kimkat2646e A Welsh Grammar - Historical and Comparative. 1913. John Morris-Jones (1864-1929).
Gwefan Cymru-Catalonia.
21-11-2025
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(delwedd 003) |
Gwefan Cymru-Catalonia A
Welsh Grammar – |
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2644e Tudalennau |
Rhan 2: Tudalennau |
Rhan 3: Tudalennau §41- §75 |
Rhan 4: Tudalennau §75- §99 |
Rhan 5: Tudalennau §99- §120 |
Rhan 6: Tudalennau §120- §148 |
Rhan 7: Tudalennau §148- §165 |
Rhan 8: Tudalennau §165- §189 |
Rhan 9: Tudalennau §189- §209 |
Rhan 10: Tudalennau §209- §224 |
Rhan 11: Tudalennau (y mynegai) |
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Secció 1: Pàgines |
Secció 2: Pàgines |
Secció 3: Pàgines §41- §75 |
Secció 4: Pàgines §75- §99 |
Secció 5: Pàgines §99- §120 |
Secció 6: Pàgines §120- §148 |
Secció 7: Pàgines §148- §165 |
Secció 8: Pàgines §165- §189 |
Secció 9: Pàgines §189- §209 |
Secció 10: Pàgines §209- §224 |
Secció 11: Pàgines (index) |
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Part 1: Pages |
Part 2: Pages |
Part 3: Pages §41- §75 |
Part 4: Pages §75- §99 |
Part 5: Pages §99- §120 |
Part 6: Pages §120- §148 |
Part 7: Pages §148- §165 |
Part 8: Pages §165- §189 |
Part 9: Pages §189- §209 |
Part 10: Pages §209- §224 |
Part 11: Pages (index) |
Gweler hefyd / Vegeu també / See also: https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/A_Welsh_Grammar,_Historical_and_Comparative
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50 PHONOLOGY § 41 occasionally with different meanings, as ýmladd ‘to fight’, ymlā́dd ‘to tire one’s self’; ýmddwyn ‘to behave’, ymddŵyn ‘to bear’. Y dydd a’r awr, ni’m dawr, dod; ýmwel â mi dan ámod.—G.I.H., tr. 91. ‘Fix the day and hour, I care not [when]; visit me under [that] condition.’ Arthur o’i ddolur oedd wan, Ac o ýmladd cad Gámlan.—L.G.C. 450. ‘Arthur was weak from his wound, and from fighting the battle of Camlan.’ See also T.A., c. ii 78. Y ferch wéddw̯ ddifrychéuddeddf Wedi’r ymlā́dd a’r drem léddf.—D.E., p 112/840. ‘The widowed woman of spotless life after the prostration and disconsolate aspect.’ ii. The reduplicated pronouns mỿfī́, tydī́, etc. Rarely these are accented regularly; see § 159 ii (2). iii. (1) Words in which the last syllable has a late contraction, § 33, such as pa|ra|tói for Ml. W. pa|ra|tṓ|i ‘to prepare’, cy|tū́n for Ml. W. cy|tū́|un ‘united’, Gwr|théɥrn for Gwr|thḗ|ɥrn, Cỿm|rā́eg for Cỿm|rā́|eg, pa|rhā́d for pa|rhā́|ad ‘continuance’. It is seen that in these words the accent in Ml. W. was regular, and kept its position after the ultima was merged in the penult. (2) In the word ysgolhái̯g, Ml. W. yscolheic ‘scholar’, the contraction in the last syllable seems to have taken place early in the Ml. period, as Nid vid iscolheic nid vid eleic unben b.b. 91 (10 syll.; read scol|heic, § 23 ii), but it was necessarily subsequent to the fixing of the present accentuation; in b.b. 81 the uncontracted form occurs, rh. with guledic. A similar form is pen-áig ‘chief’. The word ffelaig seems to have been accented regularly; thus in r.p. 1221 we have ffeleic/ffilij, the latter being the Lat. filii. Tudur waed Tewdwr ydoedd, A phenáig cyff Ieuan oedd.—Gu.O., g. 196. ‘He was Tudor of the blood of Tudor, and chief of the stock of Ieuan.’ iv. A few words recently borrowed from English; as apêl, ‘appeal’. |
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§ 42 ACCENTUATION 51 v. Disyllables in which h stands between two vowels are accented regularly; thus cýhyd as in Cýhyd a rhai og háearn D.G. 386 ‘[spikes] as long as those of an iron harrow’; and hyd gýhyd c.c. 312 ‘full length’; cỿ́hoedd ‘public’, as in gýhoedd/gáeat, r.p. 1283; gwéheirdd D.G. 20 ‘forbids’. Contraction has taken place in some of these, thus cỿ́hoedd > *cóhoedd > coedd, D.G. 524; so gwáhan > gwân, which gave rise to gwahân. This appears to be the reason for gwahân, cyhŷd, gwahárdd, etc. in recent W. § 42. In Ml. and early Mn. W. final w after d, ẟ, n, l, r, s was consonantal, § 26 iv; thus meddw̯ ‘drunk’, marw̯ ‘dead’, delw̯ ‘image’, were monosyllables, sounded almost like meddf, marf, delf. Hence when a syllable is added the w is non-syllabic for the purposes of accentuation; thus méddw̯on ‘drunkards’, márw̯ol ‘mortal’, márw̯nad ‘elegy’, delw̯au ‘images’, árddelw̯ ‘to represent, to claim’. The w̯ is usually elided between two consonants, as médd-dod ‘drunkenness’, for méddw̯dod. In b.b. 84 we have uetudaud (≡ feẟw̯dawd), but in Ml. W. generally such words were written without the w̯, as meẟdawt, r.p. 1217, 1245, 1250, 1269, Ỻ.A. 147; gweẟdawt b.t. 31, r.p. 1261 ‘widowhood’. The w inserted in these words in recent orthography is artificial, and is commonly misread as syllabic w, thus medd|w|dod, the accent being thrown on the ante-penult, a position which it never occupies in Welsh. The correct form médd-dod is still the form used in natural speech. When final, in polysyllables, the w̯ is now dropped, and is not written in late W., so there is not even an apparent exception to the rule of accentuation; thus árddelw̯ ‘to claim’, sýberw̯ ‘proud’ are written árddel, sýber. In gwárchadw̯ ‘to guard’, ymóralw̯ ‘to attend (to)’, metathesis took place about the end of the Ml. period, giving gwárchawd, ymórawl, which became gwárchod, ymórol in Mn. W. In all standard cynghanedd the w̯ in these words is purely nonsyllabic: Da arẟelw̯ kýnnelw̯ Kýnẟelw̯ kéinẟawn.—r.p. 1229 (9 syll.) ‘A good representation of the exemplar of Cynddelw exquisitely gifted.’ The accentuation of Kýnẟelw̯ corresponds to that of kéinẟawn. Cf. kývarch / kýfenw̯, 1230. I llórf a’m pair yn llẃyrfarw̯ O hud gwir ac o hoed garw̯.—D.G. 208. ‘Its [the harp’s] body makes me faint away from real enchantment and sore grief.’ |
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52 PHONOLOGY § 42 Dyn marw̯ a allai f’árw̯ain Weithian drwy eithin a drain.—D.I.D., g. 182. ‘A dead man might lead me now through furze and
thorns.’ F’enaid hoen geirw̯ afonydd, Fy nghaniad dy 'fárw̯nad fɥ̄́dd.—Ỻ.G., f.n. 30. ‘My beloved of the hue of the foam of rivers, my
song thy dirge shall be.’ Cf. i fárw̯nad efṓ D.I.D., g. 184. Marw̯nad ym yw awr yn d’ôl.—T.A., a 14894/35. ‘It is a lament to me [to live] an hour after
thee.’ Pwy a’th eilw̯ pe â’th wayw onn?—T.A., a 14975/102. ‘Who will challenge thee if with thy ashen
spear?’ The last example shows that eilw̯ could still be a pure monosyllable
at the end of the 15th cent., for the present disyllabic pronunciation mars
the cynghanedd. Even stronger evidence is afforded by the accentuation déu-darw̯ / dódi B.Ph.B., Stowe 959/98b.
Although final w̯ was non-syllabic, yn or yr following
it was generally reduced to ’n or ’r, being
combined with the w̯ to form w̯n or w̯r, § 26 iii. A’ch gwaed, rhyw ywch gadw̯’r hëol.—T.A., a 14965/46. ‘With your blood it is natural to you to guard
the road.’ Murnio da, marw̯’n y diwedd.—D.Ỻ., f. 31. ‘Stowing away wealth, [and] dying in the end.’ In a compound like marw̯nad the w̯ was not difficult, for w̯n (rounded n) is common in Welsh, § 26 iii. But the colloquial pronunciation is now maw̯rnad, with metathesis of w̯. In 16th and 17th
cent. mss. we also find marnad and barnad.
The combination is more difficult in such compounds as dérw̯goed ‘oak-trees’, márw̯ddwr ‘stagnant water’, chw̯érw̯-der ‘bitterness’; and though the etymological spelling persisted in
these, the pronunciation dér-goed, már-ddwr, chw̯ér-der is doubtless old. Lle dírgel gerllaw dérw̯goed.—D.G. 321. ‘A secret place near oak-trees.’ Cf. dérw̯gist, T.A., g. 232. Tro fy chwer’der yn
felysdra.—Wms. 657. ‘Turn my bitterness into sweetness.’ Gyr chwérw̯der o garchárdai; Newyn y lleidr a wna’n llai.—D.W. 112. ‘[Charity] drives bitterness from prisons; it
makes less the hunger of the thief.’ Note 1. The rule that such words as marw,
delw are monosyllabic was handed down by the teachers of cynghanedd,
but the bards of the 19th cent. hardly knew what to make of it. Thus R.G.D.
97 uses marw and delw, and E.F. 185 uses enw and garw as
monosyllables, while at the same time rhyming them. They no more rhyme as § 42 ACCENTUATION 51 v. Disyllables in which h stands between two vowels are accented regularly; thus cýhyd as in Cýhyd a rhai og háearn D.G. 386 ‘[spikes] as long as those of an iron harrow’; and hyd gýhyd c.c. 312 ‘full length’; cỿ́hoedd ‘public’, as in gýhoedd/gáeat, r.p. 1283; gwéheirdd D.G. 20 ‘forbids’. Contraction has taken place in some of these, thus cỿ́hoedd > *cóhoedd > coedd, D.G. 524; so gwáhan > gwân, which gave rise to gwahân. This appears to be the reason for gwahân, cyhŷd, gwahárdd, etc. in recent W. § 42. In Ml. and early Mn. W. final w after d, ẟ, n, l, r, s was consonantal, § 26 iv; thus meddw̯ ‘drunk’, marw̯ ‘dead’, delw̯ ‘image’, were monosyllables, sounded almost like meddf, marf, delf. Hence when a syllable is added the w is non-syllabic for the purposes of accentuation; thus méddw̯on ‘drunkards’, márw̯ol ‘mortal’, márw̯nad ‘elegy’, delw̯au ‘images’, árddelw̯ ‘to represent, to claim’. The w̯ is usually elided between two consonants, as médd-dod ‘drunkenness’, for méddw̯dod. In b.b. 84 we have uetudaud (≡ feẟw̯dawd), but in Ml. W. generally such words were written without the w̯, as meẟdawt, r.p. 1217, 1245, 1250, 1269, Ỻ.A. 147; gweẟdawt b.t. 31, r.p. 1261 ‘widowhood’. The w inserted in these words in recent orthography is artificial, and is commonly misread as syllabic w, thus medd|w|dod, the accent being thrown on the ante-penult, a position which it never occupies in Welsh. The correct form médd-dod is still the form used in natural speech. When final, in polysyllables, the w̯ is now dropped, and is not written in late W., so there is not even an apparent exception to the rule of accentuation; thus árddelw̯ ‘to claim’, sýberw̯ ‘proud’ are written árddel, sýber. In gwárchadw̯ ‘to guard’, ymóralw̯ ‘to attend (to)’, metathesis took place about the end of the Ml. period, giving gwárchawd, ymórawl, which became gwárchod, ymórol in Mn. W. In all standard cynghanedd the w̯ in these words is purely nonsyllabic: Da arẟelw̯ kýnnelw̯ Kýnẟelw̯ kéinẟawn.—r.p. 1229 (9 syll.) ‘A good representation of the exemplar of Cynddelw exquisitely gifted.’ The accentuation of Kýnẟelw̯ corresponds to that of kéinẟawn. Cf. kývarch / kýfenw̯, 1230. I llórf a’m pair yn llẃyrfarw̯ O hud gwir ac o hoed garw̯.—D.G. 208. ‘Its [the harp’s] body makes me faint away from real enchantment and sore grief.’ |
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§ 43 ACCENTUATION 53 monosyllables than if they were marf, delf, or enf, garf. In standard cynghanedd, marw̯ rhymes with garw̯, tarw̯ only, and delw̯ with elw̯, gwelw̯ only; see below. The disyllabic pronunciation may be traced as far back as the 15th cent. In a couplet attributed to D.G. (see d.g. 322) bw rhymes with galw, a rhyme condemned by S.V. because galw̯ is a monosyllable whose vowel is a, P.Ỻ. xcii. Some old rhymes are syberw̯/hirerw̯/derw̯/chw̯erw̯, b.b. 69; agerw̯/chw̯erw̯/syberw̯/gochw̯erw̯, b.a. 19; helw̯/delw̯, ib.; dyveinw̯/dyleinw̯, b.t. 21; divanw̯/llanw̯, m.a. i 475; ymordlw̯/salw̯, do. 466; cadw̯/achadw̯/bradw̯, I.G. 422; enw̯/senw̯, do. 407; geirw̯/teirw̯, D.G. 500; syberw̯/ferw̯, E.P. 203. Note 2. In hwnnw, acw (earlier raccw) the w was vocalic; also probably in other forms in which it is a reduction of ‑w͡y, see § 78 i (2). § 43. i. No Welsh word or word fully naturalized in Welsh is accented on the ante-penult. Such forms as Sáesoneg, Sáesones are misspellings of Sáesneg, Sáesnes. A’r gyfreith honno a droes Alvryt vrenhin o Gymraec yn Saesnec r.b.b. 79 ‘And that law did king Alfred turn from Welsh into English.’ See ib. 64, 95, 96, etc. The following words for different reasons are now sometimes wrongly accented: cathólig, oméga,[1] penígamp ‘masterly’, períglor ‘parson’, lladmérydd ‘interpreter’, ysgelérder ‘atrocity’, oléw̯ydd ‘olives’. A thálu’r ffin gathólig.—S.C. ‘And to pay the catholic fine.’ Cf. c.c. 25; I.G. 491; L.M., d.t. 196. Cyngor períglor églwys.—M.R., f. 12. ‘The counsel of a church parson’. Penáig y glod, penígamp— Pennod i chompod a’i champ.—M.B. (m. D.G.), A 14967/183. ‘Master of the [song of] praise, supreme the height of its compass and achievement.’ Alpha ac Oméga máwr.—A.R. (1818), e.g. p. xiii. ‘Great Alpha and Omega.’ Cf. Ỻ.M. 2. See Wms. 259, 426, 869. ii. A few words recently borrowed from English are accented on the ante-penult, as mélodi, philósophi; but derivative forms of even these are accented regularly, e.g. melódaidd, philosóphydd.
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54 PHONOLOGY § 44 § 44. i. In a regularly accented word of three syllables the first syllable is the least stressed; thus in can|i̯a|dau the stress on can is lighter than that on dau, both being unaccented as compared with i̯a. Hence the vowel of the first syllable is liable to drop when the resulting combination of consonants is easy to pronounce initially; as in Mn. W. pladur ‘scythe’, for Ml. W. paladur, c.m. 95 (paladurwyr w.m. 425, 426); Mn. W. gw̯rando ‘to listen’, for Ml. W. gw̯arandaw, r.m. 16, c.m. 29; Mn. W. Clynnog for Ml. W. Kelynnawc,[W 1] Ỻ.A. 124. Some shortened forms are found, though rarely, in Ml. prose and verse: gw̯randaw, c.m. 27; kweirẏwyt for kyweirẏwyt ‘was equipped’, r.p. 1276 (the y was written, and then deleted as the metre requires); pinẏwn r.p. 1225 from E. opinion; grennyẟ do. 1055 for garennyẟ. For dywedud ‘to say’ we generally have dwedud in Early Mn. poetry (written doedyd in the 16th cent.); so twysog, E.U. § 32, b.cw. 71, for tywysog ‘prince’; cledion c.c. 334, 390, pl. of caled ‘hard’; clonnau for calonnau ‘hearts’, in Tyrd, Ysbryd Glân, i’n clonnau ni, R.V. ii. In words of four or more syllables, when pronounced deliberately, the first syllable has a secondary accent, as bèn|di|gé|dig ‘blessed’, pl. bèn|di|ge|díg|ion. This also applies to trisyllables with the accent on the ultima, as cỳf|i̯aw|nhā́d ‘justification’. The least stressed syllable is the second; and this is often elided, in which case the secondary accent disappears; as in Mn. W. gorchfýgu for gòrchyfýgu Ỻ.A. 15, and in Mn. W. verse tragẃyddol for trà|gy|ẃy|ddol ‘eternal’, partói for pà|ra|tói ‘to prepare’, llythrénnau for llỳthyrénnau ‘letters’, perthnásau ‘relations’ for pèrthynásau, etc. Gwaeddwn, feirdd, yn dragẃyddol; Gwae ni nad gwiw yn i ôl.—Gu.O., a 14967/120. ‘Bards, let us cry for ever; woe to us that it is useless [to live] after him.’ See g. 160, 255. Yn ddyfal beunydd i bartói.—Wms. 259. ‘Assiduously every day to prepare.’ iii. When a vowel is elided, as in i, ii, or v, the same vowel disappears in the derivatives of the word; thus pladurwyr ‘mowers’; twysoges b.cw. 11 ‘princess’ from twysog, for tywysog; tragwyddoldeb ‘eternity’, ymbartói ‘to prepare one’s self’, ’wyllysgar ‘willing’ (ewyllys, ’wyllys ‘will’).
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§ 44 ACCENTUATION 55 Wedi ’mrawd yma’r ydwyf; Ato, Dduw, ymbartói ’dd wyf.—L.Mor. (m. I.F.). ‘After my brother I tarry here; to him, Oh God, I am preparing [to go].’ (The metre proves the elision, but not its position.) In tragwyddoldeb the lost syllable is the second, so that there is no departure from the general principle laid down in ii; but in pladurwyr the first is lost because the word is formed from the reduced pladur. If paladurwyr had been reduced directly it would have given *paldurwyr; similarly twysoges, etc. iv. Occasionally in Mn. W. haplology takes place, that is, a consonant, if repeated in the following syllable, is lost with the unaccented vowel; as erledigaeth for erlidedigaeth ‘persecution’, crediniol for credaduniol, § 132 (8), ‘believing’. (Cf. Eng. singly for single-ly, Bister for Bicester, Lat. stipendium for stipipendium, etc.) v. An unaccented initial vowel sometimes disappears, as in Late Ml. W. pinẏwn r.p. 1225 ‘opinion’, borrowed from Eng.; ’wyllys for ewyllys in verse; and in Late Mn. W. machlud ‘to set’ (of the sun) for Ml. and Early Mn. W. ym-achludd, D.G. 121, § 111 vii (3). As a rule, however, this elision only takes place after a vowel: Tebig yw ’r galennig lân I ’dafedd o wlad Ifan.—I.D., tr. 142. ‘The fair new year’s gift is like threads from the land of [Prester] John.’ Another reading is I edafedd gwlad Ifan, I.D. 22. Ac ef gyda’i ogyfoed Yw gŵr y wraig oreu ’rioed.—L.G.C. 318. ‘And he with his mate is the husband of the best wife [that] ever [was].’ In the dialects it is very common: morol ‘attend (to)’ for ymorol, molchi for ymolchi ‘to wash’, deryn for aderyn ‘bird’, menyn for ymenyn ‘butter’, mennyẟ for ymennyẟ ‘brain’, etc. vi. In a few disyllables the vowel of the final unaccented syllable is sometimes elided; thus ónid ‘but’ appears generally as ond in Mn. W. Other examples met with in Mn. (rarely in Late Ml.) verse are mɥnd for mỿ́ned ‘to go’, tɥrd for tỿ́red ‘come!’ gweld for gwéled ‘to see’, llond for llónaid ‘full (capacity)’, cans for cánys ‘because’, namn for námyn ‘but’, all except the last two in common use in the dialects. Similarly ér ỿs becomes ers, § 214 vii. |
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56 PHONOLOGY § 45 Ancr wyf fi’n cyweirio i fedd, Ond aroa mɥnd i orwedd.—D.G. 295. ‘I am an anchorite making ready his grave, only
waiting to go to rest.’ Cans ar ddiwedd
pob gweddi, Cof cywir, yr henwir hi.—D.G. 235. ‘For at the end of every prayer, unforgotten she
is named.’ Maẟeu, kanys ti yw’r meẟic.—r.p. 1298 (7 syll.). ‘Forgive, for Thou art the Healer.’ The length
of the line shows that kanys is to be read kans.
