvtav, Sanskrit qvd, Eng. hound: so in Welsh ti, Irish tu, Lat. tu, Greek axj, Sanskrit tvam, Eng. thou; and so in another group of words, which must here be mentioned at somewhat greater length, namely Welsh din, dinas, ' a fort, a town or city,' Irish dun, 0. Eng. tun, Mod. Eng. town, which point to a Celto-Teutonic base duan of the same origin, perhaps, in spite of the aspirate, as the Sanskrit verb dhvan, ' to cover one's self, to shut' There can hardly be any doubt as to the identity of our modern Dingad with Dunocati on the stone in Glan Usk Park, whence it is highly probable that 


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LECTURB V. 221 the u in that name was .sounded towards the close of the Brit-Welsh period more like our i than our w. The change, however, in the direction of i would seem to have commenced after the time of Ptolemy the geographer, who gives the prototype of our din, Irish dun, the form Sovvov (with Greek ov = Latin u, or English u in rule), and that whether the names in point reached him from Wales, Ireland, or Gaul: witness the following — from Wales, MaptSovvov, our modern Caerfyrddin, ' Carmarthen; ' from Ireland, the name of a town which he gives as Aovvov; and from Gaul, AvyovardBovvov, Aovy^ovvov, Ov^eXKoBovvov, and the like, all of which end in Latin in dunum. The two Welsh series of u passing into i were not' confounded, because they were not contemporaneous, as will be seen on comparing our tud, formerly tut, Ir. tuath, ' a people or nation,' with Gaulish names such as Toutissicnos, Toutiorix (Welsh Tutri), and the Gaulish word toutius, supposed to mean * a citizen or one of a tribe,' and found written toovtiov<!, where Greek ov, as standing for the sound of Latin u, made it neces-. sary to write oov to represent the Gaulish diphthong ou; it is very probable that Gaulish ou was represented by ou or ou or some nearly related diphthong also in the 'common language of the Goidelo-Kymric Celts before their separation. 


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222 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. Eouglily speaking, then, the two series stood thus as far as concerns their relative dates: — Goidelo-Kymric. Early Welsh. Old Welsh. ModernWelsh. U V or u i i. Ou u OT V OX u u and i. We have possihly a trace of the old spelling of Bingad in Dwncat, in the lolo MSS., p. 96, but better attested is Gurcu for the name otherwise written Gurci. Whether the u in Dencui, Dinui, and Sagranui is of the kind here discussed, it will be impossible to say until one or more of these names have been identified in a later form. Ai. We have no satisfactory instances of this diphthong; for Vailathi and Genaius, both from Cornwall, are somewhat late and highly obscure. Besides these, Cornwall offers us a name of far greater antiquity on the stone at Hayle, which I am inclined to read Cunaide; but others have been in the habit of reading it Cunaido or Cunatdo in the masculine. Supposing Cunatdo to be improbable, we should in Cunaide or Cunaido have a compound of the pretty familiar cun- of our early names, and of the word which appears later in Welsh in the form of udd, explained in Dr. Davies's dictionary as meaning dominus: it would seem to be matched in Irish by the old name Oed-a (genitive). 


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LECTURE V. 223 later Aedh, Aodh, Eaodh, Anglicised Hugh, and the late Mr. Stephens of Merthyr Tydfil was probably right in regarding the Aedd of Mod. Welsh tradition as a Goidelic importation from North Britain — see the Arch. Cambrensis for 1872, p. 193. If, then, Cunaide (or Cunaido) is the correct reading we have here an instance of ai before it was reduced to u. Au. It is probable that this diphthong in Early Welsh, or at least towards the close of that period, consisted of a plus the sound of the narrow u already described, which would not be very far from our modern au. The reason why I think so is that I fancy that I find it later only as ei and ai. The cases in point are Caune, Cavo, Qvenafauci, Vedomaui, and Mauoh... To begin with Caune, it can hardly be doubted that this is the name which later appears in the form of Cein, now Gain, and as an ordinary adjective cain, ' fair, beautiful,' of the same origin as Gothic skauns, Ger, schon ' beautiful, handsome, fair,' — our ceinach, '■ a hare,' is not related, its cein- being, as pointed out by Mr. Stokes, the continuator of ca{s)in, of the same origin as Sanskrit gaga, 0. Prussian sasin-, Ger. hase, Mod. Eog. hare. Our next instance Cauo can hardly but be the prototype of the well-known Welsh name Cei, later Cai, which possibly comes from the same source as Cain. It 


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224 LECTUBES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. is right, however, to add that Welsh tradition mentions a Cau or Cam, but he is generally mentioned as coming from Prydyn in the North. Against this should he balanced the facts that, while Welsh hagiology mentions only one Cau or Caw, we find allusions to at least three persons of the name of Cei or Cai, that Cai yields the derivative names Caiaw or Caio, and Caian the name of one of Caw's many sons who settled in Wales, and that not many miles from Llanfor Church, wherein is the stone bearing the name Cavo, is the site of Caergai or Cai's Fort. So it seems that the Welsh was Cei or Cai, while Cau or Cam not only comes from the North, but also represents, not Cavo or Cavus, but a name which in its Latin form is found given as Caunus. Qvenatauci has not been identified, but the leading element in the name is already familiar to you, and tauc-i is possibly to be equated with Teic-an, a name which occurs in the Liber Landavensis, p. 201. Similarly in the case of Vedomaui and Mauoh.., it is probable that mau-i and mau-o are of the same origin as mai in Gwalchmai, and we seem to have them .in the name Mei and its derivative Meic in the same collection, pp. 199, 221, 260, 261. In Latin words the sound of au was difi"erent, as that makes in Welsh successively ou, eu, au, as in Welsh aur ' gold ' from aurum. 


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LECTURE V. 225 and Foul, Feul, Paul from Paulus—i\i& naturalised Paul, with, u^ii, has been expelled in Mod. Welsh in favour of Paul pronounced Pol, an attempt to imitate the English: the Paulinus of our inscriptions should yield in Mod. Welsh Peulin, but I am not aware that it occurs, but we have a Welsh derivative from Paulus, and that is PeulaUy as in Llanbmlan, the name of a church in Anglesey. It is to be regretted that Carausius is n-ot to be traced in any later form known to Welsh literature. EL We find ei in Eimetiaco, and its occurrence in Punpeius seems to indicate that it was sounded not very differently from ei in Mod. Welsh. Provisionally Alhortus Eimetiaco may be rendered Alhortus ^re-hastatus, the Early Welsh ei being the equivalent of Latin <es, genitive ceris. In 0. Welsh we seem to trace it in the name Ejudon, probably for Ei-judon, on a stone in the neighbourhood of Llandeilo in Carmarthenshire; and it is probably the same name, in a still shorter form, that meets us in the Mabinogion, ii. 206, as Eidon, which was then probably pronounced Eiddon. Further we have the same ei taking the form ei and ai in haiarn, ' iron,' keiarnaidd, ' like iron,' However, I could not now enter into the details of the history of these forms, as they would take up more of your time than the importance of the single vocable Eimetiaco could p 


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226 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. justly claim in this lecture (see the remarks on the Welsh names of metals at the end of the volume). If now we review the ground which we have just travelled over, everything seems to indicate that, although the polite Latin of Eoman literature made its way, no doubt, into the families of natives of rank in this country, the ground it gained here was very inconsiderable as compared with the conquests made by the Humble and motky dialect of the legions of imperial Eome, and those who followed in their train. This kind of vernacular, so far as we know it from the marks of potters and other tradesmen, may be said, both as regards language and lettering, to pass imperceptibly into the Latinity of our inscriptions of the Brit-Welsh period. Consequently those who try to estimate the date of the latter by the extent to which they have been debased, in point of language or lettering, as compared with the comparatively faultless official inscriptions emanating from the Eoman army and its officers, cannot help incurring the risk of dating the Brit-Welsh ones all too late. For it is not an unusual thing to find that a debased letter, for instance, which does not appear in official inscriptions, was, nevertheless, in common use among the tradesmen of the time, Had Tacitus had to write of the later history of the Eoman occupation, he would pro- 


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LECTUEE V. 227 bably have given more room to questions of .language than he does in his account of Agricola's successful policy, when he says in the twenty-first chapter of that work: " Jam vero principum filios liberalihus artibus erudire, et ingenia Britannorum studiis Gallorum anteferre, ut, qui mode linguam Eomanam abnuebant, eloquentiam concupiscerent. Inde etiam habitus nostri honor et frequens toga. Paullatimque discessum ad delinimenta vitiorum, porticus et balnea et conviviorum elegantiam. Idque apud imperitos humanitas vocabatur, cum pars servitutis esset." Another point worthy of notice here is the fact that our inscriptions seem to prove, beyond all doubt, that Latin continued to be one of the languages used by our ancestors for a long time after the departure of the Eomans, and after the British Church had acquired strength enough to secure it against speedy extinction. Eventually no doubt the vernacular of the Eoman tradesman passed into a kind of ecclesiastical Latin; but from the 1st century to the 10th its history in the west of Britain probably knew no entire break, and Bede's words cannot perhaps be quite irrelevant, when he says that the island was in his time, the earlier part of the 8th century, divided between five peoples, the English, the Britons, Scots, Picts, and Latins. This brings us down to the 0. Welsh period. 


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228 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. The alphabet in use in the specimens of Old Welsh extant consisted of the following letters in their Kymric form: a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h, i, 1, m, n, 0, p, r, 8, t, u. X occurs in Nemnivus's alphar bet; 5 and }) only occasionally appear, and m is to be met with only in proper names in Asser's Latin writings. B. The leading value of this letter was no doubt the same which we still assign it. But the Eomans began as early as the 2nd century to write b for v, and from the beginning of the 4th century on their archives are said to show instances of this in abundance: witness such forms as Flabio for Flavia, Balentiniano for Valentiniano, Nerha for Nerva, and salbus for salvus. This habit of course found its way among the Welsh, hence we find properabit for properavit on a cross at Margam, and lob in the Ovid Glosses for what was later written lou, now Jau, 'Jove.' But the use of b for v by the Kymry in 0. Welsh and in Latin must have been far more common than these two instances would suggest, otherwise it is difficult to see how it could have been regularly adopted in 0. Irish in such words ■ as fedb, Welsh gweddw, ' a widow; ' tarb, Welsh tarw, ' a bull; ' serbe, Welsh chwerwedd, ' bitterness.' The confusion of b and v in writing makes it very hard to ascertain when b began to be reduced to v in 


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LECTUEK V. 229 Welsli pronunciation. That such a reduction had beguij very early in the 0. Welsh period is rendered probable by the fact, that the labial is occasionally elided in our earliest specimen of manuscript Welsh, the Capella Glosses, as for instance in tu, ' side,' for tub, tuv, 0. Ir. toib, and in luird, i.e. luirth, ' gardens,' for lubgirtk, the plural of a word now written lluarth, Mod. Ir. lubhghort. C has never had the sound of s in Welsh. Ch mostly had its present value of a guttural spirant: occasionally it is found written he, and sometimes the h is not written at all. It is to be noticed that once it is written for gh, namely, in inhelcha, " in venando," in the Capella Glosses; but it does not follow that it was then pronounced as gh, it being possible that gh had been dialectically provected in pronunciation into ch in this instance. D, d, t, th, dd, 8, J). The chief use of d in 0. Welsh was np doubt to represent the same sound as in Modern Welsh, Besides that, it had also to stand for the consonant we now write dd and Englishmen th (as in this), but probably only where that consonant had taken the place of an original _;. At any rate we have no indication that d began to be reduced into this sonant spirant until towards the close of the period. In one instance the Welsh borrowed the 0. English «? with a stroke 