It occurs written cans in w.m. 487. Ni edrychodd Duw ’r achwyn; Ni mynnodd aur, namn i ddwyn.—G.Gl., m 148/256. ‘God did not regard the lamentation; He desired
not [to have] gold, but to take him away.’ See also I.G. 380. See examples of tyrd, dyrd in § 193 viii (2). vii. The vowel of a proclitic is often
elided (1) After a final vowel, ỿ is elided in
the article ỿr, § 114; the pronouns ỿn ‘our’, ỿch ‘your’ (now written ein, eich), § 160 ii (1); the oblique relative ỿ or ỿr, § 82 ii (1), § 162 ii (2); the preposition ỿn, § 210 iv. (2) Before an initial vowel, ỿ is elided
in fỿ ‘my’, dỿ ‘thy’, § 160 i (1). (3) The relative a tends to
disappear even between consonants, § 162 i. (4) The vowel of pa or pỿ ‘what?’
sometimes disappears even before a consonant, as in p’le ‘where?’ § 163 ii (2). (5) After pa, rɥw tends to become rỿ and r’, § 163 ii (6). § 45. i. (1) Compound nouns and adjectives
are accented regularly; thus gwī́n-llan ‘vineyard’, cadéir-fardd ‘chaired
bard’, gwág-law or lláw-w̯ag ‘empty-handed’. Gw̯áwd-lais mwyalch ar góed-lwyn, Ac ëos ar lïos lwyn.—D.G. 503. ‘The musical voice of a thrush in a grove, and a
nightingale in many a bush.’ Yn i dydd ni adai wan Acw ’n llaw-w̯ag, Gwenllian.—L.G.C. 232. ‘In her day she, Gwenllian, left not the weak
empty-handed there.’ (2) Even a compound of an adjective and a proper
name may be so accented; as |
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§ 45 ACCENTUATION 57 Dágrau am urddedíg-Rys Yw’r môr hallt, os gwir marw̯ Rhys.—G.Gl., m 146/171. ‘The salt sea is tears for noble Rhys, if it is true that Rhys is dead.’ See Uchél-Grist, D.G. 259. The name Bendigéid-fran ‘Bran the Blessed’, was so accented, and the f was lost, § 110 iii (3), giving Bendigéidran (corrupted into Benegridran in Emerson’s English Traits, xi). Bondo gw̯ýdr Bendigéidran.—T.A., a 14976/166; c. ii 83. ‘The glass eaves of Bendigeidran.’ (3) When the first element has one of the mutable sounds ai, au, w, ɥ it is mutated in the compound, becoming ei, eu, ỿ, ỿ respectively, because it is no longer ultimate when the compound is treated as a single word; thus gwéith-dy ‘workshop’ (gwaith ‘work’), héul-des ‘heat of the sun’ (haul ‘sun’), drỿ́g-waith ‘evil deed’ (drwg ‘evil’), melỿ́n-wallt ‘yellow hair’ (melɥn ‘yellow’). In old compounds aw also is mutated, as in llófrudd, § 110 iii (1). ☞ A compound accented as above may be called a strict compound. ii. (1) But the two elements of a compound may be separately accented; thus cṓel gréfydd ‘false religion’, gáu bróffwyd ‘false prophet’, hḗn w̄́r ‘old man’ (sometimes accented regularly, hénwr, b.cw. 64). (2) The difference between a secondary accent and a separate accent should be noted. A secondary accent is always subordinate to the principal accent; but when the first element of a compound has a separate accent it is independent of the accent of the second element and may even be stronger if the emphasis requires it. Again, the first element when separately accented has the unmutated ai, au, w, or ɥ in its final syllable; thus in cỿ̀d-nabỿ́ddiaeth ‘acquaintance’ there may be a secondary accent on cỿ̆d (short ỿ) but in cɥ̄́d gỿnúlli̯ad there is an independent accent on cɥ̄d (long ɥ). In fact, when there is a separate accent, the first element is treated as an independent word for all purposes of pronunciation (accentuation, vowel quantity, and vowel mutation). ☞ A compound accented as above may be called a loose compound. (3) Sometimes the elements of a loose compound are now hyphened, thus coel-grefydd; but as any positive adjective put before a noun forms with it a loose compound, in the vast majority of such compounds the elements are written as separate words. See § 155 iii. iii. An adjective or noun compounded with a verb or verbal |
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58 Phonology § 46 noun forms a loose compound, as cỿ́nffon lónni ‘to wag the tail’, prýsur rédant ‘they swiftly run’. Fel y niwl o afael nant Y díson ymadáwsant.—R.G.D. 149. ‘Like the mist from the grasp of the valley have they silently passed away.’ iv. (1) Prefixes form strict compounds with nouns, adjectives, and verbs; as áthrist ‘very sad’ (trist ‘sad’), ám-gylch ‘circumference’, cýn-nal ‘to hold’, etc., etc. (2) But compounds with the prefixes an‑, di‑, cyd‑, go‑, gor‑, gwrth‑, rhy‑, tra- may be either strict or loose; as án-awdd or án háwdd ‘difficult’, § 148 i (6); án-aml/ýnys g. 103, án áml, § 164 i (1); dí-wair, dí wáir ‘chaste’; rhý-wyr ‘high time’ and rhɥ̄́ hw̄́yr ‘too late’; trá-mawr Gr.O. 51, trā́ máwr ‘very great’; trá-doeth do. 52, trā́ dṓeth ‘very wise’. Dí-dad, amddifad ýdwyf, A dī́ fráwd wedi i farw̯ ẃyf.—L.Mor. (m. I.F.). ‘Fatherless, destitute, am I, and without a brother after his death.’ Y mae’r ddẃyais mor ddíw̯air.—D.G. 148. ‘The bosom is so chaste.’ Fwyn a dī́ wáir—f’enaid yw.—D.G. 321. ‘Gentle and chaste—she is my soul.’ Cf. D.G. 306. Trā́ dā́ im y trȳ́ déu-air.—I.F., c 18/11. ‘Very good for me will two words turn out.’ In late Mn. W. new compounds are freely formed with these elements separately accented; thus tra, go and rhy are placed before any adjectives, and treated as separate words; § 220 viii (1). When both elements are accented, the second has generally the stronger accent, unless the prefix is emphatic; in gor-úw̯ch ‘above’, gor-ī́s ‘below’, the first element has lost its accent, though these are also found as strict compounds, thus góruwch, O.G., g. 257, Gr.O. 34. § 46. i. Expressions consisting of two words in syntactical relation, such as a noun and a qualifying adjective or a noun and a dependent genitive, are in some cases accented as single words. ☞ These may be called improper compounds. Mutable vowels are mutated (ɥ > ỿ, etc.) as in single words. They differ from proper compounds in two respects: (1) the initial of the second element is not softened except where the ordinary rules |
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§46 ACCENTUATION 59 of mutation require it; (2) the words are arranged in the usual syntactic order, the subordinate word coming last, except in the case of numerals, ii (5) below. Cf. in Latin the improper compounds pater-familias, juris-dictio, in which the first element is an intact word, by the side of the proper compounds patri-cida juri-dicus in which the first element contains the stem only. ii. Improper compounds accented on the penult consist of— (1) Some nouns qualified by da, as gẃr-da ‘goodman’, gw̯réig-dda ‘good wife’, hín-dda ‘fair weather’, géir-da ‘good report’. Names of relatives with maeth, as tád-maeth ‘foster father’, mámaeth (for mám-faeth, § 110 iii (1)) ‘foster mother’, máb-maeth, bráwd-maeth, chw̯áer-faeth. A few other combinations, such as héul-wen ‘bright sun’[1] (haul fem., § 142 iii), cóel-certh ‘bonfire’ (lit. ‘certain sign’). See also (3) below. A bryno tir â braint da Yn i árdal â’n ẃr-da.—L.G.C. 249. ‘He who buys land with good title in his neighbourhood will become a goodman.’ (2) Nouns with dependent genitives: tréf-tad ‘heritage’, dỿ́dd-brawd or dỿ́dd-barn (also dɥ̄́dd bráwd, dɥ̄́dd bárn) ‘judgement day’, pén-tref ‘village’, pén-cerdd ‘chief of song’, pén-tan ‘hob’. See also (3) and (4) below. (3) Nouns with adjectives or genitives forming names of places; as Tré-for or Tré-fawr, Brỿ́n-gwyn, Mỿnỿ́dd-mawr, Abér-maw, Mín-ffordd, Pén-tir, Pén-mon, Pén-mon Máwr.[2] Even when the article comes before the genitive, the whole name is sometimes thus treated, the accent falling upon the article; as Pen-ỿ́-berth near Pwllheli, Tal-ỿ́-bryn in Llannefydd, Clust-ỿ́-blaiẟ near Cerrig y Drudion, Moel-ỿ́-ci (pron. Moɥ|lỿ́c|i), a hill near Bangor, Llan-é-cil near y Bala, Pen-é-goes near Machynlleth, Pen-é-berth near Aberystwyth (e for ỿ, § 16 iv (2)). Cf. (7) below. Mi af i ganu i’m oes I benáig o Ben-é-goes.—L.G.C. 429. ‘I will go to sing while I live to a chieftain of Penégoes.’ (4) The word duw (or dɥw) followed by the name of the day in the genitive; as Dúw-sul as well as Dúw Sū́l or Dȳ́dd Sū́l ‘Sunday’; so Dúw-llun ‘Monday’, Dúw-mawrth ‘Tuesday’, and Díf-i̯au for Dúw I̯áu ‘Thursday’. Similarly dú(w)-gwyl ‘the day of the feast (of)’.
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60 PHONOLOGY § 46 Echrỿ́s-haint, och, wir Iesu! Ddyfod i Iâl Ddíf-i̯au du.—T.A., g. 235. ‘A dreadful plague, Oh true Jesus! that black Thursday should have visited Yale.’ See § 214 vii, ex. 2. Both accentuations are exemplified in— Bûm i’r gog swyddog Dduw Sū́l; Wy’ ddí-swydd, a hyn Ddúw-sul.—T.A., a 14976/108. ‘I was an officer of the cuckoo on Sunday; I am without office, and this on Sunday.’ (Gwas y gog ‘the cuckoo’s servant’ is the hedge-sparrow.) (5) A numeral and its noun, as déu-bwys ‘2 lbs.’, dẃy-bunt ‘£2’, cán-punt ‘£100’, etc. Cf. E. twopence, etc. Though the order is the same here as in proper compounds, and the mutation is no criterion, it is certain that most of these are improper compounds. In the case of un, proper and improper compounds can be distinguished: ún-ben ‘monarch’ is a proper compound, the second element having the soft initial, but ún-peth is precisely the combination ū́n pḗth ‘one thing’ under a single accent. (6) The demonstrative adjective after nouns of time. See § 164 iii. (7) Very rarely the article with its noun, as in È-fenéchtyd for ỿ Fenechtyd ‘the monastery’, in which the article, taken as part of the word, acquired a secondary accent. iii. Improper compounds accented on the ultima consist of— (1) A few combinations of two monosyllabic nouns, of which the second is a dependent genitive and the first has lost its accent; as pen-rháith ‘autocrat’, pen-llā́d ‘summum bonum’, prỿ-nháwn for pryt nawn. Yr eog, rhýwi̯og ben-rháith, At Wén dos eto ún-w̯aith.—D.G. 148. ‘Thou salmon, gentle master, go to Gwen once more.’ A’m cérydd mawr i’m cári̯ad, Ac na’th gawn yn lláwn ben-llā́d.—D.G. 513. ‘And my great punishment for my love, and that I might not have thee as my whole delight.’ (2) A number of place-names of similar formation, as Pen-tɥ́rch. Note.—(1) From this and the preceding section it is seen that accentuation does not always accord with the formation of words. A loose compound is etymologically a compound, but its elements are accented as separate words. An improper compound is etymologically a combination of separate words accented as one word. The accentuation of improper compounds is to be accounted for thus: in O. W. we may assume that gwr da, Aber Maw, Pen ỿ berth were originally accented as they would be if they were formed now, with the main |
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§ 47 ACCENTUATION 61 stress in each case on the last word. When each combination came to be regarded as a unit, the main stress became the only accent; thus, *gwr-dā́, *Aber-máw, *Pen-ỿ-bérth. This was at that time the accentuation of ordinary words, such as *pechadū́r, § 40 iii. When the accent shifted, and *pechadū́r became pechádur, *gwr-dā́ became gẃr-da, *Aber-máw became Abér-maw and *Pen-ỿ-bérth became Pen-ỿ́-berth. In most cases of a combination like the last, each noun retained its individuality, and the original accentuation remained; hence Pèn-ỿ-bérth, which is a common place-name, is usually so accented, and the accentuation Pen-ỿ́-berth is exceptional. In such a phrase as prỿ́t náwn ‘time of noon’, each noun retained its meaning to the Ml. W. period; then, when the combination came to be regarded as a unit, the first element became unstressed, resulting in prỿt-náwn, whence prỿ-nháwn, § 111 v (5). (2) Improper compounds having thus become units could be treated as units for all purposes; thus some of them have derivatives, such as gwr-dā́-aeth, ‘nobility’, tref-tád-aeth ‘heritage’, di-dref-tád-u s.g. 306 ‘to disinherit’, prỿnháwn-ol ‘evening’ adj. (3) On the other hand, in some proper compounds each element was doubtless felt to preserve its significance; and the persistence of this feeling into the Ml. period resulted in loose compounds. § 47. i. In compound prepositions the elements may be accented separately, as óddi ár. But the second element has usually the stronger accent; and in some cases the first element becomes unaccented, as in Ml. W. y gánn, which became gan ‘by’ in Late Ml. and Mn. W. by the loss of the unaccented syllable. On the analogy of y gánn, y ẃrth, etc., derivative and other old prepositional and adverbial formations retained the O. W. accentuation, as odán, yr͑ẃng, yrháwg. The separate accent often persists in Mn. W., as in óddi ẃrth (Ml. W. y wrth), and in adverbial phrases like óddi ýno (in the dialects ṓdd ýno as in Ml. W.). In the latter the first element may become predominant, thus ṓdd yno ‘from there’ in the spoken language (often contracted to ṓẟno and even ṓno). ii. In prepositional and adverbial expressions formed of a preposition and a noun (whether written separately or not), the last element only is accented; thus uwch-bén ‘above’, dra-chéfn ‘again’, ger-brón ‘before’, uwch-láw ‘above’, ymlā́en ‘forward’, ynghȳ́d ‘together’, i gȳ́d ‘together’, eri̯ṓed ‘ever’. These expressions thus form improper compounds accented on the ultima. The adverb achlā́n (achlân) ‘wholly’ is similarly accented. |
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62 PHONOLOGY § 47 Hḗais fal
orohī́an I chlṓd yng Ngwynedd achlā́n.—D.G. 235. ‘I have sown her praises like a paean through
the whole of Gwynedd.’ iii. Many adverbial expressions of three
syllables, consisting of a monosyllabic noun repeated after a preposition,
form improper compounds accented on the penult; as ol-ỿ́n-ol ‘track in track’, i.e. ‘in succession’,[1] ben-drá-phen ‘head over head’, law-ỿ́n-llaw ‘hand in hand’, etc. The first noun may have a secondary or
separate accent, as blìth drá-phlith ‘helter-skelter’. The
first noun being in an adverbial case has a soft initial. A daufrawd ieuaf ar ôl Eli énw̯og ol-ỿ́n-ol.—G.Gl., c. i 201. ‘And two younger brothers in succession after
the famous Eli.’ Oes hwy no thri, Siôn, y’th roer, Law-ỿ́n-llaw â’th law̯én-lloer.—T.A., a 14866/74b. ‘For a life longer than three, Siôn, mayst thou
be spared, hand in hand with thy bright moon.’ See also E.P. 240. Ael-ỿ́n-ael â’i elỿ́ni̯on.—D.N., c. i 160. ‘Brow to brow with his enemies.’ Dal-ỿ́n-nal rhwng dwy lánnerch.—D.N., m 136/147. ‘Face to face between two glades’; ýnnal for ýn-nhal, § 48 ii. Daw o déidi̯au dad-í-dad,[2] Gollwyn hen,—nid gwell un had.—W.Ỻ. ‘He comes from forebears, father to father, like
an ancient hazel-grove—there is no better seed.’ Arglwyddi lī́n ó-lin ynt.[3]—L.G.C. 460. ‘They are lords from line to line.’ See wers dragwers Ỻ.a. 164 ‘reciprocally’, gylch
ogylch do. 166 ‘round about’, ddẃrn trá-dwrn, láw
drá-llaw, L.G.C. 18. In many cases the first noun also is preceded by a
preposition, as Marchog o lī́n ó-lin oedd. L.Mor., i.mss.
292. ‘He was a knight from line to line.’ See o lwyn í-lwyn D.G.
141, o law í-law do. 145. Cf. Late Mn. W. í-gam
ó-gam ‘zig-zag’.
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§ 48 ACCENTUATION 63 The ordinary accentuation is also met with in
the bards: O lẃyn i lẃyn, ail Énid.—D.G. 84. ‘From bush to bush, [maiden] second to Enid.’ iv. When pa or pỿ is followed
by a preposition governing it, the latter only is accented: pa-hám (for pa
am, § 112 i (2)) ‘what for? why?’ often contracted into pam by the loss
of the unaccented syllable, § 44 vii. So were doubtless accented the Ml. W. pahár a.l. i
108, 134, pa hár do. 118 (for pa ar) ‘what
on?’ pa rác b.b. 50, pyrác r.m. 126
‘what for?’ § 48. i. When the syllable bearing the
principal accent begins with a vowel, a nasal, or r, it is
aspirated under certain conditions, § 112 i (4); thus ce|nhéd|loedd ‘nations’, from cenedl; bo|nhé|ddig (vonheẟic r.p. 1331) from bonedd ‘gentry’, § 104 iv (1); cy|nháli̯wyd, from cynnal ‘to support’ from cyn + dal (d normally
becomes n, not nh, § 106 ii); di|háng|ol from di-anc ‘to
escape’; a phlannhédeu r.p. 1303 ‘and planets’,
usually planedau; kenhadeu w.m. 184,
oftener in Ml. W. kennadeu do. 42 ‘messengers’. A’i aur a’i fedd y gŵyr fo, Fonhéddig,[1] fy nyhuddo.—L.G.C. 188. ‘With his gold and mead doth he use, as a
gentleman, to comfort me.’ ii. On the other hand, an h required
by the derivation is regularly dropped after the accent; as cýnnes ‘warm’,
for cýn-nhes from cyn + tes (t gives nh, § 106 iii (1)); bré|nin ‘king’, for brḗn|nhin from bre|en|nhin from *breentin,
Cornish brentyn; tán|nau ‘strings’,
for tán|nheu from O. W. tantou m.c.; ḗang ‘wide’, for éh-ang from *eks-ang‑; ánawdd Ỻ.a. 109 for án-hawdd ‘difficult’; áraul ‘bright’,
for ár-haul, which appears as arheul in r.p. 1168.
The h is, however, retained between vowels in a few words,
as ḗhud ‘foolish’, dḗhau and dḗau ‘right (hand), south’; and
in nrh, nhr,[2] nghr, and lrh, as ánrhaith ‘spoil’, ánhrefn ‘disorder’, ánghred ‘infidelity’, ólrhain ‘to
trace’. The h is also dropped after a
secondary accent, as in
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64 PHONOLOGY § 48 brènini̯áethau ‘kingdoms’. So we have cènedláethau ‘generations’, bòneddígaidd ‘gentlemanly’ (voneẟigeiẟ r.g. 1129). iii. Note therefore the shifting of the h in such a word as diháreb ‘proverb’, Ml. W. dihaereb r.p. 1326, pl. dìarhébi̯on, Ml. W. diaerhebẏon r.b. 974, 975, 1083. The word has etymologically two h’s: di-haer-heb, but only that is preserved which precedes the principal accent. iv. The above rules may be briefly stated thus: an intrusive h sometimes appears before the accent, and an organic h regularly disappears after the accent. It is obvious that the rule cannot be older than the present system of accentuation; it is indeed the direct result of that system, and is probably not much later in origin. The first change was the weakening and subsequent loss of h after the accent, giving such pairs as brenin, brenhinoedd; angen, anghenus (< *n̥ken‑, Ir. ēcen); cymar, cymharu (< Lat. compar‑): here h vanishes in the first word of each pair. Later, on the analogy of these, other pairs were formed, such as bonedd, bonheddig; cenedl, cenhedloedd; where an intrusive h appears in the second word of each pair. In O. W., when the accent fell on the ultima, it was easy to say bre|en|nhī́n; but when the accent settled on the penult, it required an effort to sound the aspirate after the breath had been expended on the stressed syllable. Hence we find, at the very beginning of the Ml. period, breenhineẟ and breenin l.l. 120. But the traditional spelling, with h, persisted, and is general in b.b., as minheu 12; synhuir (≡ synnhwyr) 17; ag̃hen ag̃heu 23; breenhin 62; though we also find a few exceptions, as kag̃ell 35. In r.m. it still survives in many words, as brenhin 2; ag̃heu 5 (but angeu ib.); mwyhaf 11; minheu 12; but more usually vwyaf 13; minneu 3; gennyf 8; synnwyr 13; amarch 36; llinat (for llin-had) ‘linseed’ 121. In the r.p. we find ánawẟ 1227, 1264, 1270, 1299; áneirdd, ánoew̯ 1226; diagɏr (for dí-hagr) 1289; lláwir (for llaw-hir ‘long-handed’) 1207, 1226; láwhir 1214, with h inserted above the line—an etymological correction; áwrḥonn 1271, with h deleted by the underdot—a phonetic correction. Intrusive h makes its first appearance later, and is rarer in Ml. W. than lost h. In a.l., ms. a., we find boneẟyc ii 6, 14, but in this ms. n may be for nh; in later mss. bonheẟyc i 176–8, ms. e.; bonheẟic in Ml. W. generally. In other cases it is less usual; thus kennadeu is the form in r.m., though the older w.m. has sometimes kenhadeu 184, 249; kenedloeẟ r.b.b. 259, Ỻ.a. 169, so generally. The orthography of the 1620 Bible generally observes the phonetic rule; thus brenin, brenhinoedd Ps. ii 6, 2; cenedl, cenhedloedd do. xxxiii 12, ii 1; angeu, anghefol do. vi 5, vii 13; aros, arhosodd Jos. x 12, 13; bonheddig, boneddigion Es. ii 9, 1 Cor. i 26; ammarch, ammherchi Act. v 41, Rhuf. i 24; etc. There are some irregularities and inconsistencies; e.g. diharebion Diar., title, i 1, and anghall Diar. i 4 beside the phonetic angall do. viii 5. The Bible spelling was |
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§§ 49, 50 ACCENTUATION 65 generally followed, and the use of h medially was fairly settled on phonetic lines, when Pughe introduced confusion by discarding it wherever his mad etymology failed to account for it. His wildest innovations, such as glanâu, parâu for glanháu, parháu, were rejected by universal consent; but his principle was adopted by the “new school” including T. Charles, Tegid and G. Mechain, who disregard the accent, and insert or omit h in all forms of the same vocable according to their idea of its etymology.[1] Silvan Evans (Llythyraeth, 68) writes as if the cogency of this principle were self-evident, and imagines that to point out the old school’s spelling of cyngor without, and cynghorion with, an h, is to demonstrate its absurdity. In his dictionary he writes brenines, boneddig, etc., misquoting all modern examples to suit his spelling; under ammeuthun (his misspelling of amheuthun) he suppresses h in every quotation. In spite of the determined efforts of the “new school” in the thirties, present-day editions of the Bible follow the 1620 edn. with the exception of a few insertions of etymological h, as in brenin, ammarch, which appear as brenhin, ammharch. Quantity. § 49. In Mn. W. all vowels in unaccented syllables are short. Unaccented syllables here include those bearing a secondary accent, in which the vowel is also short, as in cĕ̀nedláethau, though before a vowel it may be long in deliberate pronunciation, as in dḕalltẃri̯aeth. In Late Ml. W. the same rule probably held good, but not necessarily earlier. In O. W. it was clearly possible to distinguish in the unaccented penult the quantities preserved later when the syllable became accented, § 56 iv. § 50. Vowels in accented syllables in Mn. W. are either (1) long, as the a in cân ‘song’; (2) medium as the a in canu; or (3) short, as the a in cann ‘white’, cannu ‘to whiten’. In monosyllables a long vowel (except i or u) is generally circumflexed before n, r or l, § 51 iv, and in any other case where it is desired to mark the quantity. Short vowels are marked by ` which is sometimes used instead of doubling the consonant, as in D.D. s.v. càn = gan ‘with’, and before l which
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66 PHONOLOGY § 51 cannot be doubled in writing; dàl b.cw. 91, hèl do. 95, càlon Hyff. Gynnwys (1749) pp. 3, 20, 319 bis. ☞In this grammar the circumflex has been retained in most cases where it is, or might be, used in ordinary writing. But where the position of the accent has to be indicated, ˉ́ is used; where there is no need to point out the accent, and the word is not usually circumflexed, ˉ is used. As every long vowel must be accented in Mn. W., it will be understood that ˉ, ˉ́ and ˆ in Mn. W. words mean the same thing. In Brit. and earlier a vowel marked ˉ is not necessarily accented. As ` is required to denote a secondary accent it would be confusing to use it to mark a short accented vowel; hence ˘́ is used here for the latter purpose, where necessary. The accent mark ´ denotes accent without reference to quantity. A medium vowel can only be indicated by showing the syllabic division; thus cá|nu. Note. The medium vowel, or short vowel with open stress, which occurs in the penult, is not heard in English where a penultimate accented vowel, if not short as in fathom, is long as in father. Silvan Evans calls the medium vowel “long”, and J.D.R. often circumflexes it. But the a of cá|nu is not long, except in comparison with the a of cán|nu; beside the a of cân it is short. It is a short vowel slightly prolonged past the point of fullest stress, so as to complete the syllable, and the following consonant is taken over to the ultima. § 51. i. If a vowel in a monosyllable is simple its quantity is determined by the final consonant or consonants, the main principle being that it is long before one consonant, short before two, or before a consonant originally double; see § 56 ii. ii. The vowel is short before two or more consonants, or before p, t, c, m, ng; as cănt ‘hundred’, tŏrf ‘crowd’, pŏrth ‘portal’, bărdd ‘bard’, ăt ‘to’, llăc ‘slack’, căm ‘crooked’, llŏng ‘ship’. Nearly all monosyllables ending in p, t or c are borrowed; some from Irish, as brăt ‘apron’, most from E. as hăp, tŏp, hĕt, pŏt, cnŏc, which simply preserve the original quantity. E. tenuis after a long vowel becomes a media, as W. clôg < E. cloak, W. grôd g. 157 < E. groat, re-borrowed as grôt; so the late borrowings côt, grât (but in S. W. cǒt}. W. ăt is an analogical formation, § 209 vii (2); ac, nac should be ag, nag in Mn. orthography § 222 i (1), ii (3). |
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§ 51 QUANTITY 67 Exceptions to the above rule are the following: (1) In N. W. words ending in s or ll followed by another consonant have the vowel long; as trīst ‘sad’, cōsb ‘punishment’, hāllt ‘salt’ adj., etc., except in borrowed words, as căst ‘trick’. In S. W., however, all such words as the above conform to the rule. (2) The vowel is long when it is a late contraction, § 33 iv; as ânt ‘they go’, for a-ant; bûm ‘I have been’, for bu-um; bônt ‘they may be’, for bo-ont; rhônt ‘they give’, for rho-ant. In ɥ̂m ‘we are’, ɥ̂nt ‘they are’, the vowel is pronounced long; it is marked long by J.D.R. 94; but E.P., ps. lxxv 1, rhymes ynt with hynt, and in Ml. W. it is written ynt (not *yynt); hence the lengthening is probably due to false analogy. Cânt ‘they shall have’ is for ca-ant and has long a; but cant ‘sang’ is for can‑t; and is therefore short. Even gwĕld, § 44 vi, from gwêl, has the e shortened by the two consonants; a fortiori, in cant ‘sang’ where the final double consonant is older, the a must be short. Silvan Evans (s. v. canu) adopts the error of some recent writers, and circumflexes the a in cant, even where it rhymes with chwant, and in quoting Gr.O. 82, where no circumflex is used. The word never rhymes with ânt, gwnânt, etc. ☞The vowel is circumflexed when long before two consonants, except where the length is dialectal. (3) The mutated form dēng of deg ‘ten’ preserves the long vowel of the latter in N. W. iii. The vowel is long if it is final, or followed by b, d, g, f, dd, ff, th, ch, s; as tŷ ‘house’, llē ‘place’, māb ‘son’, tād ‘father’, gw̯āg ‘empty’, dōf ‘tame’, rhōdd ‘gift’, clōff ‘lame’, crōth ‘womb’, cōch ‘red’, glās ‘blue’. Exceptions: (1) Words which are sometimes unaccented, vi below. (2) Words borrowed from English, as săd ‘steady’, tw̆b, fflăch (from flash), lăch (from lash). Sŭd, also written sŭt, ‘kind, sort’ from suit (cf. Chaucer, Cant. Tales 3241) is now short; but in D.G. 448 it is long, rhyming with hud. (3) Some interjectional words, such as chwăff, pĭff, ăch. The interjection och is now short, but is long in the bards; see Och/Gōch D.G. 464. Cȳff is now sometimes incorrectly shortened. ☞A long vowel need not be circumflexed before any of the above consonants. In the case of a contraction, however, the vowel is usually marked; thus rhôdd ‘he gave’ for rhoodd for rhoddodd. In such forms the circumflex is unconsciously regarded as a sign of contraction, and may be taken to indicate that the vowel is long independently of the character of the consonant. The circumflex is also used in nâd ‘cry’ to distinguish it from năd ‘that not’. iv. If the vowel be followed by l, n or r, it may be long or |
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68 PHONOLOGY § 51 short: tâl ‘pay’, dăl ‘hold’, cân ‘song’, căn ‘white’; câr ‘relative’, căr ‘car’. Each of these consonants may be etymologically single or double. Dăl is from *dalg- § 110 ii (2), so that the final l represents two root consonants. In O. and Ml. W. final n and r when double in origin were doubled in writing, as in penn, ‘head’, Irish cenn, in other cases of course remaining single as in hēn ‘old’, Irish sen; thus the principle that the vowel is short before two consonants, long before one, applied. The final consonant is now written single even in words like pen, and only doubled when a syllable is added, as in pennaf, cf. Eng. sin (O. E. sinn) but sinner (though even medial ‑nn- is now sounded ‑n- in Eng.). It is therefore necessary now to distinguish between long and short vowels in these words by marking the vowels themselves. ☞In a monosyllable, a long vowel followed by l, n or r is circumflexed; thus, tâl ‘pay’, cân, ‘song’, dôr ‘door’, dêl ‘may come’, hŷn ‘older’. But i and u need not be circumflexed, since they are always long before these consonants, except in prin, and in (= Ml. W. ynn ‘to us’), and a few words from English as pĭn, bĭl. The common words dȳn, hēn, ōl are seldom circumflexed. Ml. W. ‑nn is still written in some words, e.g. in onn ‘ash’ pl. ɥnn, as in the names Llwyn Onn, Llwyn Ynn. Doubling the consonant is preferable to marking the vowel when it is desired to avoid ambiguity, as in cann ‘white’, a yrr ‘drives’. It is not sounded double now when final; but the consonant is distinctly longer e.g. in pĕn than in hēn. In Corn., penn became pedn. Note. The a is long in tâl ‘forehead, front, end’, and was circumflexed down to the latter part of the 18th cent.; see D.D. s.v., g. 68. The l is etymologically single, as is seen in the Gaulish name Cassitalos. In the spoken language the word survives only in place-names, and is sounded short in such a name as Tàl-y-bónt because this has become an improper compound accented on the ultima, § 46 iii, so that its first element has only a secondary accent, § 49. When the principal accent falls on it, it is long, as in Trwyn-y-tâl near the Rivals. Tegig̃il o tâl, Edeirnaun, Iâl b.b. 74 ‘Tegeingl to its end, Edeirnawn, [and] Yale.’ The rhyme with Iâl shows the quantity of tâl. Y fun araf, fain, eirian, A’r tâl fal yr aur mâl mân.—D.G. 330. ‘The calm, slender, bright girl, with the head like finely milled gold.’ v. When the word ends in ll the quantity varies. In N. W. it is short in all such words except ōll, hōll; in S. W. it is long, except in găll ‘can’, dŭll ‘manner’, mw̆ll ‘sultry’, cy̆ll ‘loses’, and possibly some others. |
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§ 52 QUANTITY 69 vi. Many prepositions, adverbs and conjunctions, which are long by the above rules, by being often used as proclitics have become short even when accented, more especially in N. W.; as rhăg ‘against’, hĕb ‘without’, nĭd, năd ‘not’, dăn ‘under’ (originally one n), măl, făl, fĕl ‘like’, ăg (written ac) ‘and’, năg (written nac) ‘nor’; but ā́g ‘with’. The long vowel is preserved in some of these in S. W. The word nes ‘until’, § 215 i (2), was circumflexed even by N. W. writers as late as the 18th cent., see nês g. 237; it is now sounded nĕs (already nes in b.cw. 83, 115 beside nês ‘nearer’ 13, 109, 110). In D.G. dan ‘under’ has long a: Serchog y cân dān y dail.—D.G. 225. ‘Lovingly it sings under the leaves.’ § 52. i. If the vowel in a monosyllable is the first element of a diphthong, its quantity depends chiefly upon the form of the diphthong. ii. The vowel is long in ae, oe, w͡y; thus trāed ‘feet’, ōen ‘lamb’, hŵyr ‘late’, cāe ‘field’, cāem ‘we might have’, dōe ‘yesterday’, mw̄y ‘more’, cŵyn ‘complaint’, hw̄ynt ‘they’, blōesg ‘blaesus’, rhw̄ysg ‘pomp’, māent ‘they are’, trôent ‘they might turn’. But except before ‑sg, w͡y is short before two or more consonants or m; as tw̆ym, tw̆ymn, ‘hot’, rhw̆ym ‘bound’ (also rhw̄ym), cw̆ymp ‘fall’ (now pron. cw̯ɥ̆mp in N. W.), llw̆ybr ‘path’, rhw̆ystr ‘hindrance’, brw̆ydr ‘battle’, pw̆ynt ‘point’;—hw̄ynt is influenced by hw̄y ‘they’. Similarly māent formed from, and influenced by māe. The other cases are examples of contraction: cāem < cā-em, trôent < tro-ynt. iii. The vowel is short in all other falling diphthongs; as băi ‘fault’, by̆w ‘alive’, trŏi ‘to turn’, llăid ‘mud’, brĭw ‘wound’, dŭw ‘god’, bŭwch ‘cow’, hăul ‘sun’, ăur ‘gold’, dĕwr ‘brave’, băwd ‘thumb’, măwl ‘praise’, etc. Exceptions: (1) In N. W. aw, ew are long when final only; as tāw! ‘be silent’, bāw ‘dirt’, llēw ‘lion’, tēw ‘fat’; otherwise short as above. In S. W. the diphthongs are short in both cases. (2) au is long in trāul ‘wear, expense’, pāun ‘peacock’, gwāudd ‘daughter-in-law’, ffāu ‘den’, gwāun ‘meadow’, cāul ‘rennet’, pāu ‘country’. The form gwaen is a recent misspelling of gwāun. In West Gwynedd the word is pronounced gwĕun (e ≡ ə), Ml. W. gweun, O. W. guoun. (3) The vowel is long in âu when contracted for a-au, as in plâu ‘plagues’; but in cău for cáe-u, § 202 iii, it is short. It is long in âi for a-ai, and ôi for o-ai when final, as gwnâi, trôi 3rd sg. impf.; but |