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230 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. through the stem (S) to represent the sound of our dd, namely, in the Lichfield Codex in }n ois oisou^ " in sseculum saeculorum," — this is now yn oes oesoedd. Mr. Stokes identifies our llawenydd, 'joy,' 0. Welsh leguenid with 0. Ir. Idine, and suggests as a possibly related word the Lavinia of Eoman legend, all of the Ja-declension: so -id in the following stanza, which occurs in the Juvencus Codex, stands for zS: — " Na mereit mi nep leguenid — henoid Is discnir mi coueidid Dou nam riceus unguetid." Further, as d could represent our sonant spirant dd, for which we may also use S, it came, by a little sacrifice of accuracy, to be occasionally used for the corresponding surd th, as in luird, for luirth, and papedpinnac, for papetkpinnac, ' whatsoever,' in the Capella Glosses. This confusion points to English, in which the uncertainty as to the use of d, S, th, and J) has given rise to much discussion. The last mentioned character, a D with the stem prolonged both waysj was also occasionally borrowed by the Welsh to do duty for the digraph th, as in joej) in the Juvencus Glosses, and once in the Oxford Cornish Codex we find S used for th in lai^-mer, Mod. Welsh llaeth, 'milk.' Now as (^ = S could do duty for th, so vice versa, th could be used for a? = S, and further, as th was 


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LECTUKE V. 231 used by some as a mere equivalent for t — more strictly speaking it meant an aspirated t, as in 0. Welsh hanther, 'half,' from a manuscript which also shows jomjo^e^, 'fifth' — especially in writing Latin, we find t also occasionally standing for the spirants th and 8, as for instance in the Ovid gloss gurt, for jurth, ' against;' and in the tract on weights and measures in the earlier Oxford Codex we have both petguared part and petguared pard for petguare'6 parth, now pedwerydd parth, ' fourth part; ' but still more interesting is the marginal gloss in the Juvencus Codex, which is read issit padiu itaw gulat, and should be treated as iss iS pad iu i'Sau gulat, meaning literally, est id quod est illi patria: the words meant to be explained form the relative clause in the following: — " Cunctis genitoris gloria vestri, Laudetiir, celsi thronus est cui regia caeli." But elsewhere in the sanae manuscript we have irkinn issid crist, ' what Christ is,' with d for S. Accordingly the Welsh stanza just-mentioned would be a little more accurately written thus: — Na mereit mi nep legueniS — iienoith. Is discnir mi coueithi^ , Dou nam liceus unguefcS. , The habit alluded to of treating t and th as equivalents is plentifully illustrated by Giraldus Cambrensis in the way he transcribes Welsh 


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232 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. names such as his Thaph or Tapfi, ' the river Taf,' Llandinegath for Llandinegat, ' Llandingad,' Rothericus for Eotericus, ' Ehodri,' and the like; but he was so far impartial that he occasionally also wrote ck for c as in Gueneloch, ' Wenlock,' and Oscka, ' the Usk: ' similarly Uicemarch in his life of St. David writes Theibi for Teibi, now Teifi,^ ' the river Teivi.' The same habit is conspicuous in the Cornish Vocabulary printed at the end of the Grammatica Cdtica. We trace it still earlier in Contkigirni, now ' Cyndeyrn,' in the oldest manuscript of the Annates CaTnbrice, the writer of which more frequently, however, asserts the equivalence of th and ^by writing t and c for the spirants th and ch, as in Artmail and Brocmail for Arthmail and Brochmail. The latter is also written without h, as is likewise Eutychius, in Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica, where, on the other hand, we have • Meilochon, a form of the name Maglocunus intermediate between it as used by Gildas and our modern Maelgwn — in fact the person referred to by Bede is called by Irish annalists Maelcon (see Keeves' edition of Adam-man's Life of St. Columba, pp. 148, 371). Add to this Cluith and Alcluith, which Bede so writes for Cluit and Alcluit. In all these instances and the like, ck, tk, pk were either aspirated c, t, p, as in brick-house, pent-house, and uphold, or simple c, t, p. 


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LECTURE V. 233 F would seem to have had the same soimd in 0. Welsh as our jf now. It occurs mostly in words horrowed from Latin,' and as the initial of Welsh words which originally must have begun with sp: take for instance ^er, 'the ankle,' Greek a^vpov, Jraetk, 'eloquent, loquacious,' Ger. sprechen, 0. Eng. spr^can, now speak. G had the value of our modern g, which is never that of Eng. J. It had besides that of the corresponding spirant, as heard in some of the dialects of North Germany in such words as sagen, lage, and the like: possibly also that sometimes heard in the German words liegen, degen, and the like. To avoid mistakes I should further specify that the sounds I mean are those technically written j/^ and y respectively by the German phonologist Briicke and his followers, and g^ andj by Sievers in the Bihliothek Indogermanischer Orammatiken (Leipsic, 1876). That g between vowels or after 1, r had been pretty generally reduced to a spirant in 0. Welsh is rendered highly probable by the fact, that later it disappeared altogether in those positions, and that in the oldest manuscript Welsh it is sometimes written and sometimes omitted. Thus we have telu (for teglu), now teulu, •' a family,' as well as nerthheint, "armant," by the side of scamnhegint, " levant," all three in the Juvencus Codex; and te (in dolte), now tai, ' houses,' in- 


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234 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT. stead of teg, the plural of tig, now ty, ' a house/ in the Capella Glosses, among which we meet also with paulloraur, a kind of collective plural explaining pugillarem paginam, and appearing without the g of the h&tm pugillares, ' writing-tablets.' But in this last case it would perhaps be more correct to suppose that a y or g/i (=y^ —3^) has become u just as we have had to point out instances of another g ov gk (=g^=j) becoming^ in such words as arjdn and Morjen: for more instances of u for g see the Revue Celtique, ii. 193, iii. 87. Gh is actually once found so written in Ovid's ArtofLove, namely, mhelghati, "venare,"for helgha ti, now helja 'di, hela di, or hel di, ' do thou hunt.' Mention has already been made of the spelling helcha, to which a kind of parsiUel is offered by the Latinised form Pembroehia, whence probably the English Pembroke: the 0. Welsh must have been Penbrog or Penbrogk, which is now, of course, Penfro. H. This was, no doubt, the representative of .the aspirate in 0. Welsh as it is in Mod. Welsh; but was it also used for ch in 0. Welsh? We meet certainly with the words hui and suh, of which, however, the latter is Cornish, as it comes from the later Oxford Glosses: in the Juvencus Codex it is duly spelled such, " vomis," and as Cornish was in the habit later of eliding h—ch, it is not 


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LECTURE V. 235 at all certain that it was intended to pronounce suh as if it had been -written such. Then as to hui, the probability is that in 0. "Welsh it was pronounced with A, and that the latter has since been provected into ch, as the word is now chwi, ' you.' The reason for such a change would be the pneumatic pressure alluded to in connection with initial ffh passing into ch. But chmi, for 0. Welsh hui, is exceptional in that it belongs to all Wales, while in most other instances cAw is confined to N." Wales, and km holds its ground' in S, Wales, Eeturning, then, to the use of h as the exponent of the aspirate in 0. Welsh, I may here cite a remark made by Mr. Ellis in his work on Early English Pronunciation, ii. p. 598 — it is to the following effect: "Uneducated speakers, especially when nervous, and anxious not to leave out an h, or when emphatic, introduce a marked k in places where it is not acknowledged in writing or in educated speech." Now this, especially the allusion to emphasis, although written with regard to the treatment of k in English, calls attention to a principle which has played a part of some importance in the formation of words in our own language, seeing that it loves to aspirate the accented vowel in the middle of a word, as for instance indihdreb, ' eb^voyevh,' diarhdbol, 'proverbial.' Some, it is true, wish to ignore this k in writing. 


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236 LECrUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. and believe it to be the outcome of a modern corruption; but that seems to be a mistake, for cuinhaunt, ' deflebunt/ nerthheint, " armant/'scawM- hegint, " levant/' are as old as the Juvencus Codex, and nobody perhaps would now object to glanhau, '■ to cleanse,' eyfjawnhau, ' to justify,' although the h in them also is merely the accessory of the stress-accent, while such words as coffdu, ' to call to memory, are altogether left out of the reckoning, although their ^ only stands for an earlier y>^, so that coffdu represents eqfhdu. The case is the same where the accent has since retreated, as when we have coffa instead of coffdu, or lloffa, ' to pick up with the hand, to glean,' for llof-hd, from llof—Uaw, ' hand,' as in llofrudd, also Uawrudd, ' a murderer,' literally ' red-handed.' Still older, perhaps, is the case of pedol, ' a horseshoe,' from the Latin pedalis, ' a slipper,' which appears in the Welsh of the 12th century as pedhaul, that is, ped-hdul, whence later petaul and pedol. By the side of pedol may be ■^l&c&A. paradmys, 'paradise,' which in that case cannot, be derived from -n-apaBeiao?, but from a Latin paradlsus, if the latter may be supposed to have been pronounced paradeisus by those from whom the Welsh borrowed the word. But for the h evolved by the accent, we should now have not pedol and paradnys, but peddol and paraddwys. And it is as the accompaniment of the stress-accent 


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LECTURE T. 237 that I would regard the aspirate in the following words: — Casulheticc, "penulata," in the Capella Glosses, where we have also ellesheticion, "mela," where the writer had perhaps at first intended only to write elleshetic, and afterwards added a syllable on finding that mela was plural — at any rate that this enigmatic word was accented ellesMticion is in the highest degree improbable. The Juvencus Codex has crummanhuo, " scropibus," ceroenhou, . " dolea " (which suggests that plurals in ou were formerly oxy tones), and apassive T^\\i-ra\planthonnor, " fodientur," as well as the cuinkaunt, nerthheint, scamnhegint already mentioned. Among the Ovid Glosses we have guorunhetic, " arguto." The later Oxford Codex (Cornish) offers us brachaut {=^brac-hdut') as well as Irracaut, " mulsum," and Ainkam, ' oldest.' The effects of the same accentuation is, perhaps, to be traced in the y of its Mod. "Welsh equivalent hynaf, as well as in the surd mutes of the degrees of such adjectives as teg, ' fair: ' at any rate, until a better explanation offers itself, I would regard teced, ' as fair,' tecacA, ' fairer,' tecaf, ' fairest,' as standing for teg-kddr, teg-hdch, teg-hdf, though the latter do not occur, and the former are only known in Mod. "Welsh as paroxytones. It is in the same way, no doubt, forms of the so-called future perfect should be analysed, such as gwypo, (' that he) may know,' 


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238 LECTCEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. and bythoch or bothoch, in books byddoch, (' that you) may be.' Among 0. Welsh words which have never been very satisfactory explained, and some of which may contain an k of the origin here indicated, may be mentioned anbitkaul, bemhed, diguormechis, nemhe, roenkol. In late Latin it was not unusual to write Ihesu for lesu, eontroversikis for controversiis, and the like. The same expedient was adopted in the Cornish Glosses in such forms as bakell, "securis" (but laubael, 'a hand-hatchet'), later Cornish boell, Mod. "Welsh bwyall, ' an axe; ' deleAid, ' a door-fastening,' Welsh ' dylaith; guillihim, " forceps," Welsh gnellaif, ' shears; ' and gurehic, ' a woman,' Welsh gToraig. In instances of this class the h was probably quiescent, but its use was by no means confined to 0. Cornish, for we find immotiMou, " gesticulationes," in the Capella Glosses, and Jutkahelo (elsewhere Judhail, Ithael ItheV) on a cross at Llantwit Major in Glamorgan: the same abuse _ of the letter h is also abundantly illustrated in the Venedotian versions of the Laws of Wales. And now we may attack some of the Breton forms in the Eutychius Glosses, such as mergidhaham, '' evanesco." Here the first k seems to be the accompaniment of the accent, while the second looks as if it had been intended to stand between the two as after the elision of the g, 


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LECTURE V. 239 which mtist have belongetJ to the word in an earlier form mergidhagam, with which one may compare the 0. Welsh scamnhegint, " levant," later yscafnheynt; or else the pronunciation intended was mergidhdm, with a long and, perhaps, jerked or perispomenon. The other instances in the manuscript in question appear with only one of the two /j's: thus etncoilhaam, " auspicio auspex," lemhaam, " acuo," but datolakam, ' I select.' "With a few reservations, already indicated, one may say that the best collections of 0. Welsh words, namely, the glosses on Martianus Capella and those in the Juvencus Codex, are on the Tvhole accurate as far as conce'rns the letter k: the latter, it is true, shows h once misplaced in hirunn, for irhunn, now yr Awn, ' who,' and once omitted in anter for hanter, ' half.* But the writers of the glosses in the other codices, besides indulging in an occasional heitham (for eitham, now eithaf, 'utmost'), which seems to point to the Grwentian dialect of parts of Glamorganshire and Monmouthshire where no h is now pronounced by the uneducated, either in Welsh or English, unless it be in the wrong place, show a decided objection to beginning certain particles with vowels: thus they write mostly, but not exclusively, ha for the expletive a before verbs; ha, hac, for a, ac, ' and, with ' — the h is still written 


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240 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. in Breton; hai for a'z, ' and his; ' ham for a^m^ ' and my; ' hi for i, '' his, her; ' hin for in, nowyw, ' in; ' ho for o, ' from; ' hor for dr, ' from the.' How they arrived at the idea of adorning these monosyllables with an h, a habit which extended itself even more indiscriminately in O. Irish, I cannot guess, unless it was the result of being used to write h, after it had ceased to be heard, in the frequently-recurring Latin words hie, hcec, hoc, and the forms immediately connected with them. 1. This letter stood in 0. "Welsh as in Mod. Welsh both for the vowel i and the semi-vowel, which, for the sake of distinction, is here written _;'. In one instance, damcirehineat, " demorator," in the Capella Glosses, we have eat substituted, in Old English fashion, for iat, that is, jaf. At any rate there is no reason to think that the termination in question formed two syllables then any more than its modern representative jad does in our own day. One cannot be certain that the e in the Latin word dolea, for dolia, in the Juvencus Codex, is due to the same influence, for dolea is known to occur elsewhere; but no doubt attaches to Margeteud for Margetjud, now Meredudd, on the Carew Cross in Pembrokeshire. L, II. 0, Welsh I had probably the same sound which it has still, but in the former it is probable that it admitted of being aspirated when 


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LECTURE V. 241 it occurred as an initial or in contact with a preceding n and, possibly, r: at any rate, that seems to have been the case in 0. Cornish, and I am inclined to think 0. Welsh followed suit, though it is the equivalent of II, and not Ih, that we seem to have in the Capella gloss mellhionou, "violas,", Mod. Welsh meilljon, ' clover, trefoil.' In 0. Cornish It had become lit, and the t had been assimilated, as proved by such forms as celleell from cukellus, Mod. Welsh cyllell, ' a knife,' with which compare the French couteau: similarly 0. Cornish elin, " novacula," stands for ellin, Mod. Welsh ellyn, ' a razor,' Irish alfan. . But besides these 0. Cornish had initial M as in hloimol, " glomerarium," and we have probably the same hi or Ih in ehnlinn, which I take to mean enhlhinn: the Mod. Welsh is enllyn, already alluded to. If 0. Welsh as well as 0. Cornish had both U and Ih, then it follows that II has since extended its domain in Welsh at the expense of Ih, which is unknown in the language now, excepting perhaps when yn mho, le, ' in quo loco? where? ' is dialectically cut down into ymhli? mhle? or hie? which is also liable to become lie. That the spirant surd which we write II existed in 0. Welsh, has been shown in a former lecture; but it is probable that it was confined to words in which it represented earlier l-l, or where it preceded t. In the latter Q 


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242 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. combination it was perhaps always written It, as that could not lead to any confusion, and as lit wanted etymological support: I can recall only one instance in point in 0. Welsh, guogaltou, "fulcris," which occurs in the Capella Glosses. But confusion might arise if II and I between vowels or at the end of a word were not distinguished in writing; accordingly our authorities are as a rule accurate in this respect, with the exception of the Oxford Cornish Glosses, where about one-third of the instances lack an I each, and that of the stanzas beginning with Niguorcosam in the Juvencus Codex: in them no consonant is doubled. Thus they offer us ealmir for callaur, nouel for nouell, patel for patell, and, to rhyme with the latter, a conjectural ■canel for canell, possibly of the same origin as the French cannelle, ' cinnamon: ' irrespective of this the number of the loan-words in these stanzas is remarkabl-e. M had probably the same value as at present. In one instance, da.uu, " cliens," in the Ovid Glosses, it seems to have been reduced to v, that is dauu is to be read dauv, possibly with a nasal twang imparted, as in Breton and Irish, to the vowel by the m before it passed into v; but, whether or no, the nasal is lost to Mod. "Welsh. The modern forms of the word are daw, ' a son-in-law,' plural dawon, but also dawf, plural 


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LECTURE V. 243 dojjon, which is not to be confounded with dofjon the plural of dof, '■ tame; ' for the latter implies an earlier dam-, Aryan dam-, while daw, dawf stands for dam- of the same origin as the Sanskrit forms ddmd, -ddma, ddman, ' a band, bond, fetter, tie.' This enables one to account for what would now appear a curious use of the word daw, in Brut y Tyrcysogion (London, 1860), p. 118, where we meet with the words y daw gan y chwaer, or, as we now write, ei ddaw gan ei chwaer, ' his connection by his sister,' that is in other words ' his brother-in-law: ' compare the Ger. schnur, ' a cord, twine, tie,' and schnur, ' a daughter-in-law,' which glottologists, it is true, are in the habit of regarding, for reasons not very evident to me, as in no way connected. So much of the word dam: my account of its origin in Kuhn's Beitraege, vii. p. 231, is utterly wrong. Whether the u of 0. Welsh arm or enu, now enw, 'a name,' was arrived at by reducing m into a nasal vowel, or by an exceptional substitution of w for m, is by no means clear: the Irish forms corresponding to 0. Welsh anu, plural enuein are anm, plural anmann. Ng, in 0. Welsh, as in Mod. Welsh, represented the guttural nasal. The digraph got this value all the more firmly attached to it when, in the course of phonetic decay, nd, mb became nn, mm, and lyg or ng-g in the same way lost its mute. 


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244 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. Previously the guttural nasal was mostly represented by the n in ng^ and so it continued in nc. You will remember, however, our meeting with Evolenggi and Tunccei;ace in surveying the previous period. As a matter of writing the n is not always found expressed at all in 0. Welsh: thus we meet with cibracma in an entry in the Lichfield Gospel for cibrancma, which probably meant ' a place of battle,' from cibrane, now cgfranc, ' a battle; ' and in the Cornish Q-losses we have torcigel, " ventris lora," for torcingel. This would seem to have originated in the habit of saving trouble in writing by omitting one or more letters in a word, and indicating the place of the omission by a touch of the pen above the line: of course the latter was not infrequently forgotten by careless writers, and, in the case of "Welsh ng, this became, perhaps on the whole, the custom; for when original g non-initial regularly disappeared, and when c had as yet not been commonly reduced to g, no great confusion could arise from writing g for ng. It is thus that g is also to be read in the Luxembourg Folio, which shows no ng at all, in the words drog, " factionem," mogou, " comas,'.' rogedou, " orgiis," igueltiocion, "in fenosa." Drag also occurs there written drogn, where the influence is visible of gn, pronounced ngn in late Latin in such words as mag- 


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LECTURE V. 245 nus, signum, and the like; in fact, we have signo written singno on the cross on Caldy Island. But as to the habit of writing g for ng, it was once so common, that one or two words of learned borrowing from Latin must have been permanently misread: I allude to the Latin Jlagellum, which the Welsh treated as Jlangellum, and thence derived the modern forms fflangell, ' a scourge or whip; ' another of the same kind was legio, treated as lengio, whence our Biblical lleng, ' a legion.' This was, of course, impossible in the familiar name Castra legionum, which duly became Caerlleon, ' Chester, Caerleon; ' we have also places called Carreg y Lleon and Hafod y Lleon in the- neighbourhood of Bettws y Coed. Ph had the same sound as at present, but it seems to have been rarely used, f being preferred. In a few instances p is written for ph, as in the name Gripiud, for Griphjud, now Gruffudd, ' Griffith,' in the Lichfield Gospel. jR had no doubt the sounds of our r a,nd of our rA initial or following n, and the habit of writing rh as if it were simply r will explain the spelling of Hir-hoidl, as Hiroidil in the Gwnnws inscription, which must be reckoned as belonging to this period. The earliest written evidence to the existence of initial rh is perhaps the name Hris in the Saxon Chronicle (in a manuscript marked Cott. 


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246 LECTURES OK WELSH PHILOLOGY. Tiber. B. i. in the Master of the Eolls' edition) under the year 1052. In 0. Welsh Rhys is written Ris and Res, but that the pronunciation of the initial is correctly given in the 0. Englisli spelling cannot for a moment be doubted; for 0. English hi and hr initial had probably the same sound as in Mod. Icelandic, and I fail to detect any difference between Icelandic hr and our rh: my Icelandic friends can pronounce the consonants in my name just as natives of North Wales do. U represented, besides the vowel u, also the semi -vowel which we write and sound like English w, as in gnyn, ' white,' and wyneh, 'face.' In a few instances it represents v, as we have already noticed in connection with the letter m. . Before leaving the consonants it should be mentioned that in the Capella Glosses not only m, n, r, s are frequently doubled, but also the mutes c, t, p, especially when they happen to be final. Ifepp and hepp, now neb, ' any, anybody,' and heb or eb, ' quoth,' were alluded to in a former lecture, and to them I should have added Cormac's brace, as proving, beyond doubt, that brdc was the pronunciation in 0. Welsh of the word which we now write bragi, ' malt,' and pronounce brag. 


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LKCTURE V. 247 In speaking of the vowels as they appear in writing, you will have to bear in mind that their sounds have undergone modifications, in point of quantity, depending on the nature of the consonants immediately following them. "With this reserve you may, on the whole, regard 0. Welsh a, e, 2, 0, ii as pronounced like our modern a, e, i, 0, w. Among the points which require to he dealt with a little more in detail are the following: — (1.) 0. Welsh? would seerfi to have had, as far as concerns quality, the same sound as our y in hyr, ' short,' and dyn, ' man.' This sound of i may, for the sake of distinction, be called broad i, and it would appear to have been hardly such as could be easily distinguished from that of e and i already noticed as sometimes indiscriminately written in inscriptions of the Brit-Welsh period. Hence, perhaps, it is, that it was written in 0. Welsh not only i but also e, as, for instance, in the prefix cet, now cyd, in the Juvencus Codex in the stanzas beginning with Niguorcosam; prem, now pryf, 'a worm,' in Cormac's Glossary; Res patres, for the genitives Ris patris, ' of his father Rhys,' and speretus on a stone at Llantwit Major. With Res patres compare what was said in reference to cives for civis. Besides speretus we have also speritus, namely on a stone at Merthyr Mawr; both seem to be the echo of 


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248 LKCTUEES ON -WELSH PHILOLOGY. a Latin pronunciation continued from Eoman times. Lastly, it is to be noticed that the Bretons continue to write e where we use y, pronounced like our u or German u. (2.) While the broad % continued to be written i or e., it underwent, in unaccented syllables, a weakening into the obscure or neutral sound of oury when it is pronounced like u in the English word hut; for y is regarded as standing alone among the letters of our Mod. Welsh alphabet in its representing two sounds, the one just referred to of English u in hut, and that of Welsh u or German u — the Welsh do not usually regard i vowel and i semi-vowel (that is J), or w vowel and m semi-vowel as distinct sounds. That the former, the obscure or neutral vowel, existed in O.Welsh, was proved by Professor Evander W. Evans in the Archceologia Cambrensis for 1874, pp. 113-116. As o and u were liable also to be reduced to the same obscure vowel sound, this led the way to the use of i or e for e, I, o, u without distinction of origin, a confusion, however, which offers us a clue as to where the accent in 0. Welsh was not. As to the alternative symbols z> e, the former is the one mostly used in the Capella Glosses as in cimadas, now cyfaddas, ' suitable,' immottihiou, " gesticulationes," an enigmatical form nearly related, no doubt, to our modern ymmod, ' movement, stir,' and in the proclitics in, 