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70 PHONOLOGY §§ 53, 54 ŏi for o-ai not final, as in trŏis for tró-ais. On account of the long vowel gwnâi, trôi, etc. are generally sounded and often written gwnae, troe, etc.; but in the bards ‑âi rhymes with ai, see wnâi / ehedai g. 242. Both forms are seen in Ml. W. gwnai W.M. 25, 54, gwnay r.m. 237 (ae=ay, § 29 ii (1)). (4) The vowel is long in o’i, a’i, da i̯, etc., § 33 v, of course only when accented. In Ml. W. o’i, a’i are written oe, ae or oy, ay. § 53. When the accent in a polysyllable falls on the ultima, the above rules apply as if the ultima were a monosyllable; thus, short, pahắm ‘why?’, penắig, § 41 iii (2), parhắu ‘to continue’, gw͡yrdrŏ́i ‘to distort’; long, Cymrā́eg, parhā́nt (for parhá-ant), gw͡yrdrṓi (for gw͡yrdro-ai) ‘he distorted’, penllā́d ‘summum bonum’. In parhau, caniatau, etc., some recent writers circumflex the a, possibly a practice first intended to indicate the long vowel in the uncontracted form ‑ha-u, § 54 iii. When contracted the a is short. In D.D. and Bible (1620) it is not circumflexed. J.D.R. 144 writes cadarnháu. But see § 55 ii. § 54. In the accented penult— i. (1) The vowel is short, if followed by two or more consonants, or by p, t, c, m, ng, ll, s; as hărddwch ‘beauty’, plĕntyn ‘child’, cănnoedd ‘hundreds’, by̆rrach ‘shorter’, ĕstron ‘stranger’, ĕpil ‘progeny’, ăteb ‘answer’, ămeu, ‘to doubt’, ăngen ‘need’, ăllan ‘out’, Iĕsu ‘Jesus’, glăndeg ‘fair’, glănw̯aith ‘cleanly’, tăni̯o ‘to fire’, ty̆bi̯af ‘I suppose’. There is no exception to this rule, though before m the vowel is sometimes wrongly lengthened in words learnt from books, such as trămor ‘foreign’, ămwys ‘ambiguous’. Silvan Evans marks many obsolete words, such as amwg, amug with long ā, for which there is no evidence whatever; it merely represents his own misreading of Ml. W. ‑m‑, which always stands for ‑mm‑. (2) The consonants above named are each double in origin. In Ml. W. t, c, s were usually doubled in this position, as atteb, racco or racko, messur; but ‑m- is generally written single, owing to the clumsiness of ‑mm- and its frequency; possibly ‑p‑, which is not very common, followed the analogy of ‑m‑; ll and ng being digraphs can hardly be doubled in writing. In early Bibles m and p are doubled; and G.R. wrote gaḷḷu, doubling ḷ (his ḷ = ỻ). As however each is etymologically double (except in borrowed words), the double origin |
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§ 54 QUANTITY 71 is sufficiently indicated by writing the letter; thus ateb is necessarily the same as atteb; mesur is necessarily messur. So every medial or final m, ng or ll means mm, ŋŋ, or ỻỻ etymologically, and is so pronounced in the accented penult. ☞ But in the case of n and r the consonant is not necessarily douhle; hence a distinction must be made between single and double n and r. The a in cannu ‘to whiten’ is short because it is followed by nn, representing original nd (cf. Lat. candeo); the a in canu ‘to sing’ is medium because it is followed by a single n (cf. Lat. cano). The distinction is made in nearly all Ml. mss., and generally in Mn. mss. and printed books down to Pughe’s time. (3) The accented syllable is “closed” (stopped, blocked) by the first of the two consonants, thus glắn|deg, plĕ́n|tyn, cắn|nu. Even i̯ and w̯ cause the preceding consonant to close the penult; thus glắn|w̯aith from glân ‘clean’. Ml. scribes, knowing that the syllable was closed by two consonants, and not knowing that the second in this case was i̯ or w̯, sometimes doubled the first consonant, as in dynnẏon w.m. 32, (g)lannweith r.m. 52; but as a rule, perhaps, it is written single, as in dynẏon r.m. 21, (g)lanweith w.m. 72. A consonant originally double cannot be distinguished from one originally single in this case; thus tắn-i̯o ‘to fire’, from tân ‘fire’, and glắ-i̯o ‘to land’, from glann ‘shore’, form a perfect double rhyme. It is therefore unusual to double the consonant in the modern language in these forms; glannio and torriad are written glanio and toriad, which adequately represent the sound (cf. pentref for penntref, etc.). Thus in ysgrifennw͡yd ‘was written’ the double n indicates that the w is a vowel; in ysgrifenw̯yr ‘writers’, the single n indicates that the w̯ is consonantal. Hence some words like annw͡yl c.m. 70, synnw͡yr r.m. 116 are now written with one n owing to a common, but by no means general, mispronunciation of w͡y as w̯ɥ; see P.Ỻ. xcvi, where Llyr / ssynwyr is condemned as a false rhyme. ii. The vowel is medium if followed by b, d, g,[W 1] ff, th, ch, l, single n, or single r; as gó|baith ‘hope’, á|deg ‘time’, sé|gur ‘idle’, é|ffaith ‘effect’, é|thol ‘to elect’, pé|chod ‘sin’, cá|nu ‘to sing’, bó|re ‘morning’, cá|lan ‘new year’s day’. In this case the accented syllable is “open” (free), that is, it ends with the vowel, and the consonant is carried on to the next syllable. See § 50, Note; 27 i. In a few forms we have a short vowel before l, as in Iŏ́l|o (often mis-read Iô|lo); cắl|on ‘heart’; cŏ́l|yn ‘sting’, O. W. colginn juv.; bŏ́l|wst ‘colic’ < *bolg‑; dĕ́l|ir ‘is held’ for dĕ́l|i̯ir § 36 i <*dĕ́lᵹ̑ir. In Ml. W. such forms are written with double l, § 22 ii. Double l cannot be from original ll, which gives the voiceless Welsh ll (ỻ). It occurs only in a new hypocoristic doubling as in Iol-lo, or where a consonant now lost closed the syllable before disappearing:
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72 PHONOLOGY § 55 in cắlon the lost consonant is w̯; in cŏ́lyn it is i̯ < ᵹ̑; w̯ drops before o, and i̯ before y § 36 iii, ii;—cắlon (Corn. colon, Bret. kalon, kaloun) < *kalu̯ond‑: W. colweẟ b.a. 6 ‘heart’, coludd ‘entrail’: Skr. kroḍá‑ḥ ‘breast, interior’: Gk. χολάδες, O. Bulg. želąd‑ŭkŭ ‘maw’ with ɡh- (q/ɡh alternation).—For Early Mn. W. cắlyn ‘to follow’ the Ml. canlyn has been restored in writing. A short vowel also occurs in cădwn, ty̆bir, etc. § 36 i. iii. The vowel is long if followed by a vowel or h; as ḗog (‘salmon’, dḗ-hau ‘right, south’, Gwen|llī́|an. iv. It is short in all falling diphthongs; as cắe|ad ‘lid’, mw̆́y|af ‘most’, llĕ́i|af ‘least’, rhw̆́y|dau ‘nets’, llw̆́y|brau ‘paths’, hĕ́u|log ‘sunny’, tĕ́w|dwr ‘thickness’, bỿ̆́w|yd ‘life’, cnắw|dol ‘carnal’. But in N. W. the vowel is medium in aw, ew, iw before a vowel, that is the w is heterosyllabic; thus tá|w̯el ‘silent’, té|w̯i ‘to be silent’, llé|w̯od ‘lions’, ní|w̯ed ‘harm’. In S. W., however, these are sounded tắw|el, tĕ́w|i, llĕ́w|od, nĭ́w|ed. § 55. i. The above are the quantities of the vowels in the Mn. language. They were probably the same in Ml. W. where the vowel is simple. Thus map or mab, tat, gwac had a long ā like their modern equivalents māb, tād, gwāg; for where the vowel was short and the final consonant voiceless (= Mn. p, t, c), the latter was doubled, as in bratt r.g. 1117, Mn. W. bratt D.D., or brat (≡ brăt) ‘rag, apron’. In the case of Ml. single ‑t, both the long vowel and the voiced consonant are attested in the spelling of foreigners; thus the place-name which is now Bōd Feirig, which in Ml. W. spelling would be *Bot veuruc, appears in Norman spelling in the Extent of Anglesey, dated 1294, as Bode-ueuryk (Seebohm, Trib. Sys.¹ App. 6), where bode doubtless means bōd, the Mn. W. sound. Again in the Extent of Denbigh, dated 1335, the Mn. W. Rhōs appears as Roos (op. cit. 72), showing the vowel to be long before s then as now. The N. W. long vowel before st is attested in 1296 in the Ruthin Court Rolls p. 15, l. 10 in the spelling Neeste of the name Nest. The distinction between medium and short in the penult is everywhere implied in Ml. spelling; and we are told in r.g. 1120 that the vowel is long when followed by another, as the i in Gwenlliant, Mn. W. Gwen-llī́-an. Thus the quantity of a simple vowel was |
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§ 56 QUANTITY 73 generally the same in all positions in Ml. and Mn. W., even local usage agreeing; except in shortened words § 51 vi. ii. But in diphthongs many changes must have taken place. As a “vowel before a vowel” was long then as now, trṓ-ï must have had a long ō, so that, when first contracted, it was still long; it remains long in Montgomeryshire; thus the short o in trŏi̯ is probably late. Similarly short ĕi for e-i, ău for a-u, ŏu for o-u. Other diphthongs also probably differ, and we can infer nothing as to Ml. W. quantity in diphthongs from the Mn. W. pronunciation. § 56. i. The quantity of a vowel in British determines its quality in Welsh; but its quantity in Welsh depends, as we have seen, on the consonantal elements which follow it in the syllable. ii. A short accented vowel in Brit. or Latin ollowed by a single consonant was lengthened in Welsh; thus Brit. *tălos gave tâl, § 51 iv Note, *rŏtā (cognate with Lat. rŏta) gave rhōd, Lat. sŏnus gave sôn, etc. This took place after the change in the quality of long vowels, for while original ā gives aw § 71, long ā lengthened from ă remains â. It also took place after the reduction of pp, tt, cc into ff, th, ch, for the latter are treated as single consonants for this purpose; thus Lat. saccus became *saχos with single χ, which gives sach (≡ sāχ) in Welsh. Long vowels remained long, as in pûr from Lat. pūrus. On the other hand, a vowel originally long was shortened before two consonants; thus the ō of Lat. fōrma became ǖ, which was shortened in the Welsh ffŭrf. Hence the general rule § 51 i, which probably goes back to Early Welsh and beyond; for the lengthening of short vowels originated at the time of the loss of the ending, and is due to compensation for that loss. iii. There is no reason to suppose that this lengthening took place only in monosyllables. Thus O. W. litan ‘wide’ (: Gaul. litanos in Κογκο-λιτανος, Smertu-litanus, etc., Ir. lethan) was probably sounded *llỿ-dā́n, while guinlann was doubtless *gwinl(l)ắnn. In Ml. W. when the ultima became unaccented this distinction was lost, the a of llýdān being shortened, § 49, and the nn of gwín-llann being simplified, § 27 ii. The rule forbidding the rhyming of such a pair was handed down from the older period, and is given in r.g. 1136; such a rhyme is called trwm ac ysgawn ‘heavy [with 2 consonants] and light [with one]’. But the bard’s ear no longer detected any difference in the unaccented ultima; he is therefore instructed to add a syllable to find out whether the syllable is “heavy” or “light”: kallonneu (ll ≡ l‑l) is given as an example to show that the on(n) of kallon [sic] is “heavy”, and amkaneu to show that the an of amkan is “light”. The Early Ml. bards avoid trwm ac ysgawn; but in the first poem in b.b., where the rhyme is ‑ann, several forms in ‑an occur, as imuan 1 (: gwanaf ‘I wound’), darogan 7 (: canaf ‘I sing’), which shows that |
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74 Phonology §§ 57, 58 the distinction was beginning to disappear. The Late Ml. poets frankly give it up; e.g. Ca. bychan / glan / kyvan(n) / diflan(n) / darogan / …kalan(n) / kan / Ieuan(n), r.p. 1233–4. Yet in O. W. the distinction was a real one, for it is reflected in the ordinary spelling of words; as bichan ox. ‘little’ (cf. vychanet w.m. 44, r.m. 31), atar ox. ‘birds’ (cf. adaren b.b. 107), scribenn m.c. ‘writing’ (cf. yscrivennu Ỻ.A. 2), corsenn ox., guinlann juv., etc. The dimin. endings ‑yn, ‑en appear as ‑inn, ‑enn; the pl. ending ‑i̯on is always ‑ion. iv. In the unaccented penult in O. W. the distinction between an open and a closed syllable was preserved; the vowel must have been shorter in the latter, as it was later when the penult became accented. v. The diversity in the present quantity of vowels before ll and s, and the fixing of the present quantities of diphthongs, are due to complicated actions of analogy, which it would take too much space here to attempt to trace. The Aryan vowels in Keltic § 57. Parent Aryan had the following vowel-system:
e and o were probably pronounced open; u has of course its Latin value ≡ Welsh w (not Welsh u); ə was an obscure vowel whose exact quality is uncertain, but which was probably not unlike W. ỿ; vocalic l̥, m̥, n̥, r̥ arose from reduced el, em, en, er; when long they represent the contracted reductions of two syllables § 63 vii (2). § 58. i. The Aryan short vowels remained unchanged in Primitive Keltic, except ə, which became a as in all the other branches except Indo-Iranian, in which it became i, see vii below. ii. Ar. a (Lat. a, Gk. α). Lat. dacruma (lacruma), Gk. δάκρυ, Goth. tagr: W. pl. dagrau ‘tears’ < Pr. Kelt. *dakruu̯a.—Ar. *ag̑ō > Lat. agō, Gk. ἄγω: Ir. agaim ‘I drive’, W. af for a-af for *aᵹaf ‘I go’ < Pr. Kelt. *ag‑.—Lat. sāl, sălis, Gk. ἅλς, Goth. salt: Ir. salann, W. halen ‘salt’ < Pr. Kelt. *sal‑. iii. Ar. e (Lat. e, Gk. ε). Ar. *bher- > Lat. ferō, Gk. φέρω, O. E. beran ‘to bear’: Ir. berimm ‘I bear’, W. ad-feraf ‘I re- |
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§ 59 ARYAN VOWELS IN KELTIC 75 store’ < Pr. Kelt. *ber‑.—Ar. *medhu- > Gk. μέθυ ‘wine’, O. H. G. metu ‘mead’, O. Bulg. medŭ ‘honey’, Skr. mádhu ‘honey’: W. medd ‘mead’, meddw̯ ‘drunk’ < Pr. Kelt. *medu- *medu̯‑.—Ar. *ek̑u̯os > Lat. equus, Skr. ás̑va‑ḥ: Ir. ech ‘horse’, Gaul. Epo- (in Epo-redia, etc.), W. eb-ol ‘colt’ < Pr. Kelt. *eku̯‑. iv. Ar. i (Lat. i, Gk. ι). Ar. *u̯id- (√u̯eid- ‘see, know’) > Lat. video ‘I see’, Gk. Hom. ϝίδμεν, Goth. witum ‘we know’: Ir. fiss ‘knowledge’, W. gw̯ŷs ‘summons’ < Pr. Kelt. *u̯iss‑, § 87 ii.—Ar. *u̯liqu̯- (√u̯eleiqu̯- ‘wet’) > Lat. liqueo: Ir. fliuch ‘wet’, W. gw̯lyb ‘wet’ < Pr. Kelt. *u̯liqu̯‑. v. Ar. o (Lat. o, Gk. ο). Ar. *ok̑tṓ(u) > Lat. octō, Gk. ὀκτώ: Ir. ocht, W. ŵyth ‘eight’ < Pr. Kelt. *oktō § 69 iv (2). Ar. *loɡh- (√leɡh- ‘lie’) > Gk. λόχος ‘bed, couch, ambush’, O. Bulg. są-logŭ ‘consors tori’: W. go-lo-i, r.p. 1040, ‘to lay, bury’ < Pr. Kelt. *log‑.—Ar. *toɡ- (√(s)theɡ- ‘cover’) > Lat. toga: W. to ‘roof’, § 104 ii (2). vi. Ar. u (Lat. u, Gk. υ). Ar. weak stem *k̑un- > Gk. gen. sg. κυνός, Goth. hunds, Skr. gen. sg. s̑únaḥ: W. pl. cŵn ‘dogs’ < Pr. Kelt. *kun-es.—Ar. *sru‑t- (√sreu- ‘flow’) > Gk. ῥυτός ‘flowing’, Skr. srutáḥ ‘flowing’, Lith. srutà ‘dung-water’: Ir. sruth ‘stream’, W. rhwd ‘dung-water’ < Pr. Kelt. *srut-. vii. Ar. ə (see i). Ar. *pətḗr *pətér- > Lat. pater, Gk. πατήρ, Goth. fadar, Arm. hair, Skr. pitár‑: Ir. athir ‘father’ < Pr. Kelt. *(p)atīr. Ar. *sət- (√sē- ‘sow’) > Lat. satus: W. had ‘seed’ < Pr. Kelt. *sat‑, § 63 vi (1). § 59. i. The Aryan long vowels ā, ī, ū remained; but ē became ī; and ō in stem syllables became ā, in final syllables ū. ii. Ar. ā (Lat. ā, Gk. Dor. ᾱ, Att. Ion. η). Ar. *bhrāt-ēr, ‑er‑, ‑ōr, ‑or- > Lat. frāter, Gk. Dor. φρᾱ́τηρ ‘member of a clan’, Goth. brōþar, Skr. bhrā́tar‑: Ir. brāthir, W. brawd ‘brother’, pl. broder, brodorion § 124 i < Pr. Kelt. *brāt-īr, ‑er‑, ‑or‑.—Ar. *māt-ēr, ‑er‑, ‑r- > Lat. māter, Gk. Dor. μᾱ́τηρ, Skr. mātár‑: Ir. māthir ‘mother’, W. modr‑yb ‘aunt’ < Pr. Kelt. *māt-ēr, ‑r‑. iii. Ar. ē (Lat. ē, Gk. η). Lat. vērus, O. Bulg. věra ‘faith’: Ir. fir, W. gwīr ‘true’ < Pr. Kelt. *u̯īros.—Lat. rēx, Skr. rā́j- ‘king’: Ir. rī, Gaul. rīx, W. rhī < Pr. Kelt. *rīks, *rīg‑. iv. Ar. ī (Lat. ī, Gk. ῑ). Ar. *qu̯rīt- (√qu̯rei̯ā- ‘buy’) > Skr. krītaḥ ‘bought’: Ir. crīthid ‘inclined to buy’, W. prīd |