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LECTUEE V. 249 now yn ' in,' ir, now yr ' the,' is, now ys ' is,' mi, now /y ' my.' So in the Juvencus Codex, the Lichfield Gospel, and the earlier Oxford G-losses. On the other hand, O.Cornish gives the preference to e,as in the following instances in the later Oxford Glosses: celleell, Mod. Welsh cyllell, ' a knife,' creman. Mod. W. cryman, 'a sickle,' 0. Welsh crummanhuo, "scropibus," delekid, Mod. W. dylaith, ' a door-fastening,' heueild], Mod. W. hywaith, 'docile,' modreped. Mod. W. modryhedd (also modrabedd), ' aunts,' peteu, Mod. W. pydeu, 'a pit,' from the Latin puteus, treated, it would seem, as though it had been accented putdus. But this use of e for the neutral or obscure vowel was by no means confined to 0. Cornish, for we find it in that capacity frequently also in the Venedotian versions of the Laws of Wales. Lastly, it is curious to observe that in the two words in point in Cormac's Glossary the vowel in question is rendered by ui: I allude to muin, Mod. W./y, ' my,' or myn (in oaths), and cuisil. Mod. W. cysyl, ' consilium,^ and one may regard it as an instance of the same thing when Irish writers, call Mynyw, or St. David's, Kilmuine. (3.) However we have an exception to the obscuring of « or M into i in 0. Welsh in the enigmatic gloss crummanhuo already cited from the Juvencus Codex, and a good many more in the names in the Liber Landavensis, and other old manuscripts, 


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250 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. such as Congual, now Cynwal, Dubricius, in Mod. "Welsh Dyfrig, Houel, now Hywel, Rutegyrn, later Ekydeyrn. Add to this that Cormac always calls the Welsh language Comhrec, or more correctly Combrdc, never Cimbrec. But it is in 0. Breton that we find the retention of the o to be the rule: witness the prefixes com, do, ho, ro, which are in Mod, Welsh cyf, dy, hy, rhy, as for instance in comtoou, " stemicamina " (but cun in cuntullet, " coUegio "), dodocetic, " inlatam," doguorenniam, " perfundo " (compare our modern dyoddef ' to suffer '), koleu\_ ] " canori[ca]," roluncas, " guturicavit." These instances, to which others might be added, come from the Luxembourg Fragment, which supplies also the following: — bodin, Mod. Welsh byddin, ' an army,' cronion. Mod. W. crynjon, ' round, globular,' euonoc. Mod. W. ewynog, ' foamy,' golbinoc. Mod, W. gylfinog, ' having a beak or bill,' from gylfin, gylf, ' a beak,' O.'Welshgilbin, "acumine," 0. Cornish ^z75, "foratorium," Irish gulba. In Mod. Breton the prefixes com, ho, ro are kev, he, ri, and the commencement of the change may be traced even in 0. Breton, namely, in the Eutychius gloss helabar. Mod. Welsh hylafar, ' of fluent speech,' 0. Irish sulbair. In most of these instances the original vowel seems to have been u, which was liable to be modified into 0, and of the existence of the latter in 0, 


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LECTUKE V. 251 Welsh with its sound unohscured we have one indubitable item of evidence: I allude to the word do, meaning ' yes ' in connection with the past, as when we say: Afuefe yma? Do, " Has he been here? Yes." Here the answer do is elliptical, standing for what must once have been dobu, which would now be dyfu, had it not at an early date become the rule to omit the verb and retain the particle. Having thus become an independent word, doing duty as it were for an entire sentence, it was of course proof against any further phonetic decaj'^, whereas in those cases where it still served as a prefix it eventually yielded that one which we write dy. It is possible that we have the still earlier form in the Capella Gloss dubeneticion, " exsectis," the plural of dubenetic in Mod. Welsh difynedig, ' cut up, dissected,' and not, as might be expected, dyfyr^dig, which only means ' cited, summoned ': it is right, however, to state that considerable confusion as to the use of the prefixes dy and di prevails in Mod. Welsh. 0. Welsh du-, our do ' yes,' the prefix dy, and 0. Welsh di, ' to,' which has, through an intermediate ddi, matched in Cornish by dki ' to,' yielded our smooth-worn i ' to,' — all these forms on the one hand, and the Irish preposition du, do, 'to,' on the other, point to a common Celtic du of the same origin as the English to, Ger. zu, which, like the Welsh dy-, is extensively used as a prefix. 


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252 LECTDEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. (4.) It is hardly probable that the neutral vowel ■written i in 0. Welsh and e in 0. Cornish differed much in quality from what must have been the sound of the irrational vowel, whereby is meant a vowel which is metrically of no account, as, for instance, in Hiroidil for Hirhoidl on the Grwnnws Cross: of course the irrational vowel, when it happened to be pronounced a little more distinctly, was always liable to echo the sound of a neighbouring vowel as in this instance and in the 0. Welsh Capella G-loss guoceleseticc, " titillata," now gogleisjedig, ' tickled,' the Juvencus gloss lobur, " anhela," now Uofr, the feminine of llwfr, * cowardly, not brave,' and Cormac's dobar and dohorci now dwfr, ' water,' and dyfrgi, ' a water-dog, i.e., an otter.' In S. Wales this is a rule at the present day, and the irrational vowel is fully pronounced like any other vowel, such words as llafriy * a blade,' cefn, 'the back,' dnfn, 'deep,' feminine dofn, being made into llafan, cefen, dwfwn, and do/on. But it was the rule not to write the irrational vowel in 0. Welsh and 0. Cornish: we have, however, a few exceptions, such as the following: in Cornish it is written e in tarater, Mod. Welsh taradr, ' an auger or borer,' from the late Latin tarairM?w,"terebra" and in cepister "camum," Mod. Welsli cebystr ' a halter,' from Latin capistrum; in the 0. Welsh in the Juvencus Codex it is 


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LECTUEB V. 253 i in guichir, *' effrenus" (once also guichr, " effera," and so in Nemnivus's Alphabet), Mod, Welsh grcychr, ' valiant,' shortened and desynonymized into gmych, ' hrave, good,' in centhiliat (also centhliat), " canorum," which would now be cetkliad, ' a singer,' but I do not know the word, and in lestir (written several times lestr in the Capella Glosses), now llestr, 'a vessel;' and so in the Ovid gloss cefinet, which would now be edned, but that edn now makes in the plural ednod, ' birds or any winged things.' There was, further, not much difference probably between the irrational vowel and the thematic or connecting vowel in compounds: so, as the former was not usually written, it would be vain to expect to find the latter treated differently, and it is worth noticing that it is the Juvencus Codex which gives us guichir, centhiliat, lestir, and lobur, that also treats us to an interesting instance of the connecting vowel exceptionally attested in litimmir " frequens." (5,) 0. "Welsh u was probably nearly as narrow in sound as our modern u, and must have very closely resembled the sound of broad l, but their difference of quantity might have prevented any confusion between them, but the reorganisation of the Welsh vowel system made narrow u liable to be shortened, and broad i liable to be lengthened. Thus narrow u (short) and 


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254 LECTUEBS ON WELSH PHILOLOGT. broad t might be possibly confounded witb one another, or narrow u with broad i. (long). In Mediaeval and Modern Welsh there is no lack of such cases, and one or two are to be found in the glosses: thus the Juvencus gloss scipaur, ''horrea" is now yscubor, ' a barn,' and the Capella gloss crunnolunou, " orbiculata," gives us olunou, " wheels," the singular of which is written olin, " rota," in the Ovid Glosses — the modern form olvyyn coincides with neither. On the other hand, the tract on weights and measures in the earlier Oxford Codex gives us ovxpump, 'five,' and pummed, ' fifth,' in the form ot pimp &nA. pimphet with the i retained, to which they had an etymological right not to be invalidated by the 0. Irish form of the same numeral, namely, coie, where the lengthening of the diphthong is due to the suppression of the nasal, and the <? is a relic of the v of the common Celtic form which must have been qvinqvin or qvinqven. At first sight Gaulish would seem to show a similar trace of the v retained as o or m in the well-authenticated Poeninus and Puoeninus of the numerous votive tablets nailed in old times to the walls of the Alpine temple of the deity Perm or Jupiter Poeninus (Revue Celtique, iii. 3), whence we might be tempted to conclude the Celtic stem implied by the forms Poeninus, Penninus and Ilevvo-ovivBo';, the Early Welsh Qven- 


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LECTURE V. 255 vendani, and our modern pen, ' a head or top,' 0. Ir. cenn, to have Lean qvenn-, but the form Puoeninus compels one to assume the Gaulish to have been, at least dialectically, a dissyllable pu-inn- from a common Celtic qvu-enn- representing a prse-Celtic qvup-enn~ or qvapartja-s of the same origin as Lat, caput (for cvaput like canis for cvanis), Gothic Aaub-ith, Mod. H. Ger. kaup-t, 0. Eng. hedf-od, Aedf-d, Mod. Eng. hea-d: besides qvup-dnn-, the Kymry must have had a diminutive qvu(j>)-ic-, qvu-ic-, qu-tc, qvic-, which has become our modern feminine pig, ' a point,' and in Early Welsh we seem to detect it in the proper name Qvici referred to in another lecture. But to return to u and broad i, there can be no doubt as to their having had nearly the same sound in 0. Welsh, but how soon they became identical I am unable to say: in Mod. Welsh at any rate there is no difference between u and one of the sounds (that of broad i) now written y, so that kun, ' a sleep,' and ki^n, ' older,' cannot any longer be distinguished in pronunciation, and the words efe a lysg y cerbydau a than (" he burneth the chariot in the fire:" Psalm xlvi. 9) have ere now been cited as explicitly foretelling the invention of locomotive steam-engines. As to the diphthongs of 0. Welsh, it is probable that ai, ei, eu, iu, ui had much the same 


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256 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. sound as our modern ai, ei, ew, irv, rmf, though it is to be remembered that our ai and ei are not the continuators of 0. Welsh ai and ei, these last being now ae and ai respectively in monosyllables. 0. Welsh ou is now eu and au, both in books and the pronunciation prevalent in N. Wales, but in the Dimetian and Gwentian dialects of S. Wales, it is frequently ou with u as narrow as a Northwalian u, or even {, as, for instance, in dou, ' two,' and Jioul, 'sun,' for dau and haul. What, then, was the value of 0. Welsh ou? We have no means, as far as I know, of ascertaining, but I am inclined to think that it was not ow, but a nearer approach to the Dimetian ou of the present day. The 0. Welsh diphthong au still remains to be noticed. In our pronunciation of its modern representative aw, both a and w are distinctly and clearly heard, but the 0. Welsh pronunciation was probably am, in which the w was far less prominent. This would come very near the guttural pronunciation of d in Mod. Irish, and would probably account for the 0. Welsh hraut, 'judgment,' taking the form hrdth or Iraath in Cormac's Glossary, where we meet also with the 0. Welsh bracaut, ' bragget,' in the form braccat — the author probably meant braccdt. But we dare not use here the naturalisation of the same word in Irish in the form brocoif, later brogoid (= braccoti), or 


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LECTURE V. 257 the corruption of an earlier form of hraut into hroth (given also as hrof) in the traditional form of St. Patrick's oath, muin doiu hraut: both date, in all probability, too early for our purpose, and should rather be placed by the side of Bede's Dinoot, noticed in a former lecture. 0." Cornish had au as in 0. Welsh, but it is remarkable that the Breton Glosses in the Luxembourg Folio show no trace of it, but always o, even where the diphthong appears later; whence it seems that the glosses in question were compUed at a time when the diphthongisation was incomplete or not distinctly heard in Breton: perhaps something is also due to the orthographical conservatism of the scribe. However, we find an instance in the Eutychius Glosses in the mouosyllable laur, " solum," which is in Mod. Breton leur, Mod. Welsh llawr, Irish Idr, Eng. Jloor; and the same manuscript at first sight appears to ofier us an instance also of eu, the later form of Breton au, in the gloss, eunt, " asquus." But this is not conclusive, as the modern form of the word is eeun or eun, which Le Gonidec explains as meaning: " Droit, qui n'est ni courbe, ni penche; juste; equitable; direct; directement; tout droit," while the- Mod. Welsh is jamn, ' right, correct,' whence unjawn, ' straight,' and jawnder, ' equity, justice,' all of which would find their explanation in a prse- B 


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58) (tudalen 258)

258 LECTUEES OJr WELSH PHILOLOGY. Celtic form ipana or apana of the same origin as Eng. even, Grer. eben, Gothic, ibns, ireBtvoi, ibnassus, tcroTi;?. We have already had varions occasions to notice the influence of English on Welsh orthography, but the advent of the Normans into Wales may be said to mark an era in its history. Among other things, the old Kymric style of writing was given np at the end of the 11th century in favour of another more in harmony with a Norinan model: Mr, Bradshaw, University Librarian, Cambridge, kindly informs me that one of the last instances known of the use of the Kymric handwriting in Wales is a copy of St. Augustine De Trinitate, written by Johannes, son of Sulgen, Bishop of St. David's, and brother of Ricemarch, also Bishop of St David's — the copy bears evidence to its having been made at various times between the years 1079 and 1089. Other instances of Korman and English influence will appear as we go through the alphabet, noticing those letters which require it: — C, k. C and k, which was introduced from England, came to be used promiscuously, and- continued so down to the latter part of the 16th century. D, t, tk. These continued to be used indiscriminately in the same confused manner as in 0. 


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LECTUKE V. 269 Welsh, and dh, which was introduced probably for S, only served to enhance the confusion. But dh never appears to have gained a firm footing in "Welsh any more than in English: had it been adopted in English, Welsh would probably have followed suit, As far as this state of the orthography may be said to have simplified itself, the result, to judge by the old manuscripts extant, was to use t, d, th to represent the sounds which we write . so still, and to express S by means of d or t.: on the whole, d seems to have been more generally employed in this last capacity than t, and even in manuscripts where t for 8 is the rule, we find (^ = S occasionally cropping up. At length the difficulty as to a symbol for S was met by the awkward expedient of writing it dd, to which the false analogy of II and^ may have led the way. Zeuss in the Grammatica Celtica, p. 139, notices the use of dd as early as the 14th century, and instances from manuscripts which are perhaps not very much later, occur in documents printed in the first volume of Haddan and Stubbs's Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents Relating to Great Britain and Ireland (Oxford, 1869). Thus in a form of agreement made between Richard, Bishop of Bangor, and Llywelyc, Prince of Wales, by Anian, Bishop of St. Asaph, and others as arbiters in the year 1261, we have 


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260 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. (p. .491) Keywannedd, " habitatio," which can, however, only be explained on the supposition that it is the result of a copyist mixing up an earlier kewanned with a later and marginal spelling kyvannedd; also (p. 550), in a grant by Edward I. to Bishop Anian of Bangor and the Offeyriat Teulu in the year 1283, we have Penmynydd so given, and in a grant by him of the patronage of Rhuddlan to the Bishop of St. Asaph and his successors in the year 1284, Messrs. Haddan and Stubbs give (p. 680) Ehuddlan as spelled once Ruddlan, and once Ruthlan. It is by no means improbable that dd had been some time in vogue among the Welsh before it could frequently force its way into official documents. But it does not, however, seem to have got into general use before the latter part of the 15th century, or the" beginning of the 16th. About the middle of the latter century, William Salesbury regretted to find it too firmly established to be superseded by dh, and about the same time Griffith Roberts, who published his Welsh Grammar, the first ever printed, at Milan in 1567, acknowledges that the usual spelling was dd, though he made use of d with a point underneath it,, an expedient he- employed also in the case of II and m. F for V, and _ff for ph were used in Mediaeval Welsh much the same as they are now, excepting 


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LECTURE V. 261 that in tlie Black Book of the 12tli century, jff was also frequently used iQ^f=- v. However the respective domains of ff and fh were by no means accurately defined, and u (also v and n>) continued to be optionally used instead of _/ = v. Here it may be asked how_/ came at all to be used to represent the sound written v in English. The answer which at once suggests itself is that_/= pA was reduced in the course of phonetic decay to the sound of w, while the old symbol was retained unchanged: in that way V would come to be considered as having the value ofy". In Welsh, however, such a reduction is conspicuous by its absence, while in the Teutonic languages and, among them, in English, the history of y and that of v are, so to say, inseparable: so we turn to English for our answer. Now 0. English words like heafod, ' head,' keo/on, ' heaven,' ncefre, ' never,' had their / pronounced v, and sometimes it was also written u or v, and not /. Farther, we are told by Mr. Ellis {Early Eng. Pro., ii. 572) that, in English manuscripts of the 13th century and later, ^was used for the sound of ph, and he gives extracts from Orrmin dating from the end of the 12th century. Prom the latter it is clear that he observed the same sort of distinction between/ and ^ as we do in "Welsh: his / between vowels was mostly v, while his ff was, of course, /=^/^. Neither is it altogether 


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262 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. irrelevant that the pronunciation of y as v was most prevalent in the West of England, and that it survives extensively in Somerset and Devon. Salesbury noticed it in his time; his words are: " I my selfe haue heard Englysh men in some countries of England sound f, euen as we sound it in Welsh. For I haue marked their maner of pronounciation, and speciallye in soundyng these woordes: voure, vine, disvigure, vish, vox: where they would say, foure, fine, disiigure, fysh, fox," &c. (Ellis's Early Eng. Pro., iii. 752-). In the Black Book, of the 12th century, and in the Book of Aneurin, partly of the 13th century, _/ initial did duty for the sound of ph and between vowels for that or », but when a little more consistency became the rule, -ph was usually confined to the mutation of p, which we still so write, while the same sound was elsewhere written ff, not excepting when it happened to begin a word. How early _/" began to be used as an initial in Welsh I cannot say, but it appears in that capacity in the Book of Taliessin of the 14th century. That the Welsh should have so used it at all is not surprising, seeing that they had before them the analogous case of II, as well as probably the very same use of ff in English, which would explain how it came to be sometimes regarded as a mere equivalent for a capital F. 


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LECTUKE-V. 263 Later we find Salesbury also treating R and rr in the same way; and perhaps in some of the proper names written with ff, such as Ffoulkes, Ffrench, and the like, the digraph is neither Welsh nor modern. It is worth adding that English manuscripts of the 13th and the 14th century show instances of ss, initial as well as medial, for sh, and that Welsh dd has also been traced back into the 14th century, G continued to be written for g and very commonly for ng: so ngc was reduced in writing to gc or gk as in Jreigk for F/reingc, ' Frenchmen.' However the omission of the n does not seem to have ever been the invariable rule, and it reappears in the 15th century. LI medial remained in use as in 0. Welsh, and not only that but it appears as an initial in the 12th century in the Black Book and the Venedotian Laws of Wales. This extension of the domain of II took place possibly in consequence of a change of pronunciation, that is from initial Ih to II. R and rh were used in Salesbury's time much in the same way as they are now. But how much earlier rh came into use I am unable to say. In North Wales rr and R were used for it, and Salesbury himself indulges in all three as the initials of Welsh words now written with rh only. 


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264 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT. I,y,y. In the latter part of the 11th century we find y coming into optional use for i in the Welsh names in the Historia Brittonum of Nennius, and in the oldest manuscript of the Annates Cambrice; but in them it is all but confined to the diphthongs, especially oy and ey for oi and ei. This is as nearly as possible the case also, with y in the 13th century specimens of Norman French, published by Mr. Ellis in his Early Eng. Pro., ii. pp. 434-6, 500-4. But in Welsh manuscripts of the 12th century y knows no such limits, and here we discover a point of contact with English rather than Norman French. For in the earlier part of that period of Old English, which is commonly called Anglo-Saxon, y was used to represent a sound which is supposed to have been nearly identical with that of French m, which is considerably broader than Mod. Welsh u; but the 0. English vowel was gradually narrowed, which went so far that, as Mr. Ellis tells us (ii. 580), it was used from the 13th to the 16th century indiscriminately with { as of precisely the same meaning. Thus, at a certain stage in its history, it must have sounded precisely like one of the values of i in Old and early Mediaeval Welsh, and this, I think, is the reason why its English symbol y was so readily adopted by the Welsh. At first sight, however, its introduction 


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LECTURE V. 265 wonld seem to have only created more confusion than already existed, y and i being apparently nsed indiscriminately for all the four values of Welsh i. These last were — (1) the semi-vowel j; (2) the narrow i, formerly i, as a rule, but liable, since the reorganisation of the Welsh vowel system, to become l; (3) broad i, formerly always short, but li&ble since the reorganisation to become long in monosyllables; and (4) the neutral vowel sounded like m in the English word but. To pass by the Venedotian versions of the Laws of Wales in which i is not a favourite letter, and in which other peculiarities of orthography are noticeable, not to mention the fact that in the Record Office edition of them the manuscripts have been diligently mixed np instead of printed in parallel columns, the materials before us range from the end of the 11th century to the 14th, and is mostly contained in the Black Book, the Book of Aneurin, and that of Taliessin, as printed in the second volunie of Skene's Four Ancient Books of Wales. Now a careful examination of these three books in which the confusion of y or y with i is at its worst, would, I am inclined to think, show that confusion to have never been complete: in a majority of instances i forj and for narrow i would seem to have held its ground against y or y, while y and i indiscriminately represented the broad i and the 


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266 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. neutral vowel. This is on the whole the tendency of the spelling in the Ked Book of Hergest, supposed to have been written at various times from the earlier part of the 14th to the middle of the 15th century, and it suggests beforehand the simplification which "Welsh orthography eventually underwent in this particular, namely, the restriction of I to represent only^' and the narrow i, and of y to stand only for the broad i (^= ii) and the neutral vowel (= Eng. m), the values which they still have. However it could hardly be called an accomplished fact till the 17th eentury, for in the 1 6th we still find rather a free use made of y, as for instance in some of Salesbury's writings. But the 17th century was just a time when the English limited their use of y (Ellis's Early Eng. Pro., ii. 580), and on the whole there is little reason to doubt that the English confusion of y and i was one of the main causes of the spread and continuance of the same in Welsh, where there was, at any rate in the beginning, no cause for it-: the English, on the other hand, had their historical excuse for it in the fact of their old y having in the course of phonetic decay got to be sounded like their i. Lastly, as to the point over the y it was usual in Old English and Norman French manuscripts, so we naturally find it in the Black Book of Carmarthen and the Book of Aneurin, 


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LECTURE V. 267 but we miss it in the Book of Taliessin and the Red Book of Hergest of the 14th and the 15th century, as well as in all later manuscripts. U, V, w. In Old Welsh we found u representing Old Welsh u and m (vowel and semivowel), but very rarely the sound of v, whereas in the Black Book this appears as one of its ordinary values. Add to this that the letter v comes in as a mere graphic variety of u: later another variety resembling 6 was used, especially in the Book of Taliessin and the Red Book. Further, w (written also vv) was introduced from English, though not in the time of Asser, who used it in the spelling of Welsh names in his life of Alfred. It appears in the Black Book for v, u, and the semivowel, whereas in English it was eventually confined to the semivowel and the diphthongs. However Mr. Ellis prints wde, ' wood,' in the Cuckoo Song, dating from the year 1240 or thereabouts, and Chaucer has such forms as wilm, ' willow,' yolm, ' yellow,' sorm, ' sorrow,' and morm, ' morning.' In all the confusion already suggested u appears in the majority of instances to have retained the right of representing the sound of Old Welsh u, as it still does, and by the end of the 15th century w occupied much the same position as at present, while 6 had gone out of use and the struggle between v and/ for the 