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76 Phonology §§ 60, 61 ‘precious’ < *Pr. Kelt. qu̯rīt‑. O. H. G. rīm, O. E. rīm ‘number’: Ir. rīm, W. rhīf ‘number’ < Pr. Kelt. *rīm‑. Ar. suffix *‑īno‑, as in Lat. su-īnus: W. ‑in § 153 (10) < Pr. Kelt. *‑īno‑. v. Ar. ō (Lat. ō, Gk. ω). Lat. ōcior, Gk. ὠκύς, Skr. ās̑úḥ ‘quick’: Ml. W. di-awc, Mn. W. di-og ‘idle’ < Pr. Kelt. *āk-us.—Lat. ignōtus, nōtus, Gk. γνωτός: Ir. gnāth ‘known, accustomed’, W. gnawd ‘customary’ < Pr. Kelt. *gnātos.—Lat. flōs, O. H. G. bluot ‘bloom’: Ir. blāth, Ml. W. blawt ‘blossom’ < Pr. Kelt. *blāt‑. In final syllables Ar. ō > Kelt. ū; this became ǖ, later ī in Brit., and affected a preceding vowel, § 69 i; it remains as ‑ī in W. cī ‘dog’ § 132 (1). But when followed by a final nasal ō became o in Pr. Kelt.; thus Ir. gen. pl. fer ‘of men’ implies *u̯irŏn from *u̯irōm *‑ōm: Gk. ‑ων). vi. Ar. ū (Lat. ū, Gk. ῡ). Lat. tū, Gk. τῡ́-νη), O. Icel. þū, Avest. tū: Ir. tū, W. tī ‘thou’ < Pr. Kelt. *tū.—O. H. G. rūna, O. Icel. rūn ‘secret, rune’: Ir. rūn, W. rhīn ‘secret’ < Pr. Kelt. *rūn‑.—Lat. cūlus: Ir. cūl, W. cīl ‘back’ < Pr. Kelt. *kūl‑. § 60. The Aryan short diphthongs remained in Pr. Kelt.; see examples in §§ 75, 76. In the long diphthongs the long vowels developed as elsewhere; thus āi, āu remained; ēi > īi̯; ēu > īu; in syllables not final ōi, ōu became āi, āu respectively; in final syllables ōi > ūi, later doubtless ū, but seemingly still written ‑ουι in Gaulish, Rhys CIG. 5; ōu > ūu̯; §§ 75, 76. § 61. i. (1) Aryan l̥, r̥ (Lat. ul, or; Gk. αλ, λα, αρ, ρα; Germ. ul, ur; Skr. r̥, r̥) probably remained in Pr. Kelt., but developed in all the groups as li, ri. Thus Ar. *ml̥k̑‑t- (√melg̑- ‘milk’) > Lat. mulctus: Ir. mlicht, blicht, W. blith ‘milch’ < *mlikt- < Pr. Kelt. *ml̥kt- (W. ar-mel ‘the second milk’, mel-foch ‘suckling pigs’ < F-grade *melg̑‑).—Ar. *k̑l̥‑t- (√k̑el- ‘hide’) > Lat. oc-cult-us: Ir. clethi ‘celandum’, W. clyd ‘sheltered’ < Pr. Kelt. *kl̥t‑.—Ar. *pr̥t- (√per-) > Lat. portus, O.H.G. furt: Gaul. ‑ritum, O. W. rit, Mn. W. rhyd ‘ford’ < Pr. Kelt. *(p)r̥t‑.—Ar. *qu̯r̥m-is ‘worm’ > Skr. kŕ̥mi‑ḥ, Lith. kirmis: Ir. cruim, W. pryf 'worm' < Pr. Kelt. *qu̯r̥mis.—Ar. *dr̥k̑- (√ derk̑‑) > Gk. ἔδρακον ‘I saw’, Skr. dŕ̥s̑- ‘look’: Ir. drech ‘aspect’, W. drych ‘appearance’, e-drychaf ‘I look’ < Pr. Kelt. *dṛk‑. |
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§ 62 ARYAN VOWELS IN KELTIC 77 Ir. cru comes from qu̯ri before i, e or u, as shown by cruimther ‘priest’ which appears in ogam as qu̯rimitir < Early W. primter, Thurneysen Gr. 135; therefore this proves nothing as to Kelt. r̥. But Kelt. *r̥k gave Brit. *r̥kk > W. rych as in drych above, rhych < *pr̥k- § 101 iii (1), Zupitza KZ. xxxv 256, while Kelt. rik gives W. ryg as in cryg § 101 ii (2). (2) Before vowels and i̯ and u̯, Ar. preserved an older form of these sounds, which we may write ₑl, ₑr, where ₑ represents an indistinct or murmured vowel. These give Kelt, ar, al, see § 63 iii. ii. Ar. l̥̄, r̥̄ (Lat. lā, rā; Skr. īr, ūr for both) appear in Pr. Kelt. as lā, rā. Thus Ar. *pl̥̄-no- ‘full’ (√pelē‑) > Skr. pūrṇá‑ḥ: Ir. lān, W. llawn ‘full’ < Pr. Kelt. *(p)lānos.—Ar. *ml̥̄‑t- (√melā- ‘grind’) > W. blawd ‘flour’ < Pr. Kelt. *mlāt‑.—Ar. *g̑r̥̄n- (√gerāˣ- ‘rub, grind’) > Lat. grānum, Skr. jīrṇá‑ḥ ‘worn out’: Ir. grān, W. grawn ‘grain’ < Pr. Kelt. *grān‑. See § 63 vii (2). 62. i. (1) Ar. m̥, n̥ (Lat. em, en; Gk. α; Germ. um, un; Skr. a) remained in Pr. Kelt., and appear as am, an in Brit. and Gaul., and *em, *en in Ir. (becoming ē before c, t, and im, in before b, d, g). Thus Ar. k̑m̥tóm ‘hundred’ > Lat. centum, Gk. ἑ-κατόν, Goth. hund, Lith. szim̃tas, Skr. s̑atá‑m: Ir. cēt, W. cant.—Ar. *dn̥t- ‘tooth’ > Lat. dent‑, Goth. tunþus, Skr. dat‑: Ir. dēt, W. dant.—Ar. *n̥- negative prefix > Lat. in‑, Gk. ὰ‑, Germ, un‑: Ir. in-gnath ‘unwonted’, ē-trōcar ‘unmerciful’, W. an- § 156 i (5). (2) Before vowels and i̯ and u̯, the forms were ₑm, ₑn, see § 61 i (2); these gave am, an in Kelt., and appear so in Ir. and W.; thus W. adanedd ‘wings’ < *pₑtₑníi̯ās; O. W. ‑ham, W. ‑(h)af spv. suffix < *‑isₑmos. But when ₑn followed the accent it seems to have become ann in Kelt. (through n̥n?); thus Ir. anmann ‘names’ < *án’mₑna < *ánəmₑnə § 121 iv, § 63 v (2); Ir. Ērenn ‘of Ireland’ < *ēriann < *īu̯erii̯ₑn-os beside W. Iwerẟon ‘Ireland’ < *īu̯éri̯on‑;—Brit. Britann- < *qu̯rítₑn- § 3 iii; with the same suffix W. pell-enn-ig ‘stranger’;—W. griddfan ‘groan’ pl. griddfannau § 203 ii (4);—W. Gofannon, Gaul. Gobannicnos, Ir. goba ‘smith’, gen. gobann; etc.—Final ‑ann either remains as ‑an, or is reduced to ‑a § 110 v (2), or tended to become ‑ant (through ‑and?) § 121 iv, 203 ii (4). |
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78 Phonology § 63 This development is precisely parallel to that of the R-grade of ei̯ after the accent in Brit., which gave ai̯i̯ > W. ‑oeẟ, the second i̯ becoming ẟ. Similarly ou̯ after the accent gives W. ‑eü̯, prob. from ´‑ou̯u̯- § 76 iii (2). ii. Ar. m̥̄, n̥̄ were doubtless mā, nā in Pr. Kelt. Thus Ar. *sn̥̄- (R² of √senē‑, see § 63 vii (2)), > Ir. snā-that, W. no-dwydd ‘needle’.—Ir. gnāth, W. gnawd ‘known, accustomed’ might be from *g̑n̥̄- like Lat. gnā-rus, but is more probably from *g̑nō- like Lat. nōtus, √g̑enē‑. The Gaul, ‑gnatus ‘born’ is assumed to have ā, in which case it may be from *g̑n̥̄‑; but it may have ă from ə, like W. ynad ‘judge’, Early Ml. W. pl. hyg̃neid B.B. 10, 84 < *hyn-ᵹnat < *seno-gnat- ‘elder’ < *g̑nə‑t‑, √g̑enē- ‘give birth’. Aryan vowel gradation § 63. i. In Parent Aryan, while the consonants of any morphological element were comparatively stable, its vocalism varied according to circumstances; this variation is called “vowel gradation” or “ablaut”. The system is similar to, but less highly developed than, that of the Semitic languages, in which the only fixed elements of a word are its consonantal skeleton. In Aryan what may be regarded as the standard vowel was e; this is the full grade, and may be denoted by F. It interchanged with o; this grade may be denoted by F°. In either case the vowel might be lengthened, becoming ē or ō; the lengthened grades may be denoted by L and L°. The vowel might become more or less indistinct; in this case we write it below the line thus ₑ; this is the reduced grade, R. Lastly it might vanish altogether; this is the vanishing grade, V. The same syllable in different combinations may occur in any or all of these grades. ii. Taking the root *sed- ‘sit’ as an example, the system is as follows (for z in V-grade see § 97) :
Examples: V *‑zd‑: W. nyth, Lat. nīdus, E. nest, etc. < Ar. *ni-zd-os § 97 ii, W. syth < *si‑zd‑, ibid.—R *sₑd‑: W. hadl < *sₑd-lo- § 111 vii (1).—F *sed‑: W. gorsedd ‘high seat’ < Kelt. *u̯er-en-sed‑; eistedd ‘to sit’ met. for *eitsedd < *ati-en-sed‑; Gaul. esseda ‘war-chariot’ < *en-sed‑; W. annedd ‘dwelling’ for ann-hedd < *n̥do-sed‑, cyntedd ‘porch’ < *kintu-sed‑; heddwch ‘peace’ < *sed‑; Lat. sedeo, etc.—F° *sod‑: W. hudd-ygl, Ir. suide ‘soot’ § 100 v; W. aros ‘to stay’ < *pₑri-sod‑t- § 187 iii.—L *sēd‑: Lat. sēdēs, whence W. swydd ‘office’.—L° *sōd‑: W. soddi ‘to sink’, sawdd ‘subsidence’ < *sōd‑, O.E. sōt, E. soot. |
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§ 63 Vowel gradation 79 √ed- ‘eat’:—V *d‑: W. dant, Lat. dent‑, etc. < *d‑n̥t- (participial stem) ‘*eater’. F *ed‑: W. ŷs ‘eats’ < *etˢti < *ed-ti, Lat. edo, est.—L *ēd‑: Lat. in-ēdia, Skr. ādyáḥ ‘eatable’. √ret- ‘run’:—F *ret‑: W. rhedaf ‘I run’, gwa-redaf ‘I succour’, Gaul. Vo-reto‑.—F° *rot‑: Ir. roth, W. rhod ‘wheel’, Lat. rota.—L° *rōt‑: W. rhawd ‘troop’, Ml. W. gwarawt ‘he succoured’ < *u̯o-rāt- < *upo-(re)rōte. In Kelt. ₑ becomes a before explosives, as well as before l, r, m, n, see iii below. Thus W. adar ‘birds’ < *pₑtₑr‑; adanedd ‘wings’ < *pₑtₑníi̯ās; beside edn ‘bird’ < *petn‑, √pet- ‘fly’. In Italic also we seem to have a for it, as in Lat. quattuor < *qu̯ₑtu̯ores; in Gk. ι in πίσαρες; Hirt, Abl. 15, Meillet, Intr.² 73. iii. When the vowel is followed by one of the sonants l, r, m, n, the scheme is as follows, er being taken as the example:
Examples: suffix *‑ter‑:—V *‑tr‑: W. modryb ‘aunt’ < mā́-tr-əqu̯-ī, Lat. gen. mā-tr-is.—R *‑tr̥‑: Skr. mā-tr̥-kā ‘grandmother’.—F *‑ter‑: W. bro-der ‘brothers’, Gk. acc. πα-τέρ-α.—F° *‑tor‑: W. bro-dor-ion ‘brothers, clansmen’, Gk. acc. φρᾱ́-τορ-α.—L *‑tēr‑: Gk. πατήρ.—L° ‑tōr‑: Gk. φρᾱ́-τωρ. √bher- ‘bear’: R *bhr̥‑: W. cymryd ‘to take’ < *kom-bhr̥‑t-—F *bher‑: W. cymeraf ‘I take’ < *kom-bher‑; Lat. fero, Gk. φέρω, etc. √k̑el- ‘hide’:—R *k̑l‑: W. clyd ‘sheltered’ < *k̑l̥‑t‑, Lat. occultus § 61 i (i).—F *k̑el‑: W. celaf ‘I conceal’.—L *k̑ēl‑: Lat. cēl-o. Before these sonants ₑ appears as a in Kelt., giving al, ar, am, an. In other branches thus : Ar. ₑl, ₑr give Gk. αλ, αρ, Lat. al, ar, Germ. ul, ur, Skr. ir ur (for both), Lith. il ul, ir ur; Ar. ₑm, ₑn give Gk. αμ, αν, Lat. am, an or em, en (venio § 100 i (4), tenuis below), Germ. um, un, Skr. am, an, Lith. im um, in un. The V-grade occurs only before vowels. The form r̥, n̥, etc. of the R-grade occurs only before consonants; the form ₑr, ₑn, etc. before vowels, and before i̯ and u̯. Where in the derived languages the latter appears before other consonants, a vowel following it has been elided since the Ar. period. I use ’ to mark this elision. Examples: V-grade of el in W. glas ‘green’ see vii (3); of er in rhann vii (2); of en in glin vii (4). R-grade before consonants, l̥, r̥, m̥, n̥, see examples in §§ 61, 62. R-grade before vowels: W. malaf ‘I grind’ < *mₑl‑, √melāˣ- ‘grind’;—araith ‘speech’, Ir. airecht < *ₑreq‑t‑, √ereq- ‘speak’: O. Bulg. reką ‘I speak’ (with V-grade of 1st syll.);—archaf ‘I ask’, Ir. arco < Kelt. *ar’k- < *pₑrₑk̑‑, √perek̑‑: Lat. precor (with V-grade of 1st syll.);—carr ‘car’, Ir. carr, Gaul. (‑Lat.) carr(‑us) < Pr. Kelt. *kar’sos: Lat. currus < *qr̥s-os;—darn ‘fragment’ < *dₑr’n- < *dₑrə‑n‑: Skr. dīrṇáḥ ‘split, divided’ < *dr̥̄n- < *dₑrə‑n‑, √derā- |
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80 PHONOLOGY § 63 ‘split’;—so sarn ‘causeway’: Skr. stīrṇáḥ ‘strewn’, √sterō‑;—carn ‘hoof’, Galat. κάρνον ‘trumpet’: √k̑erāˣ(u̯)‑;—teneu ‘thin’, Corn. tanow, Ir. tana: Gk. τανυ‑, Lat. tenuis, Skr. tanú‑ḥ, all < Ar. *tₑnu‑; hafal ‘like, equal’, Ir. samail ‘likeness’ < *sₑmₑl‑: Lat. similis;—ganed ‘was born’ < *g̑ₑn‑, *√g̑enē‑. R-grade before u̯: W. carw̯ deer ' < *k̑ₑru̯-os: Lat. cervus < *k̑eru̯-os;—marw̯ ‘dead’: Lat. mortuus § 204 ii (5);—before i̯: W. myned § 100 iv. The forms l̥, r̥, m̥, n̥ are generally classed as V-grade; but the vowel of the syllable cannot be said to have vanished when it has converted the consonant r into the vowel r̥. In fact r̥ is the form that ₑr takes before a consonant, and must therefore be the same grade. iv. The treatment of the diphthongs ei, eu (properly ei̯, eu̯) is parallel, i̯ and u̯ corresponding to l, r, m, n, and vocalic i, u to vocalic l̥, r̥, m̥, n̥. Thus:
The R-grade forms i, u occur before consonants only; the forms ₑi̯, ₑu̯, which became ii̯, uu̯, occur before vowels. Examples: V-grade: W. berw̯i ‘to boil’, Lat. ferveo < *bheru̯‑, √bhereu̯‑;—W. duw ‘god’ < *dw͡yw̯, Lat. deus both < *dei̯u̯-os, √dei̯eu̯‑, vii (4). √u̯ei̯d- ‘see, know’:—R: gwedd ‘aspect’ < *u̯id-ā; gw̯ŷs ‘summons’, gw̯ŷs ‘it is known’, both < *u̯itˢt- < *u̯id‑t‑; Lat. vid-eo;—F: gŵydd ‘presence’ < *u̯ei̯d‑, arw͡ydd ‘sign’ < *pₑri-u̯eid‑; Gk. εἴδομαι;—F°: Gk. οἶδα < *u̯oi̯d-a. √k̑leu̯- ‘hear’:—R: clod ‘praise’ < *k̑lu-tó‑m § 66 v; Gk. κέ-κλυ-θι;—F: clust ‘ear’ < *k̑leu‑t‑st- § 96 ii (3). √deu̯k- ‘lead’:—R: dyg-af ‘I bring’, dwg ‘brings’ < *duk‑; dwyn ‘to bring’ < *duk‑n‑;—F: Lat. dūco, O. Lat. douc-o, Goth. tiuh-an < *deuk‑;—L°: dug 'brought' < *(du)-dōuk‑, § 182 ii (2). The V-grade disappears between consonants; see √qonei̯d- vii (4) √geneu̯- ib.; see viii (2) and § 100 ii (2). v. (1) As seen above, Ar. had the vowel e interchanging with o; the vowels i and u are secondary, being vocalized forms of i̯ and u̯. (2) a occurred in Ar. only in special cases, which Meillet, Intr.² 139 gives thus: 1. in child-language, as Skr. tata, Gk. τάτα, Lat. tata, W. tada; 2. in certain isolated words, possibly borrowed, as Lat. faba; 3. in a few endings, as 3rd sg. mid. *‑tai, Gk. ‑ται, Skr. ‑te; and 4. initially, interchanging with zero, as Gk. ἀστήρ: Lat. stella, W. seren, E. star. As shown by Meillet (ib. 140) initial a- may coexist with the F- or L-grade of the following syll., as in Gk. ἀ(ϝ)έξω with F *u̯eg- beside αὔξω, Lat. augeo with V *u̯g‑; cf. ἀστήρ. This seems to imply that a- might be a movable preformative, but it does not prove that it was |
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§ 63 Vowel gradation 81 outside the ablaut system; in fact, the common gradation ā : ə necessarily implies the ablaut of a, as ē : ə does that of e; see vi. Many indications point to a being an Ar. survival of a pre-Aryan sole vowel a, which ordinarily split up in Ar. into e and o. It is preserved in child-language because this is conservative; thus while Ar. *tata gives W. tad ‘father’, in W. child-speech it remains as táda. In the ordinary language a stands side by side with e/o, or occurs where we should expect e/o, in the following cases: 1. initially; 2. before *ə̯ or i̯; 3. before gutturals. Thus 1. at‑, ati‑: et‑, eti- pref. and adv. ‘beyond, and, but’ § 222 i (3); O. W. anu, Ir. ainm ‘name’ < *án(ə)mn̥, Armen. anun ‘name’: Gk. ὄνομα < *ónəmn̥, √onō‑/anō‑.—2. The ending of the neut. pl. nom.-acc. is *‑ə; now the neut. pl. of o/e-stems is ‑ā from *‑aə, where *‑a- represents the stem vowel instead of ‑o- (or ‑e‑); similarly the fem. of o/e-stems is formed with ‑ā- for *‑aə‑; but i̯o/i̯e-stems have beside ‑iā- < *‑iaə- the fem. form ‑i̯ē- < *‑i̯eə‑. Cf. also ā : ō ix below. In the dat. sg. of cons. stems both ‑ai and ‑ei occur, as Gk. infin. suff. ‑μεναι: Osc. diúveí, patereí, Solmsen KZ. xliv 161 ff. In the positions indicated, a has R- and L-grades. Thus, 1. Initially: F *am- in Gk. ἀμφί, Lat. ambi‑: R *m̥- in Ir. imb, imm, W. am, ym‑, Skr. abhí-taḥ (a- < *m̥‑) ‘on both sides’; F *ar- in W. arth, Gk. ἄρκτος: R *r̥- in Lat. ursus, Skr. ŕ̥kṣah § 98 i (2); F *ag̑- in Lat. ago, Gk. ἄγω: L *āg- in Lat. amb-āges.—2. Before ə̯ or i̯: F *ā (< *aə): R *ə, see vi; F *ai- in Gk. αἴθω, Ir. aed ‘fire’, W. aelwyd: R *i- in Skr. idh-má‑s ‘firewood’. For the fem. of i̯o/i̯e-stems there is beside ‑i̯ā- and ‑i̯ē- a form ‑ī‑; this may be explained thus: RF *ii̯aə, *ii̯eə give ii̯ā, ii̯ē: RR *ii̯ə > ī, vii (2). Cf. vii (5). 3. Before gutturals : √ak̑‑: oq- ‘sharp, rugged’, as Gk. ὄκρις, ὀξύς, Lat. ocris, W. ochr: Gk. ἄκρος, Lat. acus, W. (h)agr ‘ugly’;—√dek̑/g̑h- ‘to seem good, acceptable; to apprehend, teach’; e in Lat. decus, decet, Ir. dech, deg, ‘best’: o in Lat. doceo, Gk. δοκέω, δόγμα: a in Gk. διδάσκω (< *διδαδσκω), διδάχη, W. da ‘good’ < *dag‑, Gaul. Dago‑, Ir. dag- ‘good’. vi. (1) The long vowels ē, ō, ā had R- and V-grades; ē had also the F°-grade ō. The R-grade of each is ə. Before a vowel ə regularly disappears, giving the V-grade, as in Skr. dá-d-ati ‘they give’, where ‑d- is the V-grade of √dō‑. It also occurs before consonants, as in Skr. da-d-máḥ ‘we give’ beside Gk. δί-δο-μεν; but the disappearance of ə between consonants is believed to be due to analogy or elision after the Ar. period. It is however lost in syllables not initial or final in Germ., Balt.-Slav., Armenian, Iranian; Meillet, Dial. 63. ə appears to come from a guttural spirant resembling ᵹ (§ 110 ii (2)), which played the same part as the sonants, so that the ablaut series of ē is parallel to that of ei̯ or er, the F-grade ē being for *eə̯; thus V (ə non-syllabic, lost) ; R ə (syllabic); F ē for *eə̯; F° ō for *oə̯; corresponding to V i̯ (non-syllabic); R i (syllabic); F ei̯, F° oi̯. This explains why ə is the R-grade of all the long vowels. |
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82 Phonology § 63 In cases where the F-grade has not survived, or
has survived only in Indo-Iranian, where ā̆, ē̆,
ō̆ all appear as ā̆, so that the
quality of the vowel is unknown, it is usual to write it āˣ. Examples: √dō- ‘give’:
F: dawn ‘gift’ < *dō‑n‑;
Lat. dō-num;
Gk. δί-δω-μι.—V: rho-ẟ-ant ‘they give’ < *pro-d-n̥ti; Skr. dá-d-ati < *dé-d-n̥ti. √dhē- ‘put’:—F:
Gk. τί-θη-μι;—V: rho-ẟ-ant ‘they put’. See § 179 ii. √sthā- ‘stand’: R: gwa-sta‑d ‘level’
< *upo-sthə‑t‑; Lat. stā-tus;
W. sa‑f ‘stand’ < *sthə‑m- § 203 vii (5);—F: saw‑dl ‘heel’ < *sthā‑tl‑. √sē- ‘sow’:—R: had ‘seed’
< Ar. *sə‑t‑; Lat. să-tus.—F: hīl ‘progeny’,
Ir. sīl < *sē‑l‑; Lat. sē-vi, sē-men. (2) ə generally appears
as a in the European languages, as in the above examples.