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268 LBCTtJKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. representation of the sound of v continued a good deal later. We have now lamely got over the ground from the beginning of the 12th century to the 16th, and reached a period of considerable literary activity in Wales: some of that activity, you will find, was directed into the channel of Welsh grammar. Foremost among the Welshmen who demand our attention at this point is William Salesbury, who published, among other works, an improved edition in 1567 of his treatise entitled: " A playne and a familiar Introduction, teaching how to pronounce the letters in the Brytishe tongue, now commonly called Welshe, whereby an Englysh man shall not onely wyth ease reade the sayde tonge rightly; but marking the same wel, it shall be a meane for hym wyth one laboui: to attayne to the true, pronounciation of other expedient and most excellent languages. Set forth by VV. Salesbury, 1550. And now 1567, pervsed and augmented by the same." The Welsh alphabet, as he there gives it, is the following: — A, b, c, ch, d, dd, e, f, ff, g, h, i, k, 1, 11, m, n, o, p, r, s, t, th, v, u, w, y. He sanctions the use of c and k: his m (also vv) answers the same purposes as ours, and his u as our u, excepting that he continued to use u, v, f loosely for the sound of », oury. His uncertainties and inconsistencies were gradually eliminated 


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LECTURE V. 269 by the publication of Bishop Morgan's Bible in 1588, and of the Welsh Homilies in 1606: so when Dr. John Davies of Mallwyd came to publish his Welsh Grammar, which was printed in 1621 under the title (as given in the second edition of 1809) of " AntiqusB Linguae Britannicae Nunc Communiter Dictae Cambro-Britannicae, A Suis Cymraecae, Vel CambricEe, Ab Aliis Wallicae, Eudiinenta," he found in use the alphabet we still use: A, b, c, ch, d, dd, e, f, ffj S, °g» ^, h Ij llj m> ^, o, p, ph, r, s, t, th, u, w, y. ' Here you will notice the exclusion of ^ and v, and the insertion of n^, not after n, but after ^, which had so often done duty for it in the Middle Ages. . In his grammar, as reproduced in the second edition, Dr Davies distinguishes between the two sounds of Welsh y by slightly varying the printed form of that letter; but that he confines to his alphabet, and the Welsh instances quoted in the course of that work. Lastly, in 1707, Edward Llwyd published his Archceologia Britannica, a work devoted to the grammar and vocabulary of the Celtic languages, in which he makes use in his Welsh test of an alphabet of his own. In the latter he avails himself of the Irish 6 for our dd; and that, formed 


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270 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. This is, perhaps, the only trace left in Mod. Welsh of the influence of the learned labours of the greatest philologist the Kymry can hoast of. Here as we hare now come down to the last century, a word must be said of the letter j. In that century and the two preceding ones, it occurs as a mere graphic variety of i, especially when that letter happened to stand for the semivowel at the beginning of a word. But, on the whole, it does not seem to have been very consistently or extensively used, excepting in Biblical names such && Jacob, Job, Joseph, and the like, in which the. character survives, while the fashion of trying to reproduce the English pronunciation has given it the value of dsy, and bequeathed to our Sunday schools such monstrosities as Dsyacop, Dsyob, Dsyoseph. This unfortunate imitation of English, where it least deserved it, must have greatly disqualified the letter 7 for use .as the representative of i semivowel, a capacity in which it is sorely missed by strangers desirous of learning to read Welsh: the analogous case of w, used for both vowel and semivowel, occasions them far less difficulty, as it does not occur so often. This meagre account of the Welsh alphabet and spelling must be regarded as entirely tentative, nor would it be reasonable to expect anything very satisfactory on the subject, until all Welsh manuscripts dating after the end of the 


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LECTURE V. 271 10th century have been more carefully studied and chronologically arranged. As it is, one has to be content -with a rough guess as to the date of the principal changes, which have taken place in "Welsh spelling, without being always able to say what led to them or to give other details respecting them which it would be interesting to have. I have to add that most of these remarks had been put together before Mr. Bradshaw had convinced me by means of the paleeographical evidence he adduces, that the Luxembourg Fragment and the Eutychius Glosses are of Breton origin, and not Welsh. It has .not, however, been thought expedient to omit all reference to them, as they serve purposes of comparison between Old Welsh 'and Old Breton. For the same reason use has frequently been made of the later Oxford Glosses which are in Old Cornish. The fact of these three collections not being Welsh does not seriously diminish their value even for the student of that language, while it undoubtedly rids him of a good many difficulties which would remain puzzles and inconsistencies had he still to accept them as Welsh.  ( 272 ) 


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LEOTUEE VI. "The circumstance, that genuine Ogham Inscriptions exist both in Ireland and "Wales, which present grammatical forms agreeing with those of the Gaulish linguistic monuments, is enough to show that some of the Celts of these islands wrote their language hefore the 5th century, the time at which Christianity is supposed to have been introduced into Ireland."— Whitlbt Stokes. As monuments in Ogam are known only in the British Isles, we seem to be warranted in provisionally regarding them as invented in them; but in which of them, in Great Britain or in Ireland? If we may venture to follow the supposed westward course of civilisation, the answer must be m Great Britain. • And assuming that, one must admit that it was some time before the coming of the Eomans, as it is highly improbable that after the introduction of the Roman alphabet into the island, another and a far clumsier one should not only have been invented, but brought into use from the Vale of Clwyd to the south of Devon; not to mention that in that case it would be hard to conceive how it came to 


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LECTURE VI. 273 pass that it betrays no certain traces of Eotaan influence. The Ogam, as given in Irish manuscripts of the Middle Ages, runs thus: — I II II I i-iii m il ' " ' " "" '"" - b, 1, f, s, n; h, d, t, c, q; I II III nil Hill I II Ml im iiw m. g, ng, ^. r; a, o, u, e, i. Here the continuous line merely represents the edge or ridge of the stones on which the Ogams are found written; for as a rule they are not confined to one plane excepting when represented in manuscript. As to the values of the digits, the following points have to be noticed: — the presence of -•-, -j-j-j-, and jjj-j- in inscriptions cannot, unfortunately, be said to be a matter of certainty. There is, however, no reason to doubt the accuracy of Irish tradition in attributing -j-j-j- the power of ng; but as to jjj-j, it is more commonly given as st (or sd) by our Irish authorities, which is, however, the result of the Irish habit of treating z as st in the Middle Ages and earlier; thus the letter itself is called steta, and such spellings as Elistabeth and Stephyrus for EUzaieth and Zephyrus are to be met with in Irish manuscripts. So on the ground of tradition the conclusion' seems warranted that the early value of j-jjj was that of z. But where, 


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274 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. it may here be asked, would Irish or Welsh have occasion for a z? As it is a consonant not supposed to have belonged to the parent-speech whence the Celtic languages are derived, it can only be expected as a reduction or weakening of s. Clearly this is not to be looked for at the begiiining of a word, and as a final the sibilant has completely disappeared in Early "Welsh inscriptions, while in Irish ones it is sometime retained, sometimes not; thus we have Decceddas and Deccedda, but not Decceddaz. However, in one instance, beside Dego, a form is found to occur, which, according to one reading, would be Digoz, but according to another Digos. Perhaps on the whole the position of a final consonant is not the most favourable to the reduction of s into z, and we turn to try the position which is known to be such, namely, between two vowels. You will remember that while Gaulish is found in one or two instances to have retained the sibilant between vowels, the Goidelo-Kymric languages, as far back as they are known, show no trace of it. Now it is hardly in keeping with the teachings of phonology to think that the s was elided without having been first reduced to z. But this would imply a considerable length of time and ample scope for the use of the Ogam for z. Moreover, it would explain how it is that it ceased to be used and became a mere 


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LECTURE VI. 275 matter of tradition, at the same time that it would confirm the view already stated as to the antiquity of the alphabet. When Irish tradition ascribes -•■ the value of h, this also requires explanation. For in Irish h is mostly inorganic and devoid of all claim to be regarded as known to the language in its earlier stages. Turning to Welsh, where its footing is not so precarious, we find h to be of a threefold origin. (1.) It is evolved by the accent in the tone-syllable; this kind of h may be traced back into 0. Welsh, (2.) Initial h for an earlier s may be traced back as far probably as the 6th cfentury, but hardly further. (3.) But we are here only concerned with h for ch, and first of all, where that ch itself has replaced cs, reduced in Irish by assimilation into ss, s. The date of the change of cs, ss, into eh cannot be assigned, but it is probably anterior to the Eoman occupation, as it never happens in words borrowed from Latin, such as coes ' leg,' llaes ' long, trailing,' and pais ' petticoat,' from coxa, laxus, and pexa (tunica) respectively. Similarly the English, who, as West Saxons, must have first become known to our ancestors not later than the 6th century, are called not Sachon but Saeson or Seison. The change of ch into h, much better known in the Teutonic languages, would also seem to have begun 


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276 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. tolerably early in "Welsh, as may be inferred from the fact that the h is not infrequently elided. Thus in the case of dehau, ' right, south,' we have also de, and in S. Wales, deche, liable to become detke, which may also be heard in N. Wales; in the case of eo/n, ' fearless,' we have, in S. Wales, .echon, hut ehqfn or ekon I have never heard, though the "former was usual at one time. All these forms stand for ecs-omn or ecs-ohn, and the 0. Irish form was esomun, with which the Gaulish name Exobnus or Exomnus has been equated: in other cases the prefix retains no trace of either ch or h; so eang, ' spacious,' is the only form of that word now used. There is, then, reason to think that the leading value of J- was ch, a sound which may have dated from the Goidelo-Kymric period, in both Irish and Welsh, in words where Irish has cht matched in 0. Welsh by ith, to which I have referred in another lecture; but as the sphere of usefulness of this character can never have been very large in Early Welsh, it is probable that it was the one used in writing, even in those cases where the pronunciation gradually passed into h. This acquisition of the two values of ch and k by the one Ogam -•- is rendered almost certain by the fact that ch is found written h in inscriptions in Eoman letters, as in Broho on a stone at Llandyssul, and Brohomagli at Voelas Hall near Bettws y Coed. 


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LECTURE VI. 277 Neither is probably much later than the 6th century, and the latter was never pronounced with h, as may be seen from the later form Brockmail. As we may suppose the Ogam alphabet had only one symbol for ch and h, it was quite natural for the Ancient Kymry when using Eoman capitals to make h stand for ch, especially as Latin could not help them out of their difficulty, Latin ch being not their spirant, but merely an aspirated c like English ch in public-house. The nearest sound to this last in Early Welsh must have been that of cc as in Decceti, and this is probably one reason for the. later spelling Decheti. So when, towards the end of the Brit-Welsh period, the cc passed into our spirant ch, the digraph ch continued to represent it j so in the case of th, and ph had to follow suit. There is another ch which must have occasionally yielded h: for instance, our word croen, ' skin,' must have gone through the steps crochen, crohen, before assuming its present form, as may be seen from the Breton hrochen, Ir. crocenn " tergus," croicend " pellis," of the same origin probably as 0. Norse hryggr, gen. hryggjar, 0. H. Ger. hrucci, Mod. H. Ger. rilcken, 0. Eng. hrycg or hrycc, Mod. Eng. ridge. The book-word creyr, ' a heron,' retains its history better: in N. Wales it has become cryr, crydd, and cry, while the Southwalian 


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278 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. form is crychydd; so it would seem that creyr must have come from crehyr, crechyr. These words are of the same origin as 0. English hrAgra 'a heron,' and Ir. ceirce 'a hen.' But as both croen and creyr, if traced still further back, appear to come from curcenn and carcir, it would seem that the ch owes its presence to the well-known law of Welsh phonology that I ot r preceding a surd mute changes it into the corresponding spirant — except the case of It. If so, that law must have begun to obtain somewhat earlier than one would be led to suppose from the inscriptional forms in point, such as Bareuni, Curcagni, Ercilivi, Ercilind, Marti, Martini, Ulcagni, TJlcagnus. However, one could not venture to say that any of these are much later than the 5th century, excepting perhaps Marti on the Oapel Brithdir stone. On ttie other hand, an inscription in letters which can hardly be later than the 7th century at Llanboidy reads  Mavoh . . . Fill Lunar hi Cocci.  r Unfortunately the end of the stone is damaged, and the second name may have been Lunarhi, Lunarchi or Lunarthi, which could now be only Llunarch or Llunarth. Cocci is the prototype no 