(Cf. § 110 ii (2).) But in Gk. if the F-grade is ē or ō,
the R-grade often appears as ε or ο. Elsewhere e beside a is
probably to be explained as due to a variant of the root, with short vowel;
thus W. tref, O. W. treb ‘homestead’ < *treb‑;
Lat. trabs < *trəb‑;
Gk. τέρεμνον,
τέραμνον both < *terəb‑;
√terē̆b‑. vii. (1) As a rule the same morphological
element could not contain two F-grade syllables, though, of course, a word,
made up of more than one element, might. The diversity in different languages
of words of the same origin is largely due to the preservation of various
groupings of grades; see for example *qu̯etu̯er- in (4) below. (2) A large number of roots were
disyllabic. A characteristic form of Ar. root had a short vowel in the first
syllable and a long in the second. A very common form of reduction was RR,
i.e. R-grade of both syllables. When the consonant between the vowels was one
of the sonants i̯, u̯, RR was ₑi̯ə, ₑu̯ə, which gave ii̯ə, uu̯ə; these were generally contracted to ī, ū respectively;
we may call this contraction R². On the analogy of these it is assumed that
RR ₑlə, ₑrə, ₑmə, ₑnə gave respectively R² l̥̄, r̥̄, m̥̄, n̥̄, § 61 ii, § 62 ii. The uncontracted RR forms also survived, as in
Gk. παλάμη; < *pₑlə-mā, √pelā‑, beside
W. llaw(f), Ir. lām < Kelt. *lā-mā <
*pl̥̄-mā;—W. taradr ‘auger’,
Ir. tarathar < ER *tₑrə‑tr‑, beside
Gk. τέρετρον < FR *terə‑tr‑,
√terē- ‘bore’;—W. rhaeadr ‘cataract’
< RR *rii̯ə‑tr‑, beside Lat. rīvus <
R² *rī‑, √rei̯ā- ‘flow’. In many cases the ə dropped,
see vi (1), as in Lat. palma < *pₑl(ə)-mā; we may
denote this by R(R). Beside these we also have VR forms lə, rə,
mə, nə; thus beside W. gwaladr ‘ruler’ < RR
*u̯ₑlə‑tr‑, we have W. gw̯lad ‘country’, Ir. flaith ‘lordship’ < VR *u̯lə‑t‑, √u̯elē(i)- (: Lat. valēre,
E. wield);—W. gw̯lân ‘wool’ < VR *u̯lən-ā, beside Lat. lāna, Skr. ū́rṇā < R² *u̯l̥̄n-ā;—W. rhann ‘share’,
Ir. rann id. < VR *prə‑t-snā,
beside Lat. part- < R(R) *pₑr(ə)‑t‑,
beside Skr. pūr-t-ám ‘reward’ < R² *pr̥̄‑t‑, √perō‑;—W. ystrad ‘dale’,
Gk. στρατός < VR *strə‑t‑,
beside W. sarn ‘causeway’ < R(R) *stₑr(ə)n‑, beside
Skr. stīr-ṇá‑ḥ ‘strewn’, Lat. strā-tus < R² *str̥̄‑, √sterō- ‘spread out’.—When the long vowel
after l, r, m, or n was ā or ō we
cannot distinguish in Kelt. between |
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§ 63 VOWEL GRADATION 83 R² and VF, since in Kelt. l̥̄, lā, lō, all give lā; we can only infer the probable original from a comparison of cognates; thus O.E. flōr ‘floor’ < VF *plā‑r- suggests that Ir. lār, W. llawr ‘floor’ contain VF *plā‑r‑, √pelā‑; and Gk. παλάμη < RR as above suggests W. llaw < R². But where the vowel was ē as in √pelē- ‘fill’, we know e.g. that W. llawn, Ir. lān ‘full’ come from R² *pl̥̄‑n‑, since VF *plē‑n- as in Lat. plēnus would give W. *llīn, which does not exist, and does give Ir. līn‑, which is seen in līnaim ‘I fill’. R(R) is postulated instead of RV because the loss of ə is late; this agrees with the fact that we have ar in W., implying *ₑr the form before a vowel, the loss of which is therefore secondary, and not ry from *r̥ the form before a consonant. Similarly i may be taken as R(R) of eiē; thus RR ii̯ə > R(R) ii̯(ə) > i. Where ry occurs in W. beside forms implying an original long vowel we may assume that the former comes from a variant with short vowel of the root; thus W. gw̯rysg ‘boughs, twigs’ < *u̯r̥d‑sq‑, RV of √u̯erod‑; Lat. rādīx < *u̯r̥̄d‑, R² of √u̯erōd‑, O.E. wrōt < *u̯rōd‑, VF of √u̯erōd‑. (3) A few examples are appended: √g̑helē- ‘green, yellow’: VR *g̑hlə- > Kelt. *gla‑st- > Brit. ‑glasos ‘tawny’ (Gildas), W. glas ‘green’; FV *g̑hel- > Lat. hel-us. √gelāk/g- ‘milk’: RR *gₑlək- > Gk. γάλα, γάλακτος;—VR *glək- > Lat. lact- (whence W. llaeth); *gləkt‑s > Ir. glass ‘milk’, W. glasdwr ‘milk and water’. √qeu̯ēp- ‘blow’: VF *qu̯ēp- > Lith. kvė̃pti ‘blow’;—RR *qₑu̯əp- > W. cawad ‘shower’, Ir. cūa, gen. cūad;—VR *qu̯əp- > Lat. vapor, Gk. καπνός. √ɡu̯ei̯ē- ‘live’: R² *ɡu̯ī- > Lat. vī-vu‑s, W. buan ‘quick’ < Brit. *bī-u̯o-no‑s § 76 ix (2);—R(R) *ɡu̯i- > W. by‑w ‘live’, by‑d ‘world’, Gk. βίος;—VF *ɡu̯i̯ē- > Gk. ζῆν. √bheu̯ā- ‘be’: R(R) *bhu- > Lat. fu-turus, Gk. φύ-σις, Kelt. *bu-tā > W. bod ‘to be’;—L°V *bhōu̯- > W. bu § 189 iv (3);—VV *bh(u̯)- > f- in Lat. fīo, b- in W. byẟ § 189 iv (1). (4) When the second syllable has a short vowel, the treatment is similar: RR ii̯ₑ > R² ī, etc., as before; RV is ĭ. Examples: √dei̯eu̯- ‘god, day’: FV *dei̯u̯-os > Lat. deus, W. *dwyw > duw ‘god’;—R² *dīu̯- > Lat. dīv-us;—RV *dĭu- > W. dyw ‘day’;—RL *dii̯ēu̯- > Lat. diēs, W. dydd ‘day’. √qonei̯d- ‘nit’: FR *qonid- > Gk. κονίς gen. κονίδος ‘nit’; VR *qnid- > O.E. hnitu, E. nit, O.H.G. hniz ‘nit’; *s(q)nid-ā > W. nedd ‘nits’, Ir. sned ‘nit’;—FV *qond- > Lith. kandìs ‘moth’; *sqond- > W. chwann-en ‘flea’. √g̑eneu̯- 'knee': FR *g̑enu > Lat. genu;—F°R *g̑onu > Gk. γόνυ;—with ‑en‑, ‑er- forming names of parts of body: base *g̑eneu̯-en‑: VR² *g̑nūn‑, by dissim. > Kelt. *glūn- > Ir. glūn, W. glīn ‘knee’;—base *g̑eneu̯-er‑: RVV *g̑ₑn(u̯)r- > *ganr- > W. garr ‘knee’ (afal garr ‘knee cap’). √qorou̯‑: FR *qoru- > Gk. κορυ-φή;—VF *qrou̯- > W. crug ‘heap, hillock’. |
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84 PHONOLOGY § 63 √bhereu̯ ‘boil’: FV *bheru̯‑, see iv above;—VR *bhru- > W. brwd ‘hot, fervent’, Lat. dē-frŭ-tum ‘new wine boiled down’. *qu̯etu̯er- ‘four’: RF° *qu̯ₑtu̯or- > Lat. quattuor;—FR *qu̯etuₑr- > W. pedwar, Ir. cethir, Gk. τέτταρες;—RL° *qu̯ₑtu̯or- > Skr. catvā́raḥ, Goth. fidwor; FR (before cons.) *qu̯etu̯r̥- > Gk. τετρα‑, becoming by viii (1) *qu̯etru- it gives Gaul. Petru‑, W. pedry- as in pedry-fan. (5) Long diphthongs must represent radical disyllables, and their reduced grades can only be explained from the disyllabic forms. Thus ēi̯ must be FV of *eə̯ei̯ or *eə̯ai̯ (ei/ai v (2)); the R of the first syll. is ə which vanishes before a vowel, leaving ei or ai (properly VF of *eə̯ei̯ or *eə̯ai̯); if the second is reduced we get ii̯, before a cons. i (properly VR of *eə̯ei̯ or *eə̯ai̯). We know that ēi̯ interchanges in roots with ei̯ē or ei̯ā; this implies a metathesis of the sonants, for the latter forms represent *ei̯eə̯ or *ei̯aə̯; the RR of these is *ii̯ə which gives ī, see vii (2). Thus we have as reduced grades of ēi̯ the forms ei or ai, i(i̯), ī; for convenience these may be distinguished thus: R₁ₑ ei, R₁ₐ ai, R₂ ii̯, i, R₃ ī. The same principle applies to the long u̯-diphthongs. [It has been assumed that ai is əi̯ (with ə as R of ē), but Skr. has ay for it, whereas ə is i in Skr. Besides, we should expect əi̯ like ₑi̯ to give *ii̯, as perhaps it does, for ii̯ may also be for *əi̯ RV of *eə̯ei̯.] Examples : √sēi̯- ‘late, long’: F *sēi̯- > Skr. sāyám ‘evening’, before cons. *sē- > Lat. sērus, W. hir ‘long’, Ir. sīr;—R₁ₑ *sei- > W. hŵyr ‘late’ (< *sei-ros), hŵy ‘longer’, Ir. sīa (< *seison < *sei-isōn);—R₂ *si- > W. hyd ‘length’ (< *sit‑);—R₁ₐ *sai- > W. hoedl ‘lifetime’, Lat. saeculum ‘age’, both < *sai-tlo‑m § 75 i. √u̯erēi̯- ‘laugh (at), shame’: VR₂ *u̯ri- > *u̯ri‑zd- whence Lat. rīdeo, Skr. vrīḍ-ā ‘shame’;—(VF *u̯rē- or else) VR₃ *u̯rī- > Kelt. *u̯rī‑t- > W. gw̯rīd ‘blush’;—RR₂ *u̯ₑri- > *u̯aritā in W. dan-wared ‘to mimic’;—RR₂ *u̯ₑrii̯- > W. gw̯arae ‘play’ § 75 v (4).—From √u̯erē- (without i̯): RR *u̯ₑrə- > *u̯arat- > W. gw̯arad-w͡yẟ ‘shame’ (by dissim. for *gwarad-rw͡yẟ);—R(R) *u̯ₑr’- > *u̯ar‑t- > W. gwarth ‘shame’; *s‑u̯ar‑d- > W. chwarẟ ‘laughs’; *s‑u̯ar-tīn-ī > W. chwerthin ‘laughter’ § 203 vii (3). viii. (1) Certain combinations produced by the above laws are unstable; thus u̯r̥ is liable to become ru, as in *qu̯etru- vii (4); and u̯ₑr may become ur as in *dhur- for *dhu̯ₑr‑: *dhu̯or‑, § 91 i. While u̯ₑ, lₑ, rₑ, etc., may remain and give u̯a, la, ra, etc., in Kelt., they may be, and oftenest are, reduced to u, l̥, r̥, etc. Hence we are not obliged to postulate eue, ele, ere, etc., where there is no evidence of the first e in surviving forms. Thus: √su̯ep- ‘sleep’: F *su̯ep-no- > Lat. somnus (< *su̯epnos), Skr. svápnaḥ ‘sleep, dream’;—R *sup-no- > Gk. ὔπνος, W. hun ‘sleep’, Ir. sūan. √plethē‑: RR *pl̥thə- > Gk. πλάτα-νος, Gaul. ‑λιτα-νο‑ς, O.W. lita‑n, W. llyda‑n ‘broad’; FV *pleth- > Skr. práth-aḥ ‘breadth’, W. lled ‘breadth’;—RV *pl̯th- > W. llys ‘court’ § 96 ii (5), Gk. |
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§§ 64, 65 Vowel gradation 85 πλατ-ύς;—RV *plₑth- > Armen. layn ‘broad’;—(without l, § 101 ii (2)) RF *pₑthē- > Lat. patē-re, etc. (2) Other combinations are unpronounceable or difficult; thus u̯i̯ cannot be sounded before a cons.; in that case i̯ drops. Generally i̯, u̯ drop between consonants, see iv above. ix. Some roots have more than one ungraded form; thus radical ā may stand beside radical ō, as in *arā- or *arō- ‘scratch, bite; plough, dig’: Lat. arā-re has F *arā- of the first, Gk. ἄροτρον has R *arə- of the second. The F of both, with ‑d- extension, occurs in Lat. rād-o, rōd-o. Beside ā we have sometimes to assume a, as in Skr. rádati ‘scratches, digs’ (not ə here, which gives i in Skr.). In many cases all the forms cannot be explained without assuming an alternation of long and short vowel in the root; this may have come about by false analogy. Another common form of root alternation is *tēu̯‑: *teu̯ā- or *g̑hēi̯‑: *g̑hei̯ā- (Lat. hiā-re); see vii (5). Note.—Ablaut is not to be confused with the changes due to accentuation or other causes in the derived languages, such as the shortening of unacc. ā in Brit. § 74, or the loss of a vowel in such a word as cawr § 76 iii (4), which would be *cur if the loss were primitive § 76 ii (1). Keltic vowels § 64. From what has been said in §§ 57–62 we arrive at the following vowel system for Pr. Kelt.:
The Short Vowels. § 65. i. The short vowels a, e, o remain unchanged in W.; see examples in § 58; so Latin a, e, o; unless affected by other vowels §§ 67–70. The exceptions are the following: ii. (1) Before a guttural o in many cases became a, apparently when unaccented in Brit.; thus W. Cymro < *kom-brógos, but Cymraes ‘Welsh-woman’ < *kom-brogíssā: *brog‑, W. bro ‘border, region’ < *mrog‑, VF of √marog‑, whose FV gave Lat. marg-o;—W. troed ‘foot’ < acc. *tróget-m̞, pl. traed < acc. pl. *troget-áss (< *‑ń̥s: Skr. ‑aḥ), or from gen. pl. *troget-ón (< *‑ṓm which was generally |
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86 PHONOLOGY § 65 accented in Ar.) as in gwŷr traed ‘infantry’; √t/dhregh‑: Gk. τρέχω, τρόχος; the √ had also a by Ar. a/e/o altern. § 63 v (2), as in Ir. traig ‘foot’ < *tragets, but we can hardly suppose Ar. o/a in the same word in Brit.—Similarly in Lat. loanwords, as W. achos ‘cause’ < occā́sio.—W. achub < *occū́p- for Lat. occup- § 73 ii (4). (2) On the other hand a > o in Pr. Kelt. before Ar. ɡu̯h in W. oen, Ir. ūan ‘lamb’ < *ognos < *aɡu̯hnos: O.E. ēanian ‘yean’ § 101 iii (1). (3) In Brit. e became i before g followed by a vowel; so partly in Gaul; as W. ty ‘house’ O. W. tig < *tigos < *tegos, Brit. Cato-tigirni, also spelt (in Cornwall) Tegerno-mali beside Tigerinomalum Rhys LWPh.² 404, Gaul. Tigernum, Ir. teg ‘house’, tigerne ‘lord’, √(s)theg- § 92 i.—W. hy ‘bold’ < *segos: Gaul. Σεγο-μαρος, √seg̑h‑: Gk. ἔχω < *seg̑hō, Skr. sáhaḥ ‘might’.—W. gwe-ly ‘bed’ < *u̯o-leg‑: Ir. lige < *legii̯o- √legh‑.—Where e appears it is due to a-affection; as in bre ‘hill’ < *brigā § 103 ii (1); thus lle ‘place’ < acc. *ligan < *leg-m̥, √legh‑; gre ‘herd’ < *greg-m̥ = Lat. gregem;—godre ‘bottom (edge of garment), foot (of hill)’ < *u̯o-treg-m̥, √treɡh‑, see (1), pl. godryon, godreon, both in r.m. 151. But before a consonant eg remained: W. gwair m. ‘hay’ < *u̯egr‑: Ir. fēr;—W. tail ‘manure’ < *tegl- § 104 ii (1);—W. arwain ‘to lead’ < *ari-u̯eg‑n- √u̯eg̑h‑: Lat. veho; olr͑ein, etc. § 203 iv (1);—W. tew ‘thick’ § 76 viii. iii. (1) The mid vowels e and o were pronounced close in Brit. before nasal + explosive and became i and u respectively. Examples: e before nas. + exp. > W. y; thus W. hynt ‘way’ Ir. sēt < *sent‑: O.H.G. sind ‘way’ < *sent‑.—O.W. pimp, Ml. W. pymp ‘five’, Gaul. πεμπε- < Pr. Kelt. *qu̯eŋqu̯e < Ar. *penqu̯e.—W. cy-chwynnu Ỻ.A. 133 ‘to rise’, later ‘to start’, Ir. scendim < Ar. *sqend- § 96 iii (2).—The y becomes e by a-affection, as Gwent < Venta; cf. E. Wintchester 'Venta Belgarum'. In Lat. loanwords we have y, as tymp < tempus ; tymor < tempora ; cymynn(af) < commend-o; esgynn(af) < ascend-o, etc.; but most nouns have ‑enn, Mn. W. ‑en, as elfen < elementum; ffurfafen < firmāmentum; ysgrifen < scribenda, all fem., having been treated like native nouns in ‑enn § 143 i; mynwent fem. ‘graveyard’ alone has ‑ent < pl. monumenta. (Calan is from Vulg. Lat. Kaland‑, which occurs.) o before nas. + exp. > W. w; thus trwnc < *tronq- § 99 v (3);—twng ‘swears’: Ir. tongim ‘I swear’;—hwnt ‘yonder’: Bret. hoñt § 220 ii (5).—The change took place in Lat. loanwords, as pwnn ‘burden’ < pondus; ysbwng < spongus; except in fem. forms, as llong ‘ship’ < longa (nāvis). W. pont ‘bridge’ < Brit. acc. *pontan (< ‑m̥) put for Lat. pontem, became fem. The 3rd pl. subjunct. ‑ont instead of *‑wnt is prob. due to the analogy of the other persons, which have ‑o‑. (2) The same change took place before a liquid and explosive, though here with less regularity. |
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§ 65 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 87 e + liq. + exp. > W. y; thus Ml. W. kymyrth < *kombert-et, with a-affection kymerth § 181 vii (1);—gwyllt ‘wild’ < Brit. *gu̯eltis: Ir. geilt § 92 iv.—But usually it remains as e; thus for nyrth b.b. 68, the ordinary form is nerth m. ‘strength’; so perthyn < Lat. pertin- owing to preference for the sequence e . . y.—merch ‘maid’, perth ‘bush’ are fem.; and mellt pl. ‘lightning’, gwellt pl. ‘grass’ may be neut. pl. in *‑ā or fem. pl. in *‑ās. o + liq. + exp. > W. w ; thus W. i̯wrch ‘roebuck’, Bret. iourc’h; O. Corn, yorch: Gk. ζόρξ;—W. twrch ‘boar’, Bret. tourc’h: O. Corn. torch, Ir. torc;—W. swllt ‘money, shilling’ < Lat. sol’dus.—torch ‘torque’ is fem.: Ir. torc. But other exceptions occur as corff ‘body’ < Lat. corpus; porth m. ‘gate’ f. ‘harbour’ has exchanged genders and keeps o in both. Formations like gor-ffen etc. are also exceptions. (3) The same change took place before rn. Thus e: W. chwyrn ‘whirling’ < *spern‑, § 96 iv (1);—W. Edyrn beside Edern < Eternus.—W. gwern ‘alder’, and cern § 95 ii (3) are fem.; so uffern ‘hell’ < Vulg. Lat. īferna.—o: W. asgwrn ‘bone’ < *ast-korn- § 96 ii (4);—W. dwrn ‘fist’: Ir. dorn.—But W. corn ‘horn’ < Lat. e before rr > W. y; as byrr ‘short’: Ir. berr;—W. gyrr ‘a drove’ < *gerks- § 95 iv (2). But o remains, as in corr ‘dwarf’, torri ‘to break’. (4) In many Lat. loanwords e or o before r + cons. became a (on the analogy of the R-grade in sarn etc.?); thus sarff < serpens; carrai ‘lace’ < corrigia; parchell b.b. 55 beside porchell a.l. i 276 < porcellus; tafarn < taberna; Padarn < Paternus; Garmon < Germānus. (5) e before ss > y; as in ys (ỿs, ɥ̄́s § 82 ii (1)) < *esti ‘is’;—ŷs ‘eats’ < *essi < *ed-ti: Lat. est. Also before Lat. st as in tyst ‘witness’ < testis. But either affection or the sequence e . . y (or e . . u) causes it to be e, as in ffenestr ‘window’, testun ‘text’ < testimōnium. iv. (1) In the present penult ỿ appears for e and o before a nasal whether followed by another consonant or not; as in cychwỿnnu, tỿmor § iii (1); ffỿnnhawn, now ffynnon < Lat. fontāna; tỿner < Lat. tenerum; mỿfɥr < Lat. memoria, mỿned ‘to go’: Bret. monet; mỿnwent beside monwent < Lat. monumenta. But many exceptions occur, as cenedl ‘nation’, Conwy; and derivatives like gwenu ‘to smile’ (: gwên ‘smile’), tonnau ‘waves’ (: tonn ‘wave’) do not show the change (exc. hỿnaf ‘oldest’ assim. to the cpv. hŷn, § 148 i (11)). (2) o > ỿ in the prefixes *ko‑, *kom‑, *kon‑, *to‑, *do‑, *ro‑; as W. cỿwir ‘correct’ < Kelt. *ko-u̯īros; rhỿ-fawr ‘very great’ < *(p)ro-māros; see § 16 iii; except when the vowel of the root is lost, as in W. cosp ‘punishment’, Ir. cosc < *kon-squ̯- § 96 iii (5); W. rhodd ‘gift’ < *(p)ro‑d- § 63 vi (1).—When separately accented rhỿ has acquired a new strong form rhɥ̄́, as rhɥ̄́ ddā́ ‘too good’; similarly *dỿ, *ẟỿ, written di in O. W. (< *do ‘to’), as a preposition became *ẟɥ > Ml. W. ẏ > Mn. W. i ‘to’ § 16 ii (3). So cyn before the equative, now sounded cɥn, and dialectally k̑ĭn. |
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88 PHONOLOGY § 66 v. (1) o and a interchange after u̯ § 34 iv. So we have gwa- beside go- for gwo- < *u̯o‑: Gaul. vo- < Ar. *upo; thus gwa-red-wr ‘saviour’ < *u̯o-reto-u̯ir‑: Gaul. Voretovir‑;—W. gwas ‘servant’: Ir. foss < *upo‑st- § 96 ii (2). The 15th cent. pedwor § 34 iv (so Salesbury’s Dic. s. v.) has a new, perhaps local, o for a § 63 vii (4). We also find the interchange after ü (cons. or voc.), as breuan for *breuon § 76 iv (2); bū́an for *büon § 76 ix (2); (Anglesey dial. neuoẟ for neuaẟ). (2) After m- there is an older change of a to o, as in W. môr ‘sea’, Gaul. Aremorici, Ir. muir: Lat. mare; W. myned < *monet‑, Bret. monet < *mami̯et- § 100 iv;—W. morwyn < *marein- § 125 v (1). (3) e after u̯ becomes o/a in the following cases: Ar. *uper > Pr. Kelt. *u̯er > Gaul. ver‑, Bret. war ‘on’, W. ar, gwar‑, gwor‑, gor- § 36 iii;—W. Cadwallon < Brit. Catu-vellaunos;—W. gosper < Lat. vesper‑. Probably the above show the influence of Brit. u̯o‑; cf. Ir. for- < *u̯er- on the analogy of fo- < *u̯o‑. Generally u̯e remains, as in chwech ‘six’ < *su̯ek̑s. vi. (1) After i̯ post-tonic a became e; thus wyneb ‘face’ < *éni̯-equ̯‑, § 100 v, < *éni̯-aqu̯- < *éni̯-əqu̯‑, √ōqu̯ = Skr. ánīkam ‘face’ < *eni-əqu̯om. But when pre-tonic the a remained, as in wynab‑, in composition, from *eni̯aqu̯‑; gwyẟi̯ad < *u̯idi̯ətó § 180 iv (1). (2) Pre-tonic i̯o prob. became i̯a; thus we have aea < *‑ii̯a‑´, but no *aeo < *‑iio‑´, so that the latter perhaps became *‑ii̯a‑´ § 75 vi (2). So the rel. a <*i̯a < Ar. i̯os, § 162 vi (1). § 66. i. Pr. Kelt. i and u remained in Brit. Brit. i was open, and is transcribed ε by the Greeks, as in Πρετ(τ)ανικὴ (νῆσος) : W. (ynys) Prydain, but i by the Romans as in Britannia (Gk. ι was close, Lat. i open). Brit. i gave W. y, which is ɥ in the ult. and accented monosyllables, ỿ in non-ultimate syllables and proclitics. Brit. u remains, now written w, in the ultima and monosyllables, and becomes y (≡ ỿ) in all other syllables. See § 40 iii. Examples: W. drɥch ‘appearance’, edrỿchaf ‘I look’ < Pr. Kelt. *dr̥k‑, § 61 i;—W. cŵn ‘dogs’, cỿnos ‘little dogs’ < Pr. Kelt. *kun‑;—W. cỿbɥdd ‘miser’ < Lat. cupidus;—W. terfɥn ‘end’ < Lat. terminus. ɥ and ỿ may interchange with e, and ỿ with a, § 16 iv. u before a labial may develop irregularly, § 73 ii. ii. (1) ỿ in the penult, whether from i or u becomes w in Mn. W. before w in the ult., as in cwmwl ‘cloud’ for cymwl < *cumbul- < Lat. cumulus; swmbwl < *stimbul- < Lat. stimulus; cwmwd ‘comot’ < Ml. W. kymwt; dwthwn < dythwn < dydd hun § 164 iii. When a syllable is added, both w’s become ỿ, as cỿmỿlau ‘clouds’. |
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§ 67 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 89 (2) After w̯ the obscure ỿ became w; as (g)wrthẏeu Ỻ.A. 83 ‘miracles’ for gw̯ỿrthi̯eu. In the spoken lang. and frequently in mss. we have gwnnach for gw̯ỿnnach ‘whiter’, ’wllɥs for ew̯ỿllɥs ‘will’, etc. The ỿ was artificially restored in most of these forms in the lit. lang.—G.R. 31 states that the rising diphthong always becomes w in the penult, the falling diphthong never, citing as examples gw̯ynn, gwnnach; gwinw̯ydd, gwinwdden; celw̯ydd, celwddog, but cŵyn, cw͡ynaw; gŵydd, gw͡yddau, etc. J.D.R. writes wỿ in gwỿnnach, gwỿrddach 63, but (g)wrthieu [xvii]. iii. (1) Unaccented initial u̯i- before sonants became *u̯u- > *gw̯w- > *gw‑, § 36 i. Thus gŵr ‘man’ < *u̯ur-os < *u̯ir-ós;—gwrth- ‘contra‑’, wrth ‘against’ < *u̯urt- < *u̯irt- < *u̯ertó: Ir. frith < *u̯r̥t- § 211 iv (2);—gwnn ‘I know’ < *u̯indṓ, § 191 iii (1). The w thus produced is not mutated to ỿ in the penult, e.g. gẃrol ‘manly’, gẃraidd id., ẃrthyf ‘by me’; and gwnn seems to show that it was not liable to affection; in that case gw̯ŷr ‘men’ is analogical. (2) Before other consonants initial unaccented u̯i- or u̯e- became *oi- giving W. ü‑, as in Ml. W. ugeint ‘twenty’ < Kelt. *u̯ikn̥tí: Ir. fiche;—W. ucher ‘evening’ < (*u̯isqer- <) *u̯esper- § 96 iv (2). (3) Generally, however, initial u̯i- became gw̯y- regularly: as gw̯ŷs < *u̯id‑t- § 63 iv;—gw̯ynt < *u̯int- < *u̯ent- < *u̯ēnt‑: Lat. ventus;—gw̯yw ‘withered’, § 75 vii (3);—gw̯yrth ‘miracle’ < Lat. virtus. But gw̯ỿ- later became gw‑, ii (2) above. iv. Ar. i in the ultima, or ending the first element of a compound gave Gaul. and Brit. e. Thus Gaul. are‑, W. ar- < *are- < *ari- < *pₑri;—W. am < *m̥be < *m̥bhi: Lat. ambi‑, Gk. ἀμφί;—W. môr < *more, Gaul. more < *mori: Lat. mare. The reason that final unaccented short i does not affect a preceding vowel is probably that it had become e. v. Pretonic u became o, as in i̯ôn ‘lord’ < *i̯ud-nó‑s, i̯ôr ‘lord’ < *i̯ud-ró‑s: W. uẟ § 100 i (1); see § 104 iv (3); bôn m. ‘base, stem’ < *bud-nó- § 104 iv (1); clod ‘praise, fame’ < k̑lutóm: Ir. cloth (gen. cluith) id. < k̑lutóm, Gk. κλυτόν, Skr. s̑rutám ‘what has been heard, tradition’, √k̑leu- ‘hear’. Affection of Short Vowels. § 67. A short vowel (but no long vowel) was liable to be affected by a sound in a succeeding syllable. Affection is of two kinds in Welsh : 1. ultimate, when it takes place in the syllable which is now the last, having been brought about by a sound in a lost termination; 2. non-ultimate, when it takes place in the present penult or antepenult, the affecting sound being generally preserved in the ultima. Ultimate affection is caused by a or i sounds ; non-ultimate by the latter only. |
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90 PHONOLOGY §§ 68, 69 § 68. Ultimate a-affection. ĭ and ŭ became respectively e and o in the ultima when the lost ending had a; thus gw̯edd ‘aspect’ < *u̯id-ā § 63 iv;—bod ‘be’ < Kelt. *bu-tā § 189 iv (6); ciwed ‘rabble’ < Lat. cīvitās;—gramadeg < Lat. grammatica; colofn < Lat. columna. Hence adjectives having ɥ, (< ĭ) or w (< ŭ) in the ultima change these to e and o in the fem., the affection being due to the lost fern, ending ‑ā; thus Brit. *u̯indos, *u̯indā gave respectively gw̯ynn, gw̯enn ‘white’. The adj. *briktos had regularly fem. *briktā, which by the rule became *brektā; now *ikt > īth and *ekt > eith, later aith § 108 iv (1); hence brīth ‘speckled’, f. braith, which is thus seen to be quite regular. The affection is original only in adjectives of the ‑os/‑ā declension; but after the loss of the inflexional endings, it spread by analogy to other stems; e.g. crwnn ‘round’ < Brit. *krundis (: Ir. cruind) has f. cronn on the analogy of trwm < Brit. *trumbos (: Ir. tromm) f. trom; and gwyrẟ < Lat. vir’dis has f. gwerẟ on the analogy of ffyrf, fferf < Lat. firmus, firma. Doubtless deilien wyrdd in M.Ỻ. i. 155 represents a local survival of the old fem., as in tonn wyrt (‑t ≡ ‑ẟ) w. 9a ‘green wave’. § 69. Ultimate i-affection. i. This was caused by i̯, ī (from ī, ē, ō or ū), or by accented ĕ́ or ĭ́. Kelt. post-tonic es before a vowel became i̯ and caused this affection § 75 vii (1), so e(p) see ib.; also Lat. i, and sometimes e, before a vowel. ii. (1) a becomes Ml. W. ei, Mn. W. ai: eil, ail ‘second’ < *ali̯ós: Lat. alius;—yspeit, ysbaid ‘space’ < Lat. spatium;—rhaib ‘spoil’ < Lat. rapio;—beirdd ‘bards’ < *bardī; meib ‘sons’ < Brit. *mapī;—ugeint, ugain ‘twenty’ < *u̯ikantí < Ar. u̯ī̆k̑m̥tí;—lleidr ‘thief’ < Lat. latrō;—deigr ‘tear’ < *dakrū § 120 iii (1). (2) ak or ag before a consonant, which becomes ae in Ml. and Mn. W. § 104 ii (1), iii (1), § 108 iv (1), is affected to ek or eg which gives Ml. W. ei, Mn. W. ai, see ib. Thus Saxones > Saeson but Saxō > *Sex > Seis, Sais;—*kaktos ‘serf’ (< *qaptos) > caeth, but pl. *kaktī > ceith, caith ‘serfs’;—*dragnos > draen ‘thorn’ § 104 ii (1), pl. *dragnesa > *dragni̯a > drein, drain. (3) In disyllables before consonant groups containing r, and before ch, the affection of a appears as ɥ, which alternates with ei in Ml. and early Mn. W. Thus heyrn b.t. 29, r.m. 121, r.p. 1362, r.b.b. 47, pl. of haearn ‘iron’;—r͑eydɏr r.p. 1301 beside r͑yeidɏr r.p. 1222, pl. of rhaeadr ‘cataract’;—kedyrn w.m. 51 |
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§ 69 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 91 beside kedeirn do. 40, pl. of cadarn ‘mighty’;—so alarch pl. eleirch, elyrch § 117 i;—tywarchen pl. tyweirch, tywyrch § 126 i (2);—paladr, pl. peleidɏr w.m. 179, Mn. W. pelydr;—Mn. W. bustych, menych, § 117 i. Also in the proclitic geir > gyr ‘near’ § 214 ii. The ɥ is probably the result of thickening the i̯ before r + cons. and before χ in an unaccented syllable. (In accented syllables as beirẟ, the i is still pure, but it has become ɥ before χ § 17 iii.) Thus ei > ỿɥ > ɥ. From r + cons. it spread to cons. + r. Probably gwesgyr (single r) for gwasgar § 173 iv (1) is due to false analogy. (4) In polysyllables before a labial also, a is affected to ɥ; as in modryb < *mātr-aqu̯-ī § 122 iv (2); cyffelyb, ethryb also from *‑aqu̯- < *‑əqu̯- √ōqu̯- ‘face’, cf. § 143 iii (8); Caer-dȳ́f ‘Cardiff’: Taf.—‑am- becomes ‑eu or ‑yf, except in analogical formations; see § 76 vii (1). iii. (1) e becomes ɥ: engyl ‘angels’ < Lat. angelī;—cyllyll ‘knives’ < Lat. cultellī;—so, cestyll, gwëyll § 117 i;—erbyn ‘against’ < Kelt. *ari qu̯ennōi § 215 ii (4);—gwŷl ‘sees’ § 173 iv (1). There appears to be no certain example of e becoming ei; dyweit ‘says’ may be from *u̯at- § 194 i (1). (2) ek or eg before a consonant when affected became ik or ig which gives ī regularly; as nith ‘niece’ < *nektí‑s § 86 ii (1);—llith ‘lesson’ < Lat. lectio. iv. (1) o becomes ei (Mn. ai) or ɥ: yspeil, ysbail ‘spoil’ < Lat. spolium;—seil, sail ‘foundation’ < Vulg. Lat. solea for Lat. solum, cf. E. soil;—myfyr ‘thought’ < Lat. memoria;—ystyr ‘meaning’ < Lat. historia;—dŷn ‘man’ < *doni̯os: Ir. duine;—mɥ̂r ‘seas’ < *morī § 122 ii (4);—esgyb ‘bishops’ < Lat. episcopī;—Selyf < Salomō;—tair Ml. W. teir for *ty-eir ‘three’ fem. < *tisorés § 75 vi (3);—pair, Ml. peir ‘caldron’: Ir. coire § 89 iii. It is seen that ei occurs before l and r; but in disyllables we have ɥ before the latter. (2) ok or og before a consonant, which gives oe in W., becomes w͡y when affected; thus oen ‘lamb’ < *ognos, pl. ŵyn < *ognī; ŵyth ‘eight’ < *ok̑tō. v. u becomes ɥ: Merchyr § 16 iv (2) < Mercurius;—cŷn ‘chisel’ < Lat. cuneus;—asgwrn ‘bone’ pl. esgyrn;—ŷch ‘ox’ < |
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92 PHONOLOGY § 70 Ar. *uqsō, whence O.H.G. ohso, Skr. ukṣā (Av. uxš- implies ‑q‑); the pl. ỿchen (< Ar. *uqsénes, whence Skr. ukṣáṇaḥ, E. oxen) has ỿ from u unaffected, § 66 i. u does not become ei; deifr as pl. of dwfr is doubtful (m.a. i 556) except as a late and artificial form; see Silvan Evans s. v. vi. When any of the above changes takes place in the ultima, a in the penult becomes e; see kedyrn, elyrch, pelydr, Selyf, esgyrn above. o also became e, as gosod ‘to set’ gesyd ‘sets’, liable to become ỿ before st, as Ml. W. ebestyl, ebystyl < apostolī, sg. abostol < apostolus. In Ml. W. the affection extended, as in the last example, to the ante-penult. vii. The ei due to affection as above, also ei from ek or eg, had open e̦, and was thus distinct from original ei which had close ẹ. The former (e̦i) gives ei, ai; the latter (ẹi) gives w͡y § 75 iii (1). On later modifications of ɥ, ei, see §§ 77, 79. § 70. Non-ultimate affection. i. a and sometimes o in the syllable which is now the penult became e when the following syllable had ī or ĭ (now i or ɥ), except where the ĭ was itself affected to e, § 68. Thus cerydd ‘reprimand’ < *karíi̯o(s) beside caredd ‘fault’, Ir. caire, < *karíi̯ā;—Ml. W. gwedy ‘after’, O. W. guotig;—Ml. W. pebyll ‘tent’ < *papíli̯o < Lat. pāpilio;—Ebrill < Aprīlis;—cegin < coquīna; melin < molīna; etc. In Ml. W. the affection extends over two syllables, as ederyn ‘bird’, Mn. W. aderyn, pl. adar. o seems to undergo the change chiefly after a labial or before a guttural, where it might have become a if unaffected. The restoration of a in the antepenult in Mn. W. is due to the vowel in that syllable becoming obscure because unaccented, in which case it was natural to re-form etymologically. ii. (1) Before i̯ the same change took place, and a and o appeared as e in O. W.; but the e was further affected by the i̯, and became ei in Ml. and Mn. W.; thus Mariānus > O. W. Meriaun gen. iii. > Ml. W. Meirẏawn r.b.b. 81, Mn. W. Meiri̯on;—so O. W. Bricheniauc a.c. 895, Mn. W. Brycheini̯og;—O. W. mepion gen. xii, Mn. W. meibi̯on ‘sons’. See § 35 ii. In the dialect of Powys ceili̯og ‘cock’, ceini̯og ‘penny’ are pronounced cel̯iog, ceni̯og. This is perhaps a simplification of ei, § 78 v, rather than old e retained. |
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§ 71 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 93 (2) Original e also became ei before i̯; thus Eterniānus > Edeirnaun b.b. 74 Edeirnon w.m. 50, r.m. 35, Mn. W. Edeirni̯on (now wrongly spelt Edeyrnion);—so pencerdd ‘chief of song’ Ml. pl. penkeirẟẏeit r.p. 1230, Mn. W. penceirddi̯aid;—anrheg ‘gift’ pl. anr͑eigẏon r.p. 1221 (generally anr͑egẏon r.b.b. 394, r.m. 257, now anrhegi̯on); un-ben ‘mon-arch’, unbeẏnẏaeth, a.l. i. 34, 382, ‘sovereignty’ (now unbennaeth, new formation); gorwedd ‘to lie’, gorweiddi̯og ‘bed-ridden’; gweini̯aith § 32 for gweni̯aith ‘flattery’. (3) In later formations i̯ does not affect the vowel ; forms like personnẏeit, Albanẏeit etc. § 123 iv, and cari̯ad, meddi̯ant, etc., are extremely common in Ml. and Mn. W. Also forms like ari̯an ‘silver’ in which i̯ is not original, but comes from g. iii. The Ml. and Mn. diphthong ae, whether from ak- or ag- before a consonant, or from a-e, becomes ei before ī or i̯, as in Ml. W. keithiwet < Brit.-Lat. *kaktīu̯itās; saer ‘craftsman’ pl. seiri; gwaedd ‘cry’, gweiddi ‘to cry’; draen ‘thorn’, dreiniog ‘thorny’. Similarly og..ī or ug..ī > ei..i; as in gweini ‘to serve’ < *u̯o-gnīm‑, heini ‘active’ < *su-gnīm‑: gnīm- § 203 vii (4). Before ɥ it becomes eɥ, as in keyrydd pl. of kaer ‘fort’. But, except in a few cases such as the above, this affection is usually ignored in writing, especially in the Mn. period. iv. The affecting sound has disappeared in cenwch ‘ye sing’ for an earlier *cenɥw̯ch § 26 vi (5); in the Ml. forms Edeirnon etc. § 35 ii; and in such forms as ceidw̯ad for ceidw̯i̯ad, § 36 v. v. The affection of a and o by a lost stem-ending ‑ī‑, ‑i̯o‑, ‑ū‑, of the first element of a compound is similar to ultimate affection: a > ei in meitin b.a. 18 ‘morning’ (Mn. W. er’s meitin ‘some hours ago’) < *matū-tī́n- (treated as a compound) < Lat. mātūtī́num;—o > ỿ in sỿl-faen: sail, § 69 iv. In Ml. W. meinoeth b.t. 68, meinẏoeth do. 45 ‘midnight’ < mediā nocte, we seem to have early metathesis of i̯, thus meinẏoeth < *menẏoeth < *meda-ni̯okte. The forms meinyẟ b.t. 31, meinẟyẟ do. 55 ‘mid-day’ are formed on its analogy. The Long Vowels. § 71. i. (1) Pr. Kelt. ā (from Ar. ā and ō) remained in Brit. In Early W. it became an open ō like Eng. a in call, which we may write ɔ; in O. W. this became o in unaccented syllables, au |