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LBCTtTRE vr. 279 doubt of our coch ' red,' which is also used as an epithet after proper names: so this inscription probably indicates that re (or rf) had become rch (or rtK) at a time when cc had not yet became a spirant ch: about the same time that re became reh no doubt le also became leh. But whether this reaches sufficiently far back to explain the Ih on the Llanaelhaiarn stone is still doubtful. The inscription is: ALHORTVSEIMETIACO HIC lACET. It is remarkable as the only instance which has icieet so written, and not iacit, and as showing a Latinised nominative in o for the more usual us. If the supposition that oHh here stands for an earlier ale should turn out to be inadmissible, it may be regarded as represei^ting ales of the same origin as a\e^- in such Greek names as!4A.efai/S/)o?, 'AXe^ifievvv, and the like. According to some, the name is to be read not Alhortus but Ahortus. This is less probable, but easier to explain; for it would be ' the prototype of our adjective ehorth or eorth ' active, assiduous.' In any case, the value of the H seems to have been that of ch spirant. The sum of all this is, that though ch was in all probability the original and only value of ^, 


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280 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY, it acquired also that of h before the end of the Brit-Welsh period, or, more exactly speaking, before the date of the inscriptions showing Broho and Brohomagli; so that Irish tradition is correct, as far as it goes, in giving ■•■ the value of h., seeing that the Welsh themselves, when using Eoman letters, wrote h for both the Welsh spirant ch and the Latin h. It is next to be observed, that the value of j-yj given as / is peculiar to Irish, and the result of a phonetic change whereby initial m in Irish passed through v into f. Thus in Irish we have fin, ' wine,' corresponding to gmin in Welsh, both borrowed probably from the Latin vinum: so also in native words, e.g. 0. Ir. fnn ' white,' Welsh gwi/n, and many more of the same kind. The Irish y is found in the oldest manuscript Irish, that is, of the 8th or the end of the 7th century, but at that time the pronunciation may possibly have been as yet that of English v, though in later Irish it was no doubt that of / or pk. Adamnans Life of St. Columba gives us Virgnous (Fergna) and Vinniano (Finnian). But in our inscriptions we have no trace of such a change; ' for in them the Ogam in question -y-pp is invariably treated as the equivalent of Latin v, as for instance on the stones at Pool Park, Clydai, and Cwm Gloyn. But what was the value of Latin 


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LECTURE vr. 281 V consonant? After weighing with some care a good deal written on the subject lately in this country, I am persuaded that it must have been that of w as in the English words war, work, well, and the like: the next sound in the order of probability would, I think, be that of u in the German words quelle, quick. As to -LLLU-, which is given as q, it is to be noticed that this is commonly treated as though u were to be supplied; but that cannot be correct, and -LLLLi is the full representation of the sounds which in Roman letters are always written Q F in our inscriptions, and never Q only as sometimes happens in Roman documents. So we have Qvenvendani, Qvenatauci, Maqveragi, Maqvirini. The Irish seem to have begun rather early to drop the v, and so to confound qv with c, which became the rule in all later Irish. Thus Irish inscriptions give us not only the correct genitive Cunagussos, but also a later Qunagussos, which cannot be correct, as is proved by the 0. Welsh equivalent Cinust. By way of exception, an Irish inscriber who, perhaps, wished his i-LLU- not to be read as though it were a -'-'-'-'-, took care to write after it a jjj in the name mn m 1111 H" l llll , i.e., Qweci, which seems to be the same which occurs as Qvici on the stone taken from Fardel in Devonshire to the British Museum. This last has 


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282 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. on it three inscriptions, two in debased Eoman capitals reading Sagranui and Fanoni Maqvirini and one in Ogam reading .^.^^.im.++^ I . ^_ C Swaq^oi  The Irish archaeologists, who read -p-p always as f, find some trouble in dealing with their Qweci and our Swaqqvuci, though the latter rightly treated offers no difficulty, as sm is the regular atitecedent of Southwalian hw, the Northwalian chw of book-Welsh; and smaqqv- would seem to be related to the words hwaff and hmap used in S. Wales as adverbs meaning ' quickly, instantly.' The syllable uc meets us elsewhere in the formation of derivatives, such as Fannuci (related, no doubt, to Fanoni) on a stone at Cheriton in Pembrokeshire. Other Celtic names such as Caratucus, Nerucus, Viducus might be added. But what was the value of liiH-iilli? I have ventured to transcribe it qqv, and it is well known that qv has resulted in the Kymric tongues eventually in the single sound p, so it might perhaps be urged that qv represented here one single sound; but as I cannot ascertain what that sound was like, I prefer regarding qqv as the best rendering of the ten digits of the Ogam. It need not be identical with cqv, for it is probable that c and 


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LECTUEE vr. 283 the q in qv differed to a considerable extent, the one being palatal and the other guttural or velar, as it is sometimes termed. This would be one reason why a separate symbol for qv was adopted: another reason would be, that, possibly, the sound which followed q occurred nowhere but in this combination, as is the case with the u in quelle and quick in some of the Grerman dialects — to indicate that it was probably neither +++ nor jjj I write it v. I am not sure but that I should go further, and say that the German u in quelle, quick, is historically identical with our v in qv. For German qu stands for pree-Teutonic gv, which in the Goidelo-Kymric languages, probably before the separation of the Welsh and the Irish, yielded h as the result of the V occasioning the replacing of g by the labial. So it is probable that the v of qv, which produced a precisely similar result ending in the replacing of qv by p in Gaulish and, later, in Welsh, was exactly the same sound. The reason why it effected the labialisation of gv sooner than of qv is that the weaker consonant, the sonant g, could not offer so much resistance to its influence as the surd in the other combination. The sum of the foregoing remarks is that the values of the letters of the Ogam alphabet, as 


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284 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. once used in Wales, must have been the following: — .,-__^^_ I II III Mil nil I I II III MM lllll b, 1, w, 8, n; [c]h, d, t, o, qv; HMi-mi-iii ii I I I iM ni l +W+ m, g, ng, z, r; a, o, u, e, i. Here it will be noticed that no provision is made for p, probably because it was not a sound current in Kymric before qv became p. However in the epitaphs of Britons who had adopted Roman names in which p occurs, it was found necessary to have a character for it. This is met with twice, on the Glan Usk Park stone where it has the form X , and on the one at OynfSg where it is made into a broad arrow l\\. How early occasion arose for an Ogam for th depends on the date at which rt began to pass into the rth already alluded to. But as th in other positions seems to date later it is hardly probable that in the meantime a special character for th should have been provided, the Ogams for rt being written probably as though the pronunciation had not undergone change. Nor is the case of rt in inscriptions in Roman capitals, as in MARTI and MARTINI, cnough to prove that the pronunciation may not have been that of our later rth; for even in 0. Welsh rth was not always so 


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LECTUKE VI. 285 written: so long a time did it take ch, th, ph to lose their Latin values of aspirated mutes, and to become the regular symbols for our spirants so written. The case of _/ is different, as it occurred initially in Brit-Welsh naines such as fanoni and fannvci. Now Welsh _/ is of threefold origin; it stands for p preceded by r, and it is sometimes the product of jojo; in both cases it dates after the transition of qv into JO, and is now mostly written ph. Elsewhere, that is, when used as an initial, it represents an Aryan sp, which the Irish have reduced into s; thus from the same origin as 0. Norse spjot, 0. H. Grer. spioz, Mod. H. Ger. spiess, ' a spear,' Mr. Stokes derives our woTd^on, " baculus, hasta," Ir. sonn, ' a stake,' the chief difference between the Celtic and Teutonic forms being that the latter come from spud, while the former postulate a nasalised spund. The simplest account I could give of the Celtic treatment of sp would be the following: Aryan sp became in Celtic s^, which was further reduced into ^, whereby is here meant a spirant surd differing from f only in its being pronounced by means of the two lips and not the teeth and lower lip. In Gaulish it appears asy" in the supposed Gaulish name Frontu; in Welsh it has been changed into the labiodental y, which we now write ^, while in Irish it has yielded s. 


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286 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. But this s iu Irish dates after the Irish borrowed such Latin words as /rSnum, 'a bridle/ which they have made into srian, and so in other cases. The sound of ^ or y was at best a rare sound in the Celtic languages, and we look in vain for it in our few inscriptions cut in Ogam; so we do not know how it was expressed in that system. However, it is almost certain that there was no Ogmic symbol for it, and it may have been represented, when there was occasion for it, by j, the Ogam for b, or else a quasi-Ogmic symbol such as those used for p may have been invented for it. It will be noticed that in estimating the values of the Ogam characters, we have relied on Irish tradition almost entirely in two instances, namely those of /// and ////; in three others the tradition required to be explained; in the remaining fifteen its accuracy is vouched for by the monuments themselves, especially those of Wales and Devon. The Ogmic monuments in our island are not confined to the West, for others are known in Scotland, especially in the counties of Fife, Aberdeen, and Sutherland, and in the Shetland Isles; but hitherto very little success has attended the interpretation of the latter: some of them will, possibly, turn out to be of Teutonic origin. Those of Ireland have not been chronologically arranged by Irish scholars: so, although they count by scores, they 


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LECTURE VI. 287 have not been as yet made to yield us the results which their numerical force would lead one to expect. On Kymric ground it is otherwise; here only twenty-three are known, of which twenty-one are still legible to a greater or less extent; but, on the other hand, their date is far easier approximately to ascertain; for while only two of the Irish ones are known to be accompanied by legends in Latin, only two of ours are without such legends, some merely rendering more or less freely the Ogmic ones, and others standing, as far as one can now see, in no immediate relation to them, while in one instance the Ogam and the ordinary letters seem to form but one inscription. The forms of the Kymric letters used in this last would seem to warrant our assigning it, roughly, to the 9th century: I allude to the Llanarth Cross in Cardiganshire. In another instance, namely, the cross in the Chapel on Caldy Island, the person who wrote on a stone already bearing an inscription in Ogam, leaves it to be inferred that he recognised the Ogam as writing: this would also be about the 9th century. But reasons of language and palaeography appear to point to the 5th and 6th centuries as the period to which most of them are to be ascribed. If this guess is wide of the truth, it probably errs in dating them too late rather than too early. It appears highly probable, for in- 


(delwedd B6288) (tudalen 288)

288 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. stance, that the Cwm Gloyn stone of Vitaliani Emereto dates soon after, if indeed not before, the departure of the Eomans from Wales. As still earlier may be regarded the Loughor altar with its Ogmic inscription, now almost wholly illegible. Thus our Ogmic monuments may, roughly speaking, be said to range from a date perhaps anterior to the departure of the Eomans to the end of the 9th century or thereabouts. As to their distribution, it is to be noticed that only one is known in North "Wales, two in Devonshire, and one in Cornwall; all the rest belong to South Wales. In Ireland acquaintance with Ogmic writing held out much later than in Wales, but it is my impression that the oldest Irish Ogams hitherto deciphered will turn out to be, to say the least of it, not earlier than the oldest Kymric ones to which allusion has just been made. Whether the Gauls ever practised Ogmic writing it is impossible to say, as they had adopted the Greek alphabet from the Greek colony of Massilia before Caesar's time. Their inscriptions show them using both Greek letters and some of the Italian alphabets, which may therefore have been introduced into the Gaulish portions of ' Britain anterior to the Eoman occupation, though we have no reason to think that either they or the Kymric Celts cut letters on stone until they were taught it by Eoman example. It is this, perhaps. 


(delwedd B6289) (tudalen 289)

LECTURE VI. 289 together with the more complete ascendancy of Latin in the same portions of the island during the Roman occupation, that naturally accounts for the absence of inscriptions in Ogam in most of England excepting Devonshire. For the benefit of those who may wish to study the subject of Ogams for themselves, I may here mention that on those of Ireland they will have to consult the Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, and the Journal of the Kilkenny Archceological Society. The Scotch Ogams figure in Stuart's Sculptured Stones of Scotland, and in the proceedings of various antiquarian societies. The "Welsh ones will be found discussed in the Archceologia Cambrensis, a journal started in 1846; they also find their places in Dr. Hiibner's work on our Christian inscriptions, and Prof. Westwood's forthcoming work entitled Lapidarium Wallice. In the meantime the following brief account of them will be found useful: — 1. Denbighshire. — The first stone to be noticed stands in front of the house at Pool Park, near Ruthin: it is said to have been brought thither from a barrow on Bryn y Beddau, ' the hill of the graves.' The Latin legend is perfectly legible, excepting the first three characters of the first line: — 


(delwedd B6290) (tudalen 290)

290 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. S MILINI TOVISACI. I should like to read svmilini, but the word looks more like saimilini, excepting that the curve overtopping the 5 is like no letter I know, but may, with the s perhaps have been meant for a kind of A. If the /be taken conjointly with the M, one might possibly read savmilini. The Ogam is imperfect, which is the more to be regretted as it is the only one known in North Wales: —  rnr i 1 1 '" " ii i ii " S b— 1 i no I I I I "" I N I I "" "III  The syllable to is altogether gone from the edge, which must have originally read Towisaci, before it was damaged near the ground, as the stone now stands. On the other edge two of the vowel groups are illegible: I guess them, from the length of the spaces, to have been u and e, which would give us Subelino, or, possibly, Saobelino. 2. Cardiganshire. — Near the ruins of an old mansion called Llanvaughan, near Llanybydder, or, as it is more commonly written, Llanybyther, there lay in 1873, when I visited it, a stone reading: — "^ lllil ni l mil I "" '" II I I  n 


(delwedd B6291) (tudalen 291)

LECTURE VI. 291 This is one of the best-preserved Ogams I have seen; but some of the letters forming the Latin legend are rather faint — the latter reads: TEENACATVS 10 lACIT FILIVS MAGLAGNI. 3, On a cross-inscribed stone at Llanarth, near Aberayron, we read -'-'-'-'- on the left arm of the cross, and down its shaft the name Qurhir(e?)t in the ordinary Kymric letters nsual from the 8th to the 10th century. If one reads the Ogam downwards with the name, we have C. Gurhiret, possibly meaning Croc Gurhiret or Gr.'s Cross: if it is to be read upwards we have S. Gurhiret, which suggests Sanctus Gurhiret; but I confess I have never heard of such a saint. 4. At Oapel Mair, in the parish of Llangeler, not far from Llandyssul, there used to be a stone bearing two inscriptions. The Ogam has been described to me as reading Deccaibanwalbdis, and the Latin as being Decabarbalom Filius Brocagni: the first name has also been given as Decaparbeilom: but not one of these versions is, probably, quite correct. The stone is supposed to have been wilfully effaced by a farmer, who thought it induced visitors to trespass; however that may be, the stone shown me showed no trace of letters of 


(delwedd B6292) (tudalen 292)

292 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT. any kind, but I doubt that I have seen the right one. 5. Pembrokeshire. — A stone now lying in the Vicar's grounds at St. Dogmael's, near Cardigan, reads:* — Mi l I /////// I / M i ll i Nii / I '"" mil Sag r a,mn iMaqv i + I' l l 1 11 m i l 1 III I / Mill C u n atam i The Latin legend is: SAGEANI FILI CVNOTAML Every letter is legible, although the stone has ' been used as a gate-post, and fractured right through the middle. 6. A stone standing in Bridell churchyard, about a mile from Cilgerran, is almost singular in its bearing no Latin inscription; however one side is inscribed with a small cross contained in a circle. The Ogam reads:■ — t^-^^-^-+tttW/-/////-^/-^-^-+^ N e ttasag|,r uMaqv i + /-fH-L'-L'-fl-fH-H -H-H-l l ll 11 1 II M u CO i (br?) e c i The only letters, which. I consider doubtful, are * Where an Ogam continuously written is too long to be printed in one line a -f is prefixed to the second part, as here. 


(delwedd B6293) (tudalen 293)

LECTURE VI. 293 those enclosed in parentheses: they may possibly be br, mr, or si; gr has also been proposed. 7. A stone in the churchyard at Cilgerran reads in Ogam, which is now very faint: — ^^-SW//-++++-iTm-+-//-w-rm-w-/-+-^-^ Tr e nagusuMaqv i + /-+-mTT-++w-^- ///// II I ll -Il l I I mil Maqv i tr e n i The Latin legend, which is in mixed capitals and Kymric letters, is TRENEGUSSI FILI MACUTRENI HIC lACIT. 8. In Clydai churchyard, in the neighbourhood of Newcastle Emlyn, there is a stone with a double inscription, but owing to its top having been trimmed off to receive a sun-dial the Ogam is incomplete — what is left of it reads: — mi-^-^-im-m-TTm- ■ ■ • -jrr-^-^-m E t t e r n V 1 o r This, no doubt, stands for Etterni .... Victor, probably Etterni Maqvi Victor; for the Latin reads: — ETTERNI FILI VICTOR. 9. A stone at Dugoed Farm, near Clydai, Las on it in Roman capitals: — DOB .... I [f]ilivs evolengi. 


(delwedd B6294) (tudalen 294)

2.94 LECTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. The Ogam is very hard to make anything of, but it seems to begin with Dohl-: this is all I can make of it: — II II . , III I 111 D ob 1- — t — c B — The spaces would seem to indicate Doblaiucisi, Dohlotucahi, or the like: so it would seem that the name intended in the Latin legend must have lieen Dohlati or Dobloti: however the final i is horizontal and rather doubtful, and so according to some readings is the i of Evolengi, which I thought I detected as a slight horizontal stroke in the bosom of the G. Others think the Ogam begins with Dow-, which requires the same number of digits as Dobl-: the latter is preferable, as it is supported by the Latin version. In the Ogam we seem to have the name of the deceased with an epithet attached, while the Latin omits the epithet and gives the father's name. 10. A stone used as a gate-post on the farm of Cwm Gloyn, near Nevern, has, in Roman capitals, the legend: — VITALL4NI EMEKETO. And in Ogam it reads: — I II mi l '" I II mil I iM i i m il W i tal ian i This is preceded by some marks which I did not 


(delwedd B6295) (tudalen 295)

LECTUEE VI. 295 take to mean anything; but whether I was right or not, the reading Witaliani is certain. 11. A stone recently described by Mr. J. K. Allen in the Arch. Cambrensis (1876, pp, 54, 55), and since examined by me under rather unfavourable circumstances, is used as a gate-post near the farm-house called Trefgarn Fach (pronounced in English Truggarn, for Trewgarn, a form to be compared with Trewdraeth for TrefdraetK), about a mile and a half from Trefgarn Bridge on the Fishguard and Haverfordwest road. The capitals, make the following legend: — HOGTIVIS FILI DEMETI. The Ogam consists of one name only, which seems to be m i l II // '" III! mil 1 1 " N o g t e n e However, it is right to add that I supply the Ogam for n from a rubbing taken by Mr Allen, and that I was not convinced that I could detect it^on the stone when I looked at it; but even in the rubbing the five digits, which were certainly there, were so faint that Mr. Allen did not think himself warranted in reproducing them in his woodcut in the Arch. Cam. Further, I read the H of the ' Latin version as N, as in some other instances: thus two readings are possible of these 


(delwedd B6296) (tudalen 296)

296 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. inscriptions: Nogtivis Fill Demeti, and in Ogam Nogtene; and Hogtivis Fill Demeti, and in Ogam Ogtene. I have given the preference to the former over the latter, in which the h would have to be regarded as inorganic and useless: the same thing has already been suggested with respect to the s. The stone indicates no more definite a connection between the two inscriptions than that Nogtene and Nogtivis are the names of persons who belonged to the same family. According to the analogy of Ercilivi and Cunacenniwi, Nogtivis, if it is not a compound, should mean the son of Nogtor Nogten-; but it is conceivable that such a name might get to be more loosely used, or that it referred to an eponymus of the family. 12. An Ogmic inscription has recently been discovered by Dr. Haigh of Erdington on the base of a cross now in the churchyard at St. Florence: in what remains tolerably legible he thinks he can read Maqveragi, a name which has also been read in Roman capitals on one of the stones now at Dolau Cothy. The most curious thing about the St. Florence inscription is, that it is written on the face of the stone and not on the angle. 13, The remains of an Ogmic inscription are to be seen on the upper part of a stone placed in the wall of the chapel on Caldy; but owing to the position of the stone I could not read them. 


(delwedd B6297) (tudalen 297)

LECTURE VI. 297 On the face of the stone there is a cross under which stands the following inscription in somewhat early Kymric letters: — et singno crucis in illam fingsi: rogo omnibus ammulantihus ibi exorent pro anima catuoconi. Lately Dr. Haigh has had the stone removed from the wall, and he finds the Ogam to have read upwards on both angles near the top of the stone. He supposes the legend to have been the following; but he acknowledges it to be, however, far from certain: — / I // Ml I I Mill '" im I I ///// Magol i t eBar  II II  H-f-  ' I nil — c e n e On the other face there are crosses, and on the shaft of one of them there are sundry notches or marks, which remind one to some degree of the cross on the Dugoed stone near Clydai: in both instances their meaning is unknown. It would be a matter of no great difficulty to offer an explanation of the names suggested by Dr. Haigh, but it is not so easy to say in what relation the two inscriptions stand to one another. But it would not be too much to say that the inscriber of the Latin recognised the Ogmic digits as writing, otherwise one cannot see why he began with et. 


(delwedd B6298) (tudalen 298)

298 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 14. Carmarthenshire. — At Llandawke, near Laugharne, there is a stone which was lately used as a threshold in the entrance to the church in spite of its haying on it a double inscription. The Latin legend is: — BAEEIVENDI riLlVS VENDVBAEI EIC lACIT. The top of the stone is broken off, probably to make^it fit as a threshold; but it seems to have had Ogams at one time all round its upper part and down the whole length of its right edge. The latter I cannot make much of, but it seems to have digits and spaces for taqvoledemu b — , which is, however, highly uncertain. But near the top on the left edge there is a clear maqvi followed by another word beginning apparently with m: the rest is broken off; and so is the other side, so that taqvoledemu is just as likely to have been caqvoledemu or qvaqvoledemu, for anything one can now guess. Dr. S. Ferguson would read both edges upwards. 15. Quite recently Mr. Roberts, vicar of Newchurch, detected traces of Ogams on a stone known as Y Garreg Lwyd and Carreg Fyrddin in the neighbourhood of Abergwili, near Carmarthen; but nothing intelligible or continuous can be made out of them now. 


(delwedd B6299) (tudalen 299)

LECTURE vr. 299 16. A stone from Llanwinio was lately traced by Mr. Roberts to Middleton Hall near Llanarthney, where I have since seen it. The Roman letters are very hard to read, but they seem to make the following legend: — BLABI FILI BODIBEVE. Various other readings of the first name have been proposed, and fili has been read aci and AVI. The Ogam is incomplete owing to the top of the stone having been cut off and lost: from what remains I infer that it reads up the two front edges, and commemorates individuals of the Bevi family — this is what remains of it: — 1 II I III mil I I I "" mil T^ Aww i bodd i b... ^^TTT^-W B e w w . . . The doubling of the w and d is exceptional, but compare Etterni on one of the Clydai stones: it is, however, right to say that one would not think of reading -I-'-'-'- as dd but for the d in the Latin legend. Now bod would in later Welsh be either bodd or budd, both of which occur in proper names: the other element occurs in Con-bev-i, which is in Mod. Welsh Cynfyw. The word ayemi or ami occurs in Irish Ogam in the sense of grandson, 0. Irish due. Whether the first line of the 

Rhan 3 Tudalennau 300-458



a A / ζ Ζ / e E / ɛ Ɛ / i I / o O / u U / w W / y Y /
Ā / ǣ Ǣ / ē Ē / ɛ̄ Ɛ̄ / ī Ī / ō Ō / ū Ū / w̄ W̄ / ȳ Ȳ /
ă Ă / ĕ Ĕ / ĭ Ĭ / ŏ Ŏ / ŭ Ŭ /
ˡ ɑ ɑˑ aˑ a: / ζ ζ: / e eˑe: / ɛ ɛ: / ɪ iˑ i: / ɔ oˑ o: / ʊ uˑ u: / ə /
ʌ /
ẅ Ẅ / ẃ Ẃ / ẁ Ẁ / ŵ Ŵ /
ŷ Ŷ / ỳ Ỳ / ύ έ /
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