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94 PHONOLOGY § 71 (≡ aw) in accented syllables. Latin ā also shared this development. The Early W. ɔ is attested in Bede’s Dinoot (≡ Dünɔt), Ml. W. Dunawt < Lat. Dōnātus. In all syllables except the ultima it became o, as broder ‘brothers’ < Pr. Kelt. *brāteres; in this position aw from ā occurs only in late formations like mawrion pl. of mawr ‘great’, and after w̯ § 148 i (6). But in the ultima and in monosyllables ɔ > O.W. au ≡ Ml. W. aw, as O. W. braut ox. ‘judgement’ < Pr. Kelt. *brāton, trintaut juv. sk. < Lat. trīnitātem; Ml. W. brawt, trindawt. In Mn. W. aw remains in monosyllables, as brawd, but in the now unaccented ultima it has become o, as in trindod. The following table summarizes the history of Brit. (and Lat.) ā:
(2) ā when unacc. was shortened and gives a § 74 i (1); this might happen in monosyllables as a ‘of’ § 209 vii (5), a ‘whether’ § 218 iii. When acc. in Brit. and unacc. later, it gives o, as in pob § 168 i (3), mor § 151 i, o ‘from, of’ § 209 vii (5), o, ‘if’ § 222 v (1). ii. (1) Ml. W. aw in the unaccented ultima (whether from ā as above, or from ou § 76 iii) survives in the spoken language in canllaw ‘hand-rail’, darllaw ‘to brew’, distaw ‘silent’, eirlaw ‘sleet’, ysgaw (also ysgo) ‘elder-tree’, llỿsfrawd ‘brother-in-law’; in compounds with numerals, as deunaw ‘18’, dwyawr ‘2 hours’, teirawr ‘3 hours’, etc. (except dẃylo for dẃylaw ‘hands’); and in compounds of mawr, as dĭ́rfawr ‘very great’, trỿstfawr ‘noisy’ (except in place-names, Trefor, Coetmor). In a few book-words which have gained currency it is not a genuine survival: as traethawd ‘treatise’, catrawd ‘regiment’, bydysawd ‘universe’, rhaglaw ‘deputy’; and the forms llïaws ‘multitude’, cyfiawn ‘just’, Ionawr ‘January’, ansawdd ‘quality’, are influenced by the written language, which, however, had also llios, cyfion, Ionor, ansodd Io.G. 187, formerly; see examples below. Chwefror has o always (generally sounded Chwefrol by dissimilation). The recent written language has been influenced by mechanical ideas of etymology in the substitution of aw for the regular o in ffỿddlon ‘faithful’, dwylo ‘hands’, union ‘straight’, cinio ‘dinner’, anodd ‘difficult’, cpv. anos (§ 48 iv, § 148 i (6)); all these appear with o in early Mn. poetry, and are pronounced with o in the spoken language. On the misspelling athraw for athro see § 76 v (5). |
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§ 71 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 95 Ni fyn cariad i wadu, Na’i ddangos i lios lu.—D.G. 69. ‘Love will not be disavowed, or manifested to many a host.’ Gwahawdd Saeson bob Ionor I’r Deau maent ar hyd môr.—L.G.C. 155. ‘They invite Saxons every January to the South across the sea.’ Anodd rhyngu bodd y byd.—T.A. a 14967/29. ‘It is difficult to please the world.’ (2) aw in the ultima began to be reduced to o in the Ml. period; thus we find Edeirnon w.m. 50, achos Ỻ.A. 4, Meirẏon r.b.b. 13. But the bards even in the Mn. period continued to write the aw for the purposes of rhyme. In recent times, owing to ignorance of the older language, they have sometimes written aw for original o, as “esgawb” for esgob ‘bishop’, “dyniawn” for dynion ‘men’. This is not due to a confusion of the sounds of o and aw (for the a in aw is a pure a, quite distinct from o), but to the blundering notion that as some o’s may be written aw, any o may. The Early Mn. poets generally use aw correctly, guided by a living literary tradition. The distinction is seen in Ml. W. yscol ‘school’, iscol b.b. 81 from Lat. sc(h)ola and yscawl w.m. 189 ‘ladder’ < Lat. scāla, both ysgol in Mn. W. (3) In a few cases aw comes from o: praw(f) beside profi < Lat. prob‑; mawl beside molaf ‘I praise’, Ir. molim; tymawr r.p. 1244 for the usual tymor < Lat. tempora. In each case the o comes before or after a labial. In Vulg. Lat. there was a tendency to lower a vowel before a labial so that prob- might become *prɔb- > prawf. But it is more likely that all these are due to false analogy. In awr ‘hour’, and nawn ‘noon’ we have aw < Lat. ō. These have been explained as late borrowings ; but historically this is improbable. Possibly the pronunciation of hōra varied in Lat., since Gk. ω (≡ ō̦) was popularly sounded ō̦ (γλῶσσα > Ital. chio̦sa); ō̦ would give ɔ > aw. For nawn see § 76 iii (4). iii. āg > O. W. oü, Ml. W. eu, Mn. W. eu, au; thus breuant ‘wind-pipe’, O. W. ‑brouannou < *brāgn̥t‑: Ir. brāge gl. cervix, O. Bret. brehant;—W. pau ‘country’, O. Bret. pou, Corn. pow < Lat. pāg-us;—so āk or āg before a consonant: W. gwaun, O. W. guoun l.l. 156, 196 ‘lowland’, Ir. fān < *u̯ākn- < *u̯o-ak‑n- § 104 iii (1);—W. ceulo ‘to congeal’ < *cāgl- < Lat. co-āg’l-o. But before t the ā is shortened § 74 iv. iv. ‑ān- often gives onn in the present penult: cronni: crawn § 202 v (2);—ffynhonnau ‘fountains’ < fontān‑;—Meirẏonnyẟ g.c. 122, r.b.b. 263, beside Meirẏonyẟ do. 303, 306, < Mariān‑. |
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96 PHONOLOGY §§ 72, 73 § 72. i. Pr. Kelt. ī (< Ar. ē, ēi̯, ī) remained in Brit., and Brit. and Lat. ī remain in W., § 59 iii, iv. Further examples: W. hīr ‘long’, Ir. sīr < Pr. Kelt. *sīros < *sē-ro‑s: Lat. sērus;—W. gwīn < Lat. vīnum. It is, of course, shortened in W. before two consonants; as gwĭ́n-llan ‘vineyard’. ii. Lat. ī is treated as ē or Kelt. ẹi in W. paradw͡ys < paradīsus < Gk. παράδεισος; and synnw͡yr < sentīre. In rustic Lat. ī was often sounded ē, but whether only in words with original ei is not clear, Lindsay, p. 29. In Lat. ign the i was often written long, or was written e; hence it probably differed little from Lat. ẹ̄, and so gives W. w͡y, as sŵyn ‘charm’ < signum. § 73. i. Pr. Kelt. ū, which remains in Ir., and apparently remained in Gaul., as shown by the spelling ου in the second element of Αὐγουστό-δουνον, advanced in Brit. towards ü, for it appears as ī in W., while Lat. ū borrowed into Brit. gives u in W.; thus Pr. Kelt. *dūnom > Ir. dūn, W. dīn ‘fort’, dinas ‘city’: O. E. tūn, E. town;—Pr. Kelt. *glūn- > Ir. glūn, W. glīn ‘knee’ § 63 vii (4);—Pr. Kelt. *kū > Ir. cū ‘dog’, W. cī, § 89 iii.—But Lat. pūrus gives pūr, mūtus gives mūd, etc. ii. Some irregularities occur in the development of Lat. ū and Brit. and Lat. ŭ before a labial: (1) Lat. ū in cūpa gives ī in W. cib, Bret. kib. This seems to be the only example in W., and may be due to fluctuation between ü and i before a labial; cf. conversely W. uffern ‘hell’, Bret. ifern < Vulg. Lat. īferna, Lat. inferna. (2) Brit. and Lat. ŭ before b followed by a vowel gave W. u; as du ‘black’ for *duv < *dub‑: Ir. dub ‘black’; W. cuẟygl for *cufygl < Lat. cŭbic’lum. But before n, r, l, ub gives wf regularly, as in dwfn, dwfr, § 90. (3) ŭ before m is regular, as shown by W. twf ‘growth’, tỿfu ‘to grow’ < *tum- § 201 i (8). But Lat. ŭ in numerus gives i in nifer. This may be due to a dial. pronunciation of Lat. u as ü; cf. Osc. Niumsieís ‘Numerii’, and the Oscanized Lat. Niumeriis ‘Numerius’. Lat. itself had ü before m in an unacc. syll., as maximus, maxumus ≡ maxümus. The sound ü would be identified with Brit. ü, and prob. lengthened, giving the same result. W. ufyll ‘humble’ < Lat. hŭmilis may perhaps be similarly explained, but with u for i as in uffern. (4) ŭ before p is regular, as seen in cybyẟ ‘miser’ < Lat. cŭpidus, syberw̯ ‘proud’ < Lat. superbus. In W. achub < Lat. occŭpo the u may be due to the lengthening of the ŭ when it came to be accented, as it did in Brit. § 65 ii (1). For Lat. ē see § 75 iii (1); for Lat. ō see § 76 ii (1). |
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§§ 74, 75 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 97 § 74. i. (1) In Brit. ā was
shortened when unaccented. Thus W. pechadur ‘sinner’ < *peccătṓr- < Lat. acc. peccātōr-em beside pechod ‘sin’
< peccā́tum;—W. meitin ‘morning’
< *meid-din < *matū-tī́n- <
Lat. mātūtī́num;—W. agw͡yẟawr for *afgw͡yẟawr < Lat. ābēcēdā́rium;—W. Madrun <
Lat. mātrṓna beside modryẟ ‘aunt’ <
Kelt. *mā́traqu̯ī;—W. ceiliagw͡ydd ‘gander’, Ml. W. keẏlẏacuyt a.l. i 280 < *kali̯ako-géidos beside ceiliog ‘cock’
< *kali̯ā́kos;—W. paratói ‘to
prepare’, § 201 iii (5), beside parod ‘ready’ < Lat. parā́tus,
etc., etc. Naw mwy i frag na cheiliagwydd, Naw gwell i synnwyr na gŵydd.—S.T., c 16/93. ‘Nine times more boastful than a gander, nine
times more sensible than a goose.’ (The recent spellings parotoi,
ceiliogwydd are false; the words are pronounced as spelt above.) For the apparent exception in Ionawr a
sufficient explanation is the secondary accent which was required to
distinguish Jầnuā́rius from Fèbruā́rius,
and which for emphasis might even become primary. (2) Words like swyddogol ‘official’
are formed in W., and mostly late, by adding ‑ol to ‑og,
and are not derived in full from Brit., for Brit. ‑āk-ā́l- would
give ‑ag-ol. The word lluosog is an old
formation, but it is not formed from the original of llïaws; the
latter has ā́ from ō, the
formation being *‑ōs-tāts, while the former has ŏs,
the formation being *‑os-tos, extended to *‑os-tākos, § 75 iii (3). ii. It is seen in the above examples that
other long vowels remained long when unaccented; and that ī and ū need
not have been accented to cause affection of a preceding vowel. iii. In Ir. the shortening of long vowels
is carried further and is independent of the Brit. shortening of ā.
The latter had not set in in Pr. Kelt, as is shown by the development
of āu, which when unaccented in Brit. gave au,
while Kelt. au gave ou § 76 v (5). iv. All long vowels were shortened before
groups of sonant + explosive, as in gwynt ‘wind’ < *u̯entos < *u̯ēntos; so Lat. ventus. W. dyall <
*dii̯ált- < *dii̯ā́lt- § 75 vi (4). Also before two explosives; *‑o-akt- *‑ākt- >
*‑akt- > ‑aeth § 203 i (4). The Diphthongs. § 75. i. (1) Ar. ai remained
in Kelt. It appears in Ir. as āi, āe, in Gaul. as ai or e.
Before a consonant it appears in O. W. as oi, and in Ml. and Mn.
W. as oe (oɥ) § 29. Thus W. coeg ‘empty’ (as a nut without a
kernel), coeg-ddall ‘purblind’, Ir. 1403 h |
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caech ‘one-eyed’: Lat. caecus ‘blind’, Goth, haihs ‘one-eyed’, Skr. kekara‑ḥ ‘squinting’ < Ar. *qaiq‑;—W. hoedl ‘lifetime, life’, Gaul. Setlo-ceni-(ae Deae): Lat. saeculum < *sai-tlo‑m § 111 vii (1); W. coed ‘wood, forest’, Gaul. Ceto-briga < *kaito‑: Goth. haiþi, O. H. G. heida, E. heath, Lat. bu-cētum (ē for ae owing to confusion with the suffix ‑ētum). (2) Before a vowel ai fell together with ii̯, see iv below. But as in the penult, followed by e (or i), gave a new ai which gives W. oe > o § 78 i (1); thus Brit. *karaset > *karoe, caro ‘may love’. Followed by ī́ it falls together with ii̯ and gives ‑ei, as *u̯órnasīm > arnei; when the ī was unacc. it gives ‑i as *u̯órnasīm > erni § 209 vii (1). But in the ante-penult a vowel before s drops § 113 i (2); hence *kara-se-re > kar-her ‘may be loved’. (3) Kelt. āi > W. w͡y, as in mwy ‘greater’ < *mā́-i̯ōs or *mā́ison: Ir. mao for *mau < *mā́i̯ōs. When unaccented it was shortened and so gives oe, as prob. in Ml. W. moe Ỻ.A. 142 ‘more’. A new āi was produced before a vowel in Brit. when ās was followed by ī or e; thus *karā́s-īt > *karāi̯īt > karwy § 183 ii (1). A new āi might be produced before a cons. by metath. of i̯ § 100 v; thus Lat. occā́sio > W. achos > but Brit. pl. *accā́si̯ones > *accā́i̯sones > Ml. W. achwysson. (4) W. oe > ae after w̯ or m, etc.; oe > w̯ae after g § 78 ii (2). ii. (1) Ar. oi remained in Pr. Kelt., and appears in Ir. as ōi, ōe. In W. it became u before a consonant. Thus Ar. *oinos ‘one’ > Gk. οἰνός, οἰνή ‘ace’, O. Lat. oinos, Lat. ūnus: Ir. oen, W. un ‘one’.—W. ud in anudon ‘perjury’, Ir. oeth ‘oath’: Goth. aiþ‑s ‘oath’.—W. grug ‘heather’ for *gw̯rug (Pemb. dial. gw̯rīg), Ir. froech < *u̯roiko‑s: Gk. ἐρείκη < *u̯ereikā. Before or after u̯ in Brit., oi became ai which gives W. oe (oy); as in gloyw ‘shiny, glossy’ < *ɡloi-u̯o‑s: Gk. γλοιός < γλοιϝος, § 92 i;—ky(h)oeẟ ‘public’ < *ky-w̯oeẟ < *ko-u̯oid‑: W. gŵyẟ ‘presence’ < *u̯eid‑, √u̯eid- ‘see’; here ‑w̯- dropped; where it remained, woe again gave wae § 78 ii (2); thus gwaethaf for *gwoethaf < *u̯aidisamos < *u̯oidisamos < *u̯o-ed-isamos < *upo-ped-isₑmo‑s § 148 i (5). (2) Before a back vowel oi gave W. w͡y; as *‑oi̯an > *‑wy‑n > ‑wn § 180 iii (1); cf. § 76 v (4). But before i or e the i̯ |
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§ 75 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 99 dropped § 100 vi, and o before the vowel developed like u before a vowel, that is, as ou̯; thus *dó esō > *dói̯ǖ > *dóī > *dóu̯ī > *deu § 76 v (1), whence deuaf § 193 x (5); and *do eset > *doi̯et > *doet > *dou̯et > daw, or without diphthongization *do-et > do, see ib.; so *moi estō > *mo estī > *mo ys > moes § 200 ii. Followed by ī after the accent it gives ‑i, as in ‑ẟi f. sing. ‘to her’ < *´‑doi̯ī < *´‑do-sī § 210 x (1). (3) Ar. ōi gave Kelt. āi and developed accordingly. iii. (1) Ar. ei remained in Pr. Kelt. In Gaul. it is written e or ει, as Devo-gnata, Δειουονα. In Ir. it appears as ē or īa. In W. before a consonant it became w͡y. Thus W. gŵyẟ ‘presence’ for *gw̯ŵyẟ < Ar. *u̯eid- § 63 iv;—mor-dw͡y ‘sea voyage’ < *mori-teig- § 103 ii (1), etc. In Brit. and Gaul. it was probably sounded as ẹi̯. Latin ē which was sounded ẹ̄, was identified with this sound in Brit., and shared its development in W., thus rēte > rhwyd, rēmus > rhwyf, plēbem > plwyf, cēra > cwyr, etc. Lat. oe which seems to have varied from ö to ẹ appears in W. as i, oe or w͡y, as ciniaw ‘dinner’, poen ‘pain’, cwyn ‘supper’. (2) Before a vowel ei fell together with ii̯, see below. (3) Ar. ēi before a vowel > Kelt. ī > W. i. Thus W. dī́od, Ml. diawt ‘drink’ < *dhēi-āti‑s, √dhēi- ‘suck’.—W. llī́aws ‘multitude’, Bret. liez < Brit. *līā́ssās < *līāstāts < *(p)līōs-tāts, a noun in *‑tāt- from the cpv. *plē-i̯ōs: Lat. insc. pleores, Gk. πλείων. Before Kelt. o it becomes u, as in llüosog, Ml. lluossauc < Brit. *līu̯ossā́ko‑s an extension *līu̯osso‑s < *(p)līos-to‑s an adj. formed from *plē-i̯ōs like Lat. honestus from honōs; see § 76 ix (2), § 74 i (2), § 169 iii (3). Before a consonant ēi > ē giving Kelt. ī, W. i. iv. ai and ei fell together with ii̯ before vowels. After the accent the i̯ became ẟ, in other positions it remained as i̯. Thus: (1) Accented íi̯ (or ái̯ or éi̯), which is generally in the penult, but may be ante-penultimate, gives W. ‑yẟ; thus W. rhyẟ ‘free’ < *príi̯os: Goth. freis, Eng. free;—trefyẟ ‘towns’ < *trebíi̯es;—trydyẟ ‘third’ m. < *tritíi̯os; with ‑a in the ult. it gives ‑eẟ, as trydeẟ ‘third’ f. < *tritíi̯ā. In the ante-penult ‑yẟ‑, as W. ysbyẟad ‘thorn’: Ir. scē, gen. pl. sciad. (2) Post-tonic ´‑ii̯ gave *ai̯i̯, which became oeẟ, § 62 i (2); |
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Y DUDALEN NESAF: 2647e
Sumbolau:
a A / æ Æ / e E / ɛ Ɛ / i
I / o O / u U / w W / y Y /
…..
…..
MACRON: ā Ā / ǣ Ǣ /
ē Ē / ɛ̄ Ɛ̄
/ ī Ī / ō Ō /
ū Ū / w̄ W̄ / ȳ Ȳ /
MACRON + ACEN DDYRCHAFEDIG: Ā̀ ā̀
, Ḗ ḗ, Ī́ ī́
, Ṓ ṓ , Ū́ ū́,
(w), Ȳ́ ȳ́
MACRON + ACEN
DDISGYNEDIG: Ǟ ǟ , Ḕ ḕ,
Ī̀ ī̀, Ṑ ṑ, Ū̀
ū̀, (w), Ȳ̀ ȳ̀
MACRON ISOD: A̱ a̱ , E̱ e̱ ,
I̱ i̱ , O̱ o̱, U̱ u̱, (w),
Y̱ y̱
BREF: ă Ă / ĕ Ĕ / ĭ Ĭ / ŏ Ŏ / ŭ
Ŭ / B5236: 
B5237: 
BREF GWRTHDRO ISOD: i̯, u̯
CROMFACHAU: ⟨ ⟩ deiamwnt
A’I PHEN I LAWR: ∀, ә, ɐ (u+0250) https:
//text-symbols.com/upside-down/
…..
…..
ˡ ɑ ɑˑ aˑ a: / æ æ: / e eˑe:
/ ɛ ɛ: / ɪ iˑ i:
/ ɔ oˑ o: / ʊ uˑ u:
/ ə / ʌ /
ẅ Ẅ / ẃ Ẃ / ẁ Ẁ / ŵ Ŵ /
ŷ Ŷ / ỳ Ỳ / ý Ý / ɥ
ˡ ð ɬ ŋ ʃ ʧ θ ʒ ʤ /
aɪ ɔɪ əɪ uɪ ɪʊ aʊ ɛʊ əʊ / £
ә ʌ ẃ ă ĕ ĭ ŏ ŭ ẅ
ẃ ẁ Ẁ ŵ ŷ ỳ Ỳ
…..
…..
Hwngarwmlawt: A̋ a̋
g
yn 
aith δ δ
…..
…..
ә ʌ ẃ ă ĕ ĭ ŏ ŭ ẅ
ẃ ẁ ŵ ŷ ỳ
Ә Ʌ Ẃ Ă
Ĕ Ĭ Ŏ Ŭ Ẅ Ẃ Ẁ Ẁ Ŵ Ŷ
Ỳ Ỳ
…..
….
Hwngarwmlawt: A̋ a̋
g
yn 
aith δ δ
…..
…..
ʌ ag acen ddyrchafedig / ʌ with acute accent: ʌ́
|
Shwa ag
acen ddyrchafedig Xwa amb
accent agut Schwa with
acute |
|
|
DejaVu
Serif |
…..
wikipedia,
scriptsource.[]org
https://[ ]en.wiktionary.org/wiki/ǣ
…..
Y TUDALEN HWN /THIS PAGE / AQUESTA PÀGINA:
http:// []www.
[]kimkat.org/amryw/1_gramadeg/gramadeg_2_1913_jmj_welsh_grammar_03_50-99_2646e.htm
____________________________________
Adolygiadau diweddaraf: Dÿdd
Mawrth 2005-11-20
